'. 


THEODORE    ROOSEVELT 


A    DICTIONARY 


OP 


American  Politics 


COMPRISING    ACCOUNTS    OF 


Political  Parties,  Measures  and  Men, 


AND 


EXPLANATIONS  OF  THE  CONSTITUTION,  DIVISIONS  AND  PRACTICAL 

WORKINGS    OF    THE    GOVERNMENT,    TOGETHER    WITH 

POLITICAL  PHRASES,  FAMILIAR  NAMES  OF  PERSONS 

AND    PLACES,    NOTEWORTHY   SAYINGS, 

PARTY    PLATFORMS,  ETC.,  ETC. 


BY  EVERIT  BROWN, 

Member  of  the  New  York  Bar ;  Author  of  "  The  National  Standard  History 
of  the  United  States,"  etc.; 


ALBERT  3T.RAUSS; 


A.  L.    BURT   COMPANY,   PUBLISHERS, 

NEW  YORK. 


COPYRIGHT  1888,  BT  A.  I,.  BURT. 
COPYRIGHT  1892,  BY  A.  I,.  BURT. 


COPYRIGHT  1907 
BY  A.  I,.  BURT  COMPANY. 


PREFACE 


A  BRIEF  examination  of  this  volume  will  convey  a  clearer 
idea  of  its  contents  than  any  statement  could  do,  yet  a  few 
words  may  be  permitted  concerning  the  aim  of  the  authors. 

It  is  for  those  who  are  more  or  less  interested  in  the  poli- 
tics of  the  United  States,  but  who  have  neither  time  nor 
opportunity  for  seeking  information  in  various  and  out-of- 
the-way  places,  that  this  book  has  been  prepared.  The  main 
facts  in  the  political  history  of  the  federal  government 
from  its  foundation  to  the  present  moment  are  given  under 
appropriate  headings  and  in  alphabetical  order.  mhe  for- 
mation of  the  Constitution,  its  growth  and  interpretation, 
have  been  explained.  The  rise  and  fall  of  parties  have 
been  recounted.  Famous  measures,  national  movements 
and  foreign  relations  have  received  full  attention.  Espe- 
cial care  has  been  exercised  in  describing  the  practical 
workings  of  the  government  in  its  various  branches,  and 
numerous  lists  of  the  more  prominent  officials  are  fur- 
nished. There  will  also  be  found  accounts  of  the  origin 
and  meaning  of  political  slang  expressions,  familiar  names 
of  persons  and  localities,  famous  phrases,  and  the  like. 

Most  of  these  facts  are  scattered  in  volumes  not  gen- 
erally accessible;  many  of  them  that  circulate  chiefly  by 
word  of  mouth  are  hard  to  find  explained  in  print;  some 
are  of  such  recent  date  that  they  have  been  recorded  only 
in  the  daily  press.  To  find  these  items  gathered  together 

834825 


iv  PREFACE 

in  a  single  volume  of  moderate  compass  has  hitherto  been 
impossible. 

Liberal  use  has  been  made  of  every  source  of  information 
in  preparing  this  volume.  The  facts  have  been  stated  with 
as  great  accuracy  as  could  be  attained  by  unstinted  care  and 
in  the  briefest  manner  consistent  with  complete  informa- 
tion. The  authors  have  endeavored  to  write  without  bias 
or  partiality  in  any  direction. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  cross-references  have  been  freely 
used,  without  which  much  space  would  necessarily  have 
been  wanted,  and  the  suggestion  may  be  made  that  even 
in  the  absence  of  references  the  reader  should  turn  to  topics 
mentioned  in  the  text  for  the  full  view  of  a  subject. 

With  the  hope  that  this  book  may  help  to  fill  an  existing 
vacancy,  it  is  submitted  to  the  public. 


A  Dictionary  of  American  Politics 


Abolitionists.  The  first  society  for  the  abolition  of 
slavery  was  formed  in  Pennsylvania  in  1774;  New  York 
followed  in  1785,  Rhode  Island  in  1786,  Maryland  in  1789, 
and  Connecticut,  Virginia  and  New  Jersey  before  1792. 
Among  the  presidents  of  the  New  York  society  were  John 
Jay  and  Alexander  Hamilton.  These  societies  did  nothing 
except  to  petition  Congress,  and  were  seldom  heard  of 
after  1808.  Colonization  then  became  a  favorite  subject, 
until  in  1829  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emancipation,  a 
newspaper  advocating  "immediate"  abolition,  was  pub- 
lished in  Baltimore  by  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  of  Massa- 
chusetts. Fined  for  one  of  his  articles,  and  for  non-pay- 
ment of  the  fine  imprisoned,  he  soon  removed  to  Boston, 
where,  January  1,  1831,  he  began  the  publication  of  The 
Liberator.  He  opposed  colonization,  refused  to  recognize 
the  Constitution,  which  he  proclaimed  a  "covenant  with 
death  and  an  agreement  with  hell,"  and  declared  for  "no 
union  with  slave-holders."  Public  interest  was  aroused. 
In  1832  the  "New  England,"  and  in  1833  the  "American" 
anti-slavery  societies  were  formed  on  these  principles.  John 
Greenleaf  Whittier,  Wendell  Phillips,  Benjamin  Lundy 
and  others  agitated  the  subject  and  founded  branches  in  the 
States,  and  it  became  a  national  topic.  The  feeling  against 
the  abolitionists  ran  high  and  riots  were  frequent.  At  Al- 
ton, Illinois,  in  1837,  Elijah  P.  Lovejoy  (see  that  title),  an 
abolition  editor,  was  mobbed  and  killed,  and  in  1838,  Penn- 
sylvania Hall,  in  Philadelphia,  was  burned.  In  1838  many 
of  the  party  desiring  to  nominate  candidates  for  office,  a 
proceeding  to  which  the  "Garrisonians"  objected,  withdrew. 
The  seceders,  who  regarded  "the  Federal  Constitution  as 
essentially  anti-slavery,  and  swore  with  good  consciences  to 


2         A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

uphold  it,"  formed  the  "American  and  Foreign  Anti- 
Slavery  Society."  It  was  principally  of  these  that  the  Lib- 
erty party,  organized  in  1840,  was  formed.  In  1848,  the 
Liberty  party,  having  named  no  candidates,  the  abolition- 
ists voted  with  the  Free  Soil  party,  and  continued  with 
them  until  1856,  when  they  supported  the  Republicans. 
Until  the  war  was  fairly  under  way  the  "Garrisonians" 
were  in  favor  of  allowing  the  slave-holding  States  to  with- 
draw peaceably,  but  when  fighting  had  actually  begun,  they 
were  among  the  most  ardent  supporters  of  the  Union.  (See 
also  Brown,  John.) 

Adams  and  Clay  Republicans.  In  1825,  the  Federalist 
party  was  of  no  influence — the  Democratic-Republican  was 
the  only  real  party.  In  it  there  were  two  factions,  the  sup- 
porters of  President  John  Quincy  Adams  and  his  lieuten- 
ant, Henry  Clay,  known  as  above;  and  the  followers  of 
Andrew  Jackson,  known  as  Jackson  Republicans,  or  Jack- 
son Men  (which  see).  The  Adams  and  Clay  Republicans 
ultimately  became  Whigs.  (See  National  Republican 
Party.) 

Adams,  Charles  Francis,  was  horn  in  Boston,  August  18, 
1807.  He  spent  much  of  his  boyhood  abroad,  his  father, 
John  Quincy  Adams,  being  at  different  times  United  States 
Minister  to  Great  Britain  and  to  Russia,  He  was  grad- 
uated at  Harvard  and  adopted  the  profession  of  law.  He 
served  in  both  Houses  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  and 
was  candidate  for  Vice-President  with  Van  Buren.  He 
served  as  Representative  in  the  Thirty-sixth  Congress,  and 
was  re-elected  to  the  Thirty-seventh,  but  was  appointed 
Minister  to  Great  Britain  in  1861.  He  held  that  position 
during  the  Civil  War,  satisfactorily  conducting  the  many 
delicate  negotiations  that  arose,  notably  the  Trent  affair. 
He  died  November  21,  1886.  He  was  a  Republican. 

Adams,  John,  was  born  in  Braintree  (now  Quincy )}  Mas- 
sachusetts, October  19,  1735;  he  died  at  the  same  place, 
July  4, 1826.  Thomas  Jefferson  died  within  a  few  hours  of 
him.  He  was  graduated  at  Harvard  College,  and  was  soon 
afterward  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1770  he  was  elected  to 
the  Massachusetts  Legislature,  and  between  1774  and  1777 
he  served  in  the  Continental  Congress.  He  was  a  signer  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence.  In  1777  he  went  to 


JOHN  ADAMS. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS        3 

France  as  Minister  of  the  United  States ;  he  was  one  of  the 
commissioners  that  negotiated  the  treaty  that  closed  the 
Revolution.  In  1785  he  went  to  England  as  representa- 
tive of  our  country.  He  returned  to  America  in  1788,  and 
was  elected  Vice-President  under  Washington.  On  Wash- 
ington's retirement  in  1797,  he  was  elected  President  by  a 
majority  of  three  electoral  votes  over  Jefferson.  During  his 
administration  trouble  arose  with  France,  and  war  was  im- 
minent, several  naval  engagements  actually  taking  place. 
(See  X.  Y.  Z.  Mission.)  The  alien  and  sedition  laws  passed 
during  his  administration  tended  to  make  it  unpopular, 
while  his  policy  toward  France,  which  averted  the  war, 
alienated  a  portion  of  his  party,  and  the  end  of  his  admin- 
istration saw  his  party  thoroughly  divided  and  defeated  at 
the  polls.  He  was  the  first  and  only  Federalist  President. 
His  party  in  Congress  had,  just  before  the  expiration  of  his 
term,  created  a  number  of  new  judgeships  to  be  filled  with 
Federalists,  and  Adams,  after  signing  their  commissions 
until  late  at  night  of  the  last  day  of  his  term,  withdrew 
from  Washington  early  the  next  day  without  participating 
in  Jefferson's  inauguration.  (See  Midnight  Judges.) 

Adams,  John  Quincy,  was  born  in  Braintree  (now 
Quincy),  Massachusetts,  July  11,  1767,  and  died  in  Wash- 
ington, February  23,  1848.  He  was  the  eldest  son  of  John 
Adams  and  a  graduate  of  Harvard.  He  was  admitted  to  the 
bar  in  1791,  and  in  1794  he  became  Minister  at  The  Hague. 
In  1803  he  became  a  Federalist  Senator.  As  Senator  he 
supported  the  embargo,  for  which  course  the  State  Legis- 
lature censured  him.  He  at  once  resigned  and  joined  the 
Republican  (Democratic-Republican)  party,  and  by  his  new 
friends  he  was  sent  as  Minister,  first  to  Russia,  and  then  to 
Great  Britain.  He  became  Secretary  of  State  under  Mon- 
roe in  1817,  and  in  1825  was  elected  to  succeed  him.  His 
election  was  by  the  House  of  Representatives.  His  election, 
his  enemies  claimed,  was  the  result  of  a  corrupt  bargain 
with  Henry  Clay,  but  this  charge,  although  frequently  re- 
peated, has  always  been  denied,  and  it  has  never  been 
proved.  He  served  but  one  term.  During  his  administra- 
tion the  anti-Masonic  feeling  first  arose.  In  1831,  Adams 
was  elected  to  the  House  of  Representatives,  in  which  he 
served  until  his  death,  seventeen  years  later.  He  was 


4         A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

stricken  with  apoplexy  in  the  House,  and  died  two  days 
thereafter.  While  a  member  of  the  House  he  was  a  law 
unto  himself — no  party  claiming  his  allegiance — and  he 
was  the  principal  champion  of  free  speech  against  the  Gag 
Laws  (which  see). 

Adams,  Samuel.  A  delegate  to  the  first  Continental 
Congress ;  a  member  of  the  second  Continental  Congress ;  a 
signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence ;  a  member  of  the 
Massachusetts  ratifying  convention,  1788;  lieutenant  gov- 
ernor of  Massachusetts  1789-94;  governor  of  Massachusetts 
1794-97.  Born  at  Boston,  Mass.,  Sept.  27,  1722;  died  at 
Boston  Oct.  2,  1803. 

Administration,  The,  Should  be  Conducted  Behind 
Glass  Doors.  President  Cleveland  used  this  metaphor  to  ex- 
press his  views  as  to  the  publicity  that  should  surround  the 
acts  of  public  servants. 

Administrations  of  the  United  States.  For  the  officers 
of  the  different  administrations  see  under  the  heads  of  their 
respective  functions,  as  follows :  President;  Vice  Presi- 
dent; State,  Department  of;  Treasury  Department;  War 
Department;  Justice,  Department  of;  Post-Office  Depart- 
ment; Navyf  Department  of  the;  Interior,  Department  of 
the. 

Agriculture,  Commissioner  of.  The  Department  of  Ag- 
riculture was  established  by  Act  of  May  15,  1862.  Its  ob- 
ject is  to  disseminate  useful  information  about  agriculture 
to  the  classes  interested  therein  and  to  distribute  among 
them  seeds  of  rare  or  new  plants.  In  February,  1889,  this 
Bureau  was  made  a  Department,  and  the  Commissioner  of 
Agriculture,  a  Secretary  and  a  member  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
salary  is  the  same  as  that  of  other  Cabinet  officers. 

Alabama  was  separated  from  Mississippi  Territory  (see 
Territories)  in  1817,  and  made  into  Alabama  Territory 
with  the  capital  at  St.  Stephens.  It  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  on  December  14, 1819.  On  January  11, 1861,  an  ordi- 
nance of  secession  was  adopted  in  a  State  convention  and 
by  Act  of  June  25,  1868,  the  State  was  readmitted  to  the 
Union.  The  capital  is  Montgomery.  It  is  a  Democratic 
State.  The  name  is  of  Indian  derivation,  and  was  once 
supposed  to  mean  "Here  we  rest,"  though  it  is  now  said  to 
have  no  known  meaning. 


.  •     •. 


JOHN  OUINCY  ADAMS 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS         5 

Alabama  Claims.  During  the  Civil  War  several  Con- 
federate cruisers  were  built  in  England,  and  some  were 
equipped  in  the  ports  of  that  nation  and  her  colonies.  This 
was  all  in  violation  of  Great  Britain's  avowedly  neutral  po- 
sition, of  her  own  statutes  and  of  international  law,  and 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  our  minister  to  England,  Charles 
Francis  Adams,  repeatedly  protested  and  called  the  atten- 
tion of  the  English  government  to  what  was  being  done. 
Moreover,  while  neutrality  was  strictly  enforced  against 
United  States  vessels  in  British  ports,  even  to  the  extent 
of  prohibiting  their  taking  on  board  coal  which  had  been 
deposited  by  our  government,  Confederate  vessels  found  no 
difficulty,  through  the  connivance  of  officials,  in  coaling 
and  even  arming  in  such  ports.  Chief  among  the  cruisers 
which  were  built  or  equipped  in  England  were  the  Florida, 
the  Georgia,  the  Shenandoah  and  the  Alabama;  the  last 
named  because  of  her  especially  destructive  career  gave  her 
name  to  the  claims  which  arose  from  the  depredations  of  all 
such  vessels  on  the  commerce  of  the  United  States.  As  a 
result  of  Great  Britain's  action  in  these  matters  the  United 
States  claimed  damages  from  her  for  "direct  losses  in  the 
capture  and  destruction  of  a  large  number  of  vessels,  with 
their  cargoes,  and  in  the  heavy  national  expenditures  in  the 
pursuit  of  the  cruisers;  and  indirect  injury  in  the  transfer 
of  a  large  part  of  the  American  commercial  marine  to  the 
British  flag,  in  the  enhanced  payment  of  insurance,  in  the 
prolongation  of  the  war,  and  in  the  addition  of  a  large  sum 
to  the  cost  of  the  war  and  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion." 
The  dispute  between  the  two  governments  stood  unsettled 
till  after  the  war.  In  1866  the  United  States  offered  to 
submit  the  question  to  arbitration,  but  would  not  agree 
to  a  proposition  made  by  Great  Britain  to  limit  the  discus- 
sion to  the  damage  done  by  the  cruisers,  since  this  would  be 
an  abandonment  of  our  position  that  the  granting  of  the 
rights  of  belligerents  to  the  Confederate  States  (by  the 
Queen's  proclamation  of  May  13,  1861)  was  unjustified  by 
necessity,  morals,  treaties  or  international  law.  In  1871, 
however,  England  proposed  a  joint  commission  to  settle  va- 
rious disputes  which  existed  between  the  two  governments; 
the  United  States  consented  with  the  proviso  that  the  Ala- 
bama claims  should  be  considered  and  disposed  of  by  the 


6        A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

commission ;  England  agreed  and  the  result  was  the  Treaty 
of  Washington  (which  see).  By  this  treaty  the  Alabama 
claims  were  referred  to  arbitrators  who  afterward  met  at 
Geneva,  Switzerland,  and  on  September  14,  1872,  awarded 
to  the  United  States  $15,500,000  to  be  paid  by  Great  Brit- 
ain in  satisfaction  of  all  the  Alabama  claims.  This  was 
duly  paid  within  the  year.  The  United  States  Court  of 
Claims  has  jurisdiction  of  cases  brought  by  those  who  claim 
a  share  in  this  indemnity.  (See  Geneva  Award.) 

Alabama  Territory.    (See  Territories.) 

Alaska  was  purchased  from  Russia  in  1867  (see  Annexa- 
tions VI).  It  is  an  unorganized  territory  of  the  United 
States  and  remained  without  the  forms  of  civil  government 
till  1884,  when  the  Act  of  May  17th  provided  for  the  ap- 
pointment of  a  governor  and  other  officers,  and  also  a  dis- 
trict court.  Sitka  is  the  capital. 

Alamo.  Originally  built  as  a  church,  situated  at  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  it  was  converted  into  a  fort.  In  February 
of  1836  it  was  occupied  by  Colonel  W.  B.  Travis  with  150 
men  who  were  in  arms  against  the  government  of  Mexico. 
The  party  was  besieged  until  March  6,  when  the  place  was 
taken  by  assault,  and  all,  save  one  man  who  had  previously 
escaped,  were  massacred.  Among  the  slain  were  David 
Crockett  and  Colonel  Bowie.  (See  Thermopylae  of  Texas.) 

Albany  Regency,  A  name  applied  to  the  combination  of 
politicians  that  from  1820  to  1855  managed  the  Democratic 
party  in  the  State  of  New  York.  The  name  arose  from  the 
fact  that  most  of  them  lived  in  Albany,  N.  Y.  Prominent 
among  them  were  Martin  Van  Buren,  Wm.  L.  Marcy,  John 
A.  Dix  and  Silas  Wright.  Their  success  was  due  mainly  to 
their  thorough  organization. 

Alexander  the  Coppersmith.  A  nickname  applied  to 
Hamilton  by  those  that  were  dissatisfied  with  the  copper 
cents  coined  in  1793  at  his  suggestion  as  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury. 

Algerine  War.     (See  Barbary  Pirates.) 

Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.  During  the  troubles  of  this 
country  with  France  in  1798  there  was  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  the  community  in  sympathy  with  France,  and  at- 
tacks of  the  most  scurrilous  nature  were  continually  made 
against  the  President  and  Congress.  This  state  of  things 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS         7 

was  the  occasion  for  the  passage  of  the  above-named  bills. 
The  first  Alien  bill  lengthened  the  period  of  residence  for 
the  purpose  of  naturalization  to  fourteen  years.  All  aliens 
thereafter  to  come  into  the  country  were  to  be  registered, 
and  the  certificate  of  registration  was  to  be  the  only  proof 
of  residence.  Alien  enemies  could  never  become  citizens. 
A  third  bill  gave  the  President  power  in  case  of  war  with 
a  foreign  nation  or  danger  of  invasion  by  it,  to  seize  or  expel 
all  resident  alien  citizens  of  that  nation.  Another  bill, 
signed  by  the  President,  June  25th,  gave  him  power  to  send 
away  any  alien  whom  he  might  think  dangerous  to  the 
country ;  if  after  being  ordered  away  he  were  found  here  he 
might  be  imprisoned  for  three  years  and  could  never  be- 
come a  citizen ;  aliens  so  imprisoned  could  be  removed  from 
the  country  by  the  President's  order,  and  on  voluntarily  re- 
turning be  imprisoned  at  the  President's  discretion;  the 
act  provided  for  various  details  concerning  the  carrying  out 
of  its  intention,  and  gave  the  United  States  courts  cogni- 
zance of  cases  arising  thereunder.  The  action  of  the  law 
was  limited  to  two  years.  The  Sedition  bill  was  passed  in 
July  and  declared  any  one  that  in  any  way  hindered  any 
officer  of  the  United  States  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty,  or 
opposed  any  of  its  laws,  to  be  guilty  of  a  high  crime  and 
misdemeanor,  punishable  by  a  maximum  fine  of  five  thou- 
sand dollars  and  maximum  imprisonment  of  five  years; 
further,  writing,  printing  or  publishing  any  false,  scandal- 
ous and  malicious  writing  against  Congress  or  the  Presi- 
dent or  aiding  therein,  was  made  punishable  by  a  maximum 
fine  of  two  thousand  dollars  and  maximum  imprisonment  of 
two  years ;  but  the  truth  of  the  matter,  if  proved,  was  to  be 
a  good  defense.  This  act  was  to  expire  March,  1801.  The 
opposition  aroused  by  these  bills  was  enormous,  and  though 
the  prosecutions  under  them  were  very  few,  they  made 
Adams'  administration  and  the  Federal  party  very  unpop- 
ular. Hamilton  had  in  vain  tried  to  prevent  the  party  from 
committing  this  blunder. 

Allegiance.  Every  citizen  of  the  United  States  owes 
paramount  allegiance  to  the  national  government.  The 
opinion  that  he  owed  allegiance  to  his  State  first  and  to 
the  Union  only  secondly,  which  was  bound  up  in  the  doc- 
trine of  State  sovereignty,  may  be  considered  as  finally  neg- 


8        A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

atived  by  the  results  of  the  Civil  War.  As  to  foreign 
states,  no  one  can  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States  by 
naturalization  without  first  renouncing  all  allegiance  to  his 
former  government.  (See  Expatriation;  Naturalization.) 

All  Men  are  Created  Equal.  The  second  paragraph  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  begins :  "We  hold  these 
truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are  created  equal/' 
etc.  (see  Declaration  of  Independence).  This  phrase,  either 
as  given  above  or  slightly  different,  was  used  in  the  Decla- 
rations of  Right  contained  in  many  of  the  State  constitu- 
tions adopted  about  1776.  It  is  sometimes  quoted,  "All 
men  are  born  free  and  equal/'  That  form  was  used  in  the 
constitution  adopted  by  Massachusetts  in  1780. 

All  Quiet  Along  the"  Potomac.  This  phrase  became  pro- 
verbial during  the  fall  of  1861  and  the  beginning  of  1862. 
The  weather  at  that  time  seemed  favorable  to  a  campaign, 
and  McClelland  army  of  about  two  hundred  thousand  men 
was  in  excellent  condition,  and  yet  no  advance  was  under- 
taken. McClellan's  policy,  at  that  period,  is  sometimes  re- 
ferred to  as  a  policy  of  "masterly  inactivity." 

All  We  Ask  is  to  Be  Let  Alone.  This  phrase  occurred  in 
the  message  of  Jefferson  Davis  to  the  Confederate  Congress 
in  March,  1861.  He  referred  to  Northern  preparations  to 
oppose  secession. 

Amendment-Mongers.  A  name  applied  to  the  Anti-Fed- 
eralists. 

Amendments  to  the  Constitution.  Article  5  of  the  Con- 
stitution prescribes  the  means  to  be  employed  in  amend- 
ing that  instrument.  By  the  same  article  the  Consti- 
tution was  made  unamendable  prior  to  1808  on  certain 
points,  as  follows:  So  as  to  prohibit  immigration  as  ex- 
isting in  1787,  or  so  as  to  permit  the  levying  of  capitation 
or  other  direct  taxes  by  Congress  except  in  proportion  to  the 
census.  The  only  point  remaining  to-day  which  is  inca- 
pable of  amendment  is  that  "no  State,  without  its  consent, 
shall  be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate."  In  the 
manner  prescribed  in  Article  5,  fifteen  amendments  in  all 
have  been  adopted  from  time  to  time.  The  first  Congress, 
on  September  25,  1789,  passed  twelve  amendments,  two  of 
which  were  not  ratified.  The  remaining  ten,  having  been 
ratified  by  all  the  States  except  Massachusetts,  Connecticut 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS         9 

and  Georgia,  were  proclaimed  in  force  December  15,  1791. 
The  first  six  of  these  comprise  what  is  sometimes  known  as 
our  Bill  of  Eights.    The  eleventh  amendment  was  passed  by 
Congress  March  5,  1794,  was  duly  ratified,  and  was  pro- 
claimed in  force  January  8,  1798.     It  provided  that  the 
federal  courts  should  not  entertain  suits  brought  against  a 
State  by  individuals.     The  presidential  election  of  1899 
which  was  thrown  into  the  House  (see  Disputed  Presiden- 
tial and  Vice-Presidential  Elections),  disclosed  some  defects 
in  the  electoral  system  as  established  by  Article  2,  section 
1,  clause  3   of  the   Constitution.     To  remedy  these  de- 
fects the  twelfth  amendment  Avas  passed  by  Congress  De- 
cember 12,  1803,  and  declared  in  force  September  25,  1804. 
It  had  failed  to  pass  in  one  Congress  and  was  only  carried 
finally  in  the  House  by  the  Speaker's  vote.    The  vote  of  the 
States  also  was  only  just  sufficient,  thirteen  ratifying  and 
four — New   Hampshire,    Massachusetts,    Connecticut   and 
Delaware — rejecting  it.     For  sixty  years  the  Constitution 
remained  unaltered,  but  the  condition  of  things  brought 
about  by  the  Civil  War  rendered  three  more  amendments 
necessary.     The  thirteenth  amendment  was  proposed  for 
the  purpose  of  making  emancipation  universal  in  the  na- 
tion and  prohibiting  slavery  for  the  future.    It  passed  the 
Senate  in  April,  1864,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-eight  to  six,  but 
failed  to  pass  the  House.    The  House  reconsidered  its  vote 
at  the  next  session  and  passed  the  amendment  by  a  vote  of 
one  hundred  and  nineteen  to  fifty-six;  it  was  proposed  to 
the  legislatures  of  the  States  February  1,  1865.     It  was 
declared  in  force  December  18,  1865,  having  been  ratified 
by  twenty-seven  States  out  of  thirty-six;  it  was  subse- 
quently ratified  by  four  more.     Only  two  States,  Delaware 
and  Kentucky,  absolutely  rejected  it.    Texas  took  no  action 
in  regard  to  it  and  Alabama  and  Mississippi  ratified  it  con- 
ditionally.    The  fourteenth  amendment  was  intended  to 
aid  the  work  of  Reconstruction.     It  passed  Congress  in 
June,  1866,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-three  to  eleven  in  the  Sen- 
ate and  one  hundred  and  thirty-eight  to  thirty-six  in  the 
House.     It  was  ratified  by  thirty  out  of  the  thirty-seven 
States  and  was  proclaimed  in  force  July  28,  1868.    Three 
others  subsequently  ratified  it.     Delaware,  Maryland  and 
Kentucky  rejected  it  and  California  failed  to  act.    All  the 


10       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

once  Confederate  States,  except  Tennessee,  rejected  it,  but 
afterward  ratified  it  in  consequence  of  an  act  of  Congress 
providing  as  one  condition  of  their  readmission  as  States 
that  they  should  do  so.  New  Jersey  and  Ohio  rescinded 
their  first  ratifications,  but  Congress  declared  that  this  did 
not  affect  their  previous  action,  and  in  the  end  there  were 
enough  ratifications  without  these.  The  fifteenth  amend- 
ment was  designed  to  supplement  the  previous  one  in  rela- 
tion to  the  suffrage  of  negro  citizens  and  make  their  right  to 
vote  unquestionable.  It  passed  Congress  February  26, 
1869,  by  a  vote  of  thirty-nine  to  thirteen  in  the  Senate  and 
one  hundred  and  forty-four  to  forty-four  in  the  House.  It 
was  ratified  by  twenty-nine  of  the  thirty-seven  States  and 
proclaimed  in  force  March  30,  1870;  Georgia  at  first  re- 
jected, but  afterward  ratified  it.  New  Jersey,  Delaware, 
Maryland,  Kentucky,  California  and  Oregon  rejected  it  and 
Tennessee  took  no  action.  Ohio  which  at  first  had  rejected 
it,  afterward  ratified  it,  and  New  York  rescinded  her  rati- 
fication. Among  proposed  amendments  to  the  Constitu- 
tion which  have  never  been  adopted  may  be  mentioned  a 
few  of  the  most  important.  Jefferson  suggested  an  amend- 
ment to  assure  the  constitutionality  of  the  Louisiana  pur- 
chase, but  his  bargain  was  universally  accepted  as  valid* 
without  such  amendment.  The  same  President,  and  after 
him  Madison,  Monroe,  Jackson  and  Polk,  urged  an  amend- 
ment authorizing  Congress  to  vote  money  for  internal  im- 
provements, the  power  to  do  which,  not  being  mentioned  in 
the  Constitution,  they  considered  open  to  question.  This 
right,  however,  has  come  to  be  admitted  without  an  amend- 
ment. Just  previous  to  the  war  various  amendments  deal- 
ing with  the  question  of  slavery  were  proposed.  (See  Grit- 
tenden  Compromise.)  Amendments  have  also  been  urged, 
some  extending  the  right  of  suffrage  to  females  and  one  in- 
serting in  the  preamble  to  the  Constitution  the  following 
words:  "Acknowledging  Almighty  God  as  the  source  of 
all  authority  and  power  in  civil  government,  the  Lord  Jesus 
Christ  as  the  ruler  among  the  nations,  and  His  will,  re- 
vealed in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  as  of  supreme  authority,  in 
order  to  constitute  a  Christian  government."  For  the  text 
of  the  amendments  that  have  been  adopted  see  Constitution 
of  the  United  States. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       11 

America  for  Americans.  One  of  the  cries  of  the  Ameri- 
can party. 

American  Cato.  Samuel  Adams  was  so  called  from  sup- 
posed resemblance  of  his  character  to  that  of  the  Roman. 
Adams  was  born  in  Boston,  1722,  and  died  in  1802.  He  was 
a  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

American  Colonization  Society,  The.  A  society  organ- 
ized at  Washington,  D.  C.,  Jan.  1,  1817,  for  the  purpose  of 
colonizing  the  free  negroes  of  the  United  States.  In  1821 
it  founded  the  colony  of  Liberia,  which  became  an  inde- 
pendent republic  in  1847.  (See  also  Colonization.) 

American  Fabius.  A  name  applied  to  Washington  be- 
cause his  generalship  during  the  Revolution  resembled  that 
of  Fabius,  a  commander  of  ancient  Rome,  who,  having 
troops  inferior  to  the  enemy  in  discipline  and  equipment, 
pursued  a  policy  of  avoiding  pitched  battles,  of  wearying 
the  enemy  by  long  marches  and  of  harassing  him  at  every 
opportunity. 

American  Flag.     (See  Flag  of  the  United  States.) 

American  Knights.  An  organization  known  as  the 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle  had  existed  at  the  South  be- 
fore the  Civil  War.  It  was  composed  of  men  opposed  to 
the  North  and  anxious  for  separation.  About  1862  this 
organization  took  root  in  the  West,  its  principal  object  be- 
ing to  hinder  the  draft  of  soldiers.  It  was  variously  known 
as  Mutual  Protection  Society,  as  Circle  of  Honor,  as  the 
Circle,  and  as  Knights  of  the  Mighty  Host.  The  exposure 
of  some  of  its  signs  and  secrets  led  the  Confederate  General 
Sterling  Price  to  organize  in  Missouri  a  new  society  known 
as  the  Corps  de  Belgique,  in  honor  of  the  Belgian  consul  at 
St.  Louis,  Charles  L.  Hunt,  who  was  Price's  principal  as- 
sistant. This  organization  finally  became  part  of  the  Order 
of  American  Knights,  organized  by  C.  L.  Vallandingham, 
of  Ohio,  and  P.  C.  Wright,  of  New  York.  The  object  of 
this  society  was  to  resist  the  draft  and  to  encourage  deser- 
tion among  Union  soldiers,  to  aid  the  Confederates  by  giv- 
ing them  information  and  by  recruiting  for  their  ranks,  and 
to  establish  a  Northwestern  Confederacy.  Some  of  the  se- 
crets of  the  order  having  been  learned  by  the  Federal  au- 
thorities, it  was  reorganized  in  1864;  its  new  name  was  Or- 
der of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.  Its  organization  was  of  a  mil- 


12       A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

itary  nature;  in  1864  the  number  of  its  members  was  esti- 
mated at  from  350,000  to  800,000,  among  whom,  it  is 
said,  was  Jefferson  Davis;  among  its  Supreme  Command- 
ers were  Wright  and  Vallandingham.  H.  H.  Dodd,  one  of 
its  highest  officers,  was  arrested  for  conspiracy  against  the 
government,  but  he  ultimately  escaped  punishment.  Lo- 
cally the  order  was  known  by  different  names;  in  Illinois 
branches  were  known  as  Illini,  Peace  Organization,  Demo- 
cratic Invincible  Club;  in  Kentucky,  as  Star  Organization, 
Democratic  Reading-room;  in  Missouri,  as  American  Or- 
ganization ;  in  New  York,  as  McClellan  Minute  Men.  With 
the  war,  of  course,  its  reason  for  being  came  to  an  end. 
American  Organization.  (See  American  Knights.) 
American  Party.  I.  From  the  beginning  of  the  gov- 
ernment, movements  against  aliens  have  been  common.  In 
New  York  City,  a  center  of  foreign  population,  this  sub- 
ject had,  from  time  to  time,  been  agitated,  and  after  a 
period  of  success  in  1844,  it  had  again  sunk  out  of  view. 
About  1852,  when  the  Whig  party  was  breaking  asunder,  a 
secret,  oath-bound  organization,  said  to  have  been  called 
"The  Sons  of  '76,"  or  "The  Order  of  the  Star-Spangled 
Banner/'  was  formed.  Those  of  its  members  that  had  not 
been  admitted  to  the  higher  degrees  were  kept  in  ignorance 
of  the  aims  and  name  of  the  organization,  and  their  con- 
stant answer  of  "I  don't  know"  to  questions  regarding  the 
society  gave  them  the  title  of  "Know-Nothings."  All  meet- 
ings of  the  party  were  secret.  It  carefully  avoided  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery,  and  attempted  to  draw  the  voters  that  were 
tired  of  agitation  on  that  subject  by  confining  itself  to  vig- 
orous opposition  to  Catholics  and  aliens.  Its  principle 
was  "Americans  must  rule  America."  The  first  national 
convention  of  the  party  met  in  February,  1856.  The  day 
previous  a  secret  convention  of  the  order  had  adopted  six- 
teen resolutions  abolishing  much  of  the  secrecy,  demanding 
the  lengthening  of  the  residence  necessary  to  naturalization 
and  condemning  Pierce's  administration  for  "reopening 
sectional  agitation  by  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  compro- 
mise." The  refusal  to  consider  a  resolution  regarding  the 
restriction  of  slavery  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  about  fifty 
"Anti-Nebraska"  or  "North"  American  delegates.  Mil- 
lard  Fillmore,  of  New  York,  was  then  nominated  for  Presi- 


A  LICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       13 

dent  and  Andrew  Jackson  Donelson  for  Vice-President. 
These  nominations  were  endorsed  by  a  Whig  convention  in 
September.  Fillmore  carried  but  one  State,  Maryland, 
while  his  total  popular  vote  was  about  850,000.  In  I860 
Presidential  candidates  were  again  nominated,  but  under 
another  name.  (See  Constitutional  Union  Party.)  After 
Fillmore's  defeat,  the  party  in  1857  carried  the  State  elec- 
tions in  Rhode  Island  and  Maryland,  and  in  1859  it  was 
still  represented  by  a  few  members  in  Congress.  The  party 
never  had  foothold  in  the  West,  its  strength  lying  in  the 
Middle  and  Southern  States.  (See  Anti-Masonic  Parties.) 

II.  The  second  party  of  this  name  was  founded  on  op- 
position to  secret  societies,  unlike  the  first,  which  had  itself 
been  such  a  society.    The  name  was  adopted  by  the  members 
of  the  National  Christian  Association  when  that  body  be- 
gan in  politics.    Its  platform  demanded  prohibition  of  the 
sale  of  liquor,  recognition  of  the  Sabbath,  the  withdrawal 
of  the  charters  of  secret  societies  and  legislative  prohibition 
of  their  oaths,  arbitration  of  international  disputes,  the  in- 
troduction of  the  Bible  into  schools,  the  restriction  of  land 
monopolies,  resumption  of  specie  payments,  justice  to  the 
Indians  and  a  direct  popular  vote  for  President  and  Vice- 
President.     The  origin  of  the  party  is  as  follows :     The 
meeting  in  1872  in  Oberlin,  Ohio,  of  the  National  Chris- 
tian Association  was  adjourned  in  order  to  allow  a  political 
mass  meeting  in  sympathy  with  its  views  to  be  held.    This 
meeting  nominated  Charles  Francis  Adams  for  President. 
This  organization  for  political  purposes  was  completed  at  a 
convention  in  Syracuse,  New  York,  in  1874,  and  the  name 
American  party  was  adopted.    A  convention  at  Pittsburgh, 
June  9,  1875,  adopted  a  platform  of  the  principles  above 
set  forth  and  nominated  James  B.  Walker,  of  Illinois,  for 
President.    In  1880  nominations  were  again  made;  in  1884 
the  nominee,  S.  C.  Pomeroy,  withdrew  in  favor  of  St.  John, 
the  Prohibition  candidate,  on  his  assurance  that  he  "stood 
on  every  plank  of  the  American  platform."     The  party  is 
inclined  to  endorse  the  Prohibition  candidates  if  these  are 
satisfactory,  on  the  score  of  the  secret  society  plank. 

III.  This  party  was  organized  by  a  convention  held  in 
Philadelphia   September   16-17,   1887.     Its   platform  de- 
clares the  "present  system  of  immigration  and  naturaliza- 


1*       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  of  foreigners  .  .  .  detrimental  to  the  welfare  of 
the  United  States;"  it  demands  its  restriction  and  regula.- 
tion  so  as  to  ma.ke  fourteen  years'  residence  a  prerequisite  of 
naturalization,  and  excludes  from  the  benefits  of  citizen- 
ship all  anarchists,  socialists  and  other  dangerous  charac- 
ters; it  demands  free  schools;  condemns  alien  proprietor- 
ship in  the  soil  and  grants  of  land  to  corporations ;  demands 
the  establishment  of  a  navy  and  the  construction  of  forti- 
fications and  a  judicious  system  of  internal  improvements; 
it  reasserts  the  "American  principles  of  absolute  freedom 
of  religious  worship  and  belief/'  and  "the  permanent  sepa- 
ration of  Church  and  State,"  and  declares  in  favor  of  the 
enforcement  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  completion  of 
the  organization  of  the  party  is  going  forward  rapidly. 

American  System.  In  the  debates  which  resulted  in  the 
tariff  law  of  1824,  Henry  Clay  called  his  plan  of  protective 
duties  and  internal  improvements  the  "American  system." 
The  term  is  usually  restricted,  however,  to  denote  the  policy 
of  protection  to  home  industries  by  means  of  duties  on  im- 
ports. (See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.) 

American  Whigs.  In  England,  before  the  American 
Revolution  and  after  it,  too,  the  Whigs  were  the  party  that 
struggled  against  the  extension  of  the  royal  prerogative; 
the  Tories  upheld  it.  So  it  naturally  followed  that  Ameri- 
cans opposing  the  oppression  of  Great  Britain  likewise  took 
the  name  of  Whigs.  They  were  known  as  American  Whigs. 
The  name  was  first  used  in  New  York  in  1768.  The  name 
Tory  was  by  contrast  employed  to  designate  partisans  of 
Great  Britain.  After  the  revolution  there  was  thus  but 
one  party,  the  Whigs.  The  estates  of  some  of  the  Tories 
had  been  confiscated,  others  had  left  the  country  and  those 
that  remained  were  left  without  a  cause.  The  Whigs  soon 
broke  up  into  factions,  the  Strong-Government  Whigs  and 
the  Particularists,  and  these  respectively  gave  rise  to  the 
Federalists  and  Republicans. 

Americans  Must  Rule  America.  One  of  the  mottoes  of 
the  "Know-Nothings." 

Americans,  The,  Must  Light  the  Lamps  of  Industry 
and  Economy.  This  occurs  in  a  letter  of  Benjamin  Frank- 
lin to  Charles  Thomson,  Secretary  of  Congress  for  fifteen 
years.  It  was  written  by  him  in  1765  from  London  imme- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       15 

diately  after  the  passage  of  the  Stamp  Act.  He  was  at 
that  time  the  London  agent  of  Pennsylvania. 

Ames,  Oakes.  A  member  of  Congress  from  Massachu- 
setts 1863-73,  during  which  time  he  received  the  censure 
of  the  House  for  his  connection  with  the  Credit  Mobilier 
(which  see) ;  he  was  concerned  in  the  building  of  the  Union 
Pacific  Railroad.  Born  at  Easton,  Mass.,  Jan.  10,  1804; 
died  May  8,  1873. 

Amistad  Case,  The.  In  June,  1839,  the  schooner 
L'Amistad  sailed  from  Harana  for  Principe  with  a  number 
of  slaves  that  had  been  kidnapped  in  Africa.  The  slaves 
overpowered  the  whites,  and  killed  all  but  two.  These  white 
men  steered  the  vessel  northward  instead  of  to  Africa,  as  di- 
rected, and  soon  the  vessel  was  seized  and  taken  into  New 
London,  Conn.,  by  Lieutenant  Gedney,  of  the  United  States 
brig  Washington.  The  Spanish  Minister  requested  the  de- 
livery of  the  slaves  to  be  taken  to  Cuba  for  trial.  President 
Van  Buren  was  desirous  of  granting  this  request  as  a  mat- 
ter of  comity,  but  the  Anti-Slavery  Society  procured  coun- 
sel, and  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  decided 
that  even  by  the  Spanish  laws  the  slave  trade  was  illegal, 
and  the  negroes  were  free  men.  The  Circuit  Court  af- 
firmed this  decision,  and  so,  in  March,  1841,  did  the  Su- 
preme Court,  where  John  Quincy  Adams  devoted  himself  to 
the  cause  of  the  negroes  without  remuneration.  The  ne- 
groes were  sent  back  to  Africa  in  an  American  vessel. 

Amnesty,  Proclamation  of.  (See  Proclamation  of  Am- 
nesty.) 

Anarchy  Poles.    A  derisive  name  for  Liberty  Poles. 

Ancient  Mariner  of  the  Wabash.  A  name  applied  to 
Richard  W.  Thompson,  of  Indiana,  who  was  Secretary  of 
the  Navy  under  President  Hayes. 

Annapolis  Academy.  (See  United  States  Naval  Acad- 
emy.) 

Annapolis  Convention.  On  Sept.  11,  1786,  delegates 
from  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and 
Virginia,  to  the  number  of  twelve,  met  at  Annapolis  in 
convention  to  "promote  commercial  interests."  It  recom- 
mended the  calling  of  another  convention  (the  Constitu- 
tional Convention)  in  1787. 


16       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Annexations.  The  territory  of  the  United  States  at  the 
commencement  of  our  existence  as  a  nation  comprised  all 
our  present  territory  between  the  Atlantic  on  the  east,  the 
Mississippi  on  the  west,  British  America  on  the  north  and 
the  thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude  on  the  south,  with 
a  few  slight  differences  owing  to  subsequent  rearrangements 
of  boundary  lines.  There  have  since  been  six  different  ad- 
ditions made  to  our  territory,  which  have  brought  it  to  its 
present  extent. 

I.  LOUISIANA. — Before  the  year  1763  France  owned  what 
was  known  as  the  Province  of  Louisiana,  a  vast  region 
which  comprised,  east  of  the  Mississippi,  the  territory  south 
of  the  thirty-first  degree  of  north  latitude  and  as  far  east 
as  the  Perdido  River,  and,  west  of  the  Mississippi,  the 
whole  of  the  present  Louisiana,  Arkansas,  Missouri,  Iowa, 
Nebraska,,  Dakota,  Montana,  Idaho,  Oregon  and  Washing- 
ton, that  part  of  Minnesota  west  of  the  Mississippi,  Wyo- 
ming and  Colorado  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  and  north 
of  the  Arkansas  River,  and  all  but  a  small  southwestern  sec- 
tion of  Kansas  and  the  narrow  northwestern  strip  of  In- 
dian Territory.  By  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1763,  which 
closed  our  French  and  Indian  War,  the  French  territory 
east  of  the  Mississippi  passed  to  England,  and  that  west  of 
the  Mississippi  to  Spain.  By  the  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1 783, 
which  ended  the  Revolution,  England  gave  Florida  back  to 
Spain.  During  the  first  years  of  our  national  history, 
therefore,  Spain  owned  the  western  shore  of  the  Mississippi 
and  both  shores  at  its  mouth.  It  was  soon  seen  that  our 
citizens  who  were  settling  along  the  Mississippi  would  have 
their  commerce  threatened  and  hampered  by  Spain,  espe- 
cially as  that  country  at  first  refused  us  the  free  navigation 
of  the  river.  It  was  not  until  1795  that  a  treaty  was  nego- 
tiated by  Thomas  Pinckney,  whereby  Spain  granted  us  free 
navigation  of  the  river  and  the  right  to  use  New  Orleans, 
or  some  other  place  which  would  be  provided,  as  a  place  oi 
deposit  for  merchandise.  In  1800  a  secret  treaty  was  nego- 
tiated between  France  and  Spain  by  which  the  latter  "retro- 
ceded"  to  France  the  Province  of  Louisiana.  Napoleon, 
then  First  Consul  of  France,  threatened  to  send  an  arnrj 
and  fleet  to  New  Orleans.  It  was  feared  that  French 
ambition  in  Louisiana  and  Spanish  designs  in  Florida 


A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       17 

would  ultimately  prove  hurtful  to  us.  In  1802  the  right 
of  deposit  in  New  Orleans  was  taken  away,  and  no  other 
place  was  designated.  The  western  portion  of  the  United 
States  clamored  for  some  governmental  action.  Congress 
appropriated  $2,000,000  for  the  purchase  of  New  Orleans, 
and  President  Jefferson,  in  January,  1803,  sent  James 
Monroe  as  minister  extraordinary,  with  discretion ary  pow- 
ers, to  act  with  our  Minister  to  France,  Robert  R.  Livings- 
ton, in  the  purchase.  Napoleon  at  this  time  found  himself 
burdened  with  debt  and  threatened  with  an  English  war, 
and  proposed  to  sell  the  whole  Province  of  Louisiana.  A 
convention  to  that  effect  was  speedily  arranged  and  signed 
on  April  30,  1803,  by  Livingston  and  Monroe  for  the 
United  States,  and  Barbe-Marbois  for  France.  The  price 
agreed  upon  to  be  paid  was  $15,000,000,  of  which  $3,750,- 
000  were  claims  of  our  citizens  against  France,  which  the 
United  States  agreed  to  assume.  The  people  of  the  United 
States  as  a  whole  rejoiced,  though  the  Federalists  claimed 
that  the  measure  was  unwarranted  by  the  Constitution,  and 
even  Jefferson  thought  a  constitutional  amendment  would 
be  necessary.  The  purchase,  however,  was  finally  accepted 
without  an  amendment,  and  was  generally  acquiesced  in. 
An  early  session  of  Congress  was  called  for  October  17, 
1803.  Two  days  later  the  treaty  was  ratified  by  the  Senate, 
and  on  October  25th  the  House  passed  a  resolution  to  carry 
it  into  effect  by  a  vote  of  ninety  to  twenty-five,  the  Federal- 
ists voting  in  the  minority.  Napoleon  accepted  six  per  cent, 
bonds,  payable  in  fifteen  years,  for  this  territory,  which 
more  than  doubled  the  area  of  the  United  States.  Con- 
cerning this  purchase  Livingston  is  said  to  have  exclaimed : 
"We  have  lived  long,  but  this  is  the  noblest  work  of  our 
whole  lives."  And  Napoleon  is  said  to  have  remarked :  "I 
have  just  given  to  England  a  maritime  rival  that  will, 
sooner  or  later,  humble  her  pride."  Portions  of  the  boun- 
dary line  of  this  purchased  territory  were  in  dispute  for  a 
long  time,  but  so  far  as  Spain  was  concerned,  the  differ- 
ences of  opinion  were  settled  by  the  treaty  of  1819  (see  next 
section  of  this  article),  and  the  treaty  of  1846  with  Great 
Britain  settled  the  remainder.  (See  Northwest  Boundary.) 
The  region  acquired  by  this  purchase  was  divided  into  the 
Territory  of  Orleans  and  the  Territory  of  Louisiana. 


18       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

II.  FLORIDA. — When  Great  Britain  in  1763  acquired 
that  part  of  Louisiana  east  of  the  Mississippi  from  France, 
and  Florida  from  Spain  (see  preceding  section  of  this  ar- 
ticle), she  joined  her  portion  of  Louisiana  to  Florida  and 
divided  by  the  Apalachicola  River  West  from  East  Florida. 
Both  of  these  passed  to  Spain  in  1783.  Spain  claimed  that 
when,  in  1800,  she  "retroceded"  Louisiana  to  France,  she 
only  gave  back  what  she  had  obtained  from  that  country, 
and  that  West  Florida,  which  she  obtained  from  England, 
still  remained  hers.  The  United  States  maintained  that 
Spain  had  given  to  France  the  whole  original  extent  of 
Louisiana,  and  that  Florida  west  of  the  Perdids  was  a  part 
of  our  purchase  from  France  in  1803.  Our  government  did 
not  press  this  claim  till  1810,  but  then,  under  direction  of 
the  President,  Governor  Claiborne,  of  the  Territory  of  Or- 
leans, took  possession  of  all  West  Florida  except  Mobile, 
and  in  1813  General  Wilkinson  obtained  possession  of  Mo- 
bile also.  There  was  a  growing  desire  in  the  United  States 
to  seize  East  Florida.  Congress  as  early  as  1811  passed  se- 
cret acts  authorizing  the  President  to  take  " temporary  pos- 
session" of  it,  though  nothing  came  of  this.  In  1814  and 
1818  Jackson  made  raids  into  the  coveted  territory  (see  In- 
dian Wars),  which  seemed  to  show  to  Spain  the  danger  her 
territory  was  in.  She  did  not  think  it  worth  defending,  and 
on  February  22,  1819,  the  Spanish  Minister  at  Washington 
signed  a  treaty  by  which  Florida  was  ceded  to  the  United 
States.  Our  government  in  return  assumed  claims  of  its 
citizens  against  Spain  to  the  amount  of  $5,000,000,  and  ac- 
cepted the  Sahine  Eiver  as  the  eastern  boundary  of  Mex- 
ico. By  the  same  treaty  Spain  accepted  the  forty-second 
degree  of  north  latitude  as  the  northern  limit  to  her  claims 
of  territory  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains.  The  United 
States  Senate  at  once  ratified  this  treaty,  but  Spain  delayed 
till  early  in  1821,  and  in  July  of  that  year  possession  was 
surrendered. 

III.  TEXAS.— Previous  to  1819  the  United  States  had 
claimed  as  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  the  region  known 
as  Texas  as  far  as  the  Rio  Grande  River,  but  by  the  Spanish 
treaty  of  that  year  yielded  its  claim.  Soon  afterward  in- 
habitants of  the  United  States  began  to  remove  to  Texas, 
where  they  obtained  grants  of  land  and  settled.  It  thug 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       19 

grew  into  a  State  which  was  closely  allied  to  the  United 
States.  This  emigration  to  Texas  and  the  subsequent  an- 
nexation were  part  of  the  political  scheme  of  the  South  to 
maintain  its  power  in  Congress  by  the  addition  of  slave- 
territory,  to  offset  the  creation  of  free  States  in  the  North. 
In  1827  and  1829,  Clay  and  Calhoun,  as  Secretaries  of 
State,  tried  to  obtain  Texas  by  purchase,  offering 
$1,000,000  and  $5,000,000,  but  without  success.  In  March, 

1836,  Texas,  dissatisfied  with  the  government  of  Mexico, 
declared  its  independence.     A  short  war  followed.     The 
Mexicans  committed  massacres  at  Goliad  and  the  Alamo 
(see  Thermopylae  of  Texas),  but  on  April  10th,  at  the  San 
Jacinto,  Santa  Anna,  the  Mexican  President,  with  5,000 
men,  was  badly  defeated  by  700  men  under  General  Sam. 
Houston,  the  commander  of  the  Texan  forces.    Santa  Anna 
agreed  to  a  treaty  which  recognized  the  independence  of 
Texas.     This  was  not  ratified  by  Mexico,  but  in  March, 

1837,  the  United  States  recognized  the  independence  of  the 
Eepublic  of  Texas,  and  soon  England,  France  and  Belgium 
did  likewise.    In  1837  Texas  made  application  to  Congress 
for  annexation,  but  with  no  immediate  result.    The  presi- 
dential campaign  of  1844  turned  largely  on  this  question. 
The  Democratic  convention  nominated  Polk,  who  favored 
annexation,  instead  of  Van  Buren,  who  opposed  it.     Clay, 
the  Whig  candidate,  was  also  supposed  to  be  against  the 
project.     In  the  meantime,  Calho-un,  Secretary  of  State, 
had  negotiated  a  treaty  of  annexation  with  Texas  in  April, 
1844,  including  the  territory  between  the  Nueces  and  Rio 
Grande  Rivers,  disputes  as  to  which  finally  led  to  the  Mex- 
ican War  (which  see).    This  treaty  failed  of  ratification  at 
the  hands  of  the  Senate.     Polk  was  elected,  partly  by  rea- 
son of  the  votes  thrown  away  on  Birney    (see  Liberty 
Party),  but  his  election  was  taken  as  a  sign  of  popular  ap- 
proval of  annexation,  and  Congress  and  Tyler's  administra- 
tion now  became  attached  to  the  project.     Early  in  1845 
Congress  authorized  the  President  to  negotiate  a  treaty  of 
annexation.      Tyler   hastened    to   accomplish    the   object, 
though  without  a  treaty,  and  on  the  last  day  of  his  term 
sent  a  special  messenger  to  Texas.    This  emissary  on  June 
18th  secured  the  consent  of  the  Congress  of  Texas,  which 
was  ratified  by  a  popular  vote  on  July  4th.    A  resolution 


20       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

for  the  admission  of  Texas  as  a  State  was  passed  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  by  a  vote  of  one  hundred  and 
forty-one  to  fifty-six  on  December  16,  1845,  and  in  the 
Senate  by  a  vote  of  thirty-one  to  thirteen  on  December  22d, 
and  Texas  was  declared  a  State  of  the  Union  on  December 
29,  1845. 

IV.  NEW  MEXICO  AND  UPPER  CALIFORNIA. — The  name 
New  Mexico  was  originally  applied  to  the  territory  now 
known  as  Utah,  Nevada  and  large  portions  of  Arizona, 
Colorado  and  New  Mexico.     Upper  California  comprised 
what  is  now  the  State  of  California.    These  regions,  which 
belonged  to  Mexico,  were  conquered  during  the  Mexican 
War,  and  by  the  treaty  of  1848,  which  ended  that  contest, 
passed  to  the  United  States.     (See  Treaty  of  Guadalupe 
Hidalgo.)    Our  o-overnment  paid  to  Mexico  for  this  cession 
$15,000,000  and  assumed  debts  clue  from  Mexico  to  our 
citizens  amounting  to  $3,250,000.    A  portion  of  this  acqui- 
sition (that  part  of  New  Mexico  east  of  the  Rio  Grande) 
was  claimed  by  Texas,  and  one  of  the  provisions  of  Henry 
Clay's  Omnibus  Bill,  passed  in  1850,  provided  for  the  pay- 
ment of  $10,000,000  to  Texas  in  satisfaction  of  her  claim. 

V.  GADSDEN  PURCHASE. — Disputes  still  remained  with 
reference  to  those  portions  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico 
south  of  the  Gil  a  River,  and  Mexican  troops  were  sent 
thither.     Trouble  was  averted,  however,  by  the  Gadsden 
Treaty,  December  30,  1853,  so  called  because  it  was  nego- 
tiated by  our  Minister  to  Mexico,  General  James  Gadsden. 
By  this  treaty  the  United  States  obtained  the  disputed  ter- 
ritory, for  which  we  paid  $10,000,000. 

VI.  ALASKA.— By  a  treaty  of  March  30,  1867,  ratified 
by  the  Senate  June  20th  of  the  same  year,  Russia  ceded  to 
the  United  States  what  is  now  the  Territory  of  Alaska.  The 
price  paid  was  $7,200,000.    For  propositions  concerning  the 
annexation  of  Cuba  and  Santo  Domingo,  see  Cuba,  An- 
nexation of;  Santo  Domingo,  Annexation  of.     (See  also 
Territories.) 

Annual  Message  of  the  President  to  Congress.  (See 
President's  Message.) 

Another  County  Heard  From.  During  the  excitement 
incident  to  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1876  this  phrase 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  -POLITICS       21 

gained  currency.  The  returns  were  very  slowly  received 
from  some  of  the  doubtful  States,  especially  in  Florida, 
and  each  addition  to  the  uncompleted  vote  was  hailed  aa 
above. 

Anti-Federal  Junto.  When  it  was  proposed  in  the  Penn- 
sylvania Legislature  to  issue  a  call  for  a  convention  to  rat- 
ify the  United  States  Constitution,  nineteen  of  the  mem- 
bers withdrew,  leaving  the  House  without  a  quorum. 
Enough  of  these  were,  however,  dragged  to  the  House  to 
allow  business  to  be  transacted.  September,  1787,  sixteen 
of  these  same  members  signed  an  address  against  the  Con- 
stitution; this  address  contained  so  many  misstatements 
that  it  soon  became  an  object  of  ridicule.  To  the  signers 
and  their  followers  the  name  of  Anti-Federal  Junto  was 
given. 

Anti-Federalists.  Those  that  were  in  favor  of  the  adop- 
tion of  the  Constitution  when  that  instrument  was  before 
the  people  for  ratification  were  called  Federalists;  those 
opposed,  Anti-Federalists.  The  objections  of  these  latter 
may  be  stated  as  follows:  It  was  feared  that  contests  be- 
tween the  States  and  the  Federal  government  would  fol- 
low, with  the  result  either  that  the  Union  would  go  down 
or  that  the  central  government  would  usurp  the  sovereign 
powers  of  the  States;  further  objections  were  that  it  con- 
tained no  bill  of  rights,  no  safeguards  of  liberty,  but  was 
just  such  an  instrument  as  ambitious  men  would  desire  for 
the  purpose  of  furthering  their  plans.  The  party  was  com- 
posed principally  of  local  politicians  who  were  jealous  of 
enlarged  political  relations  and  of  farmers  who  were  fear- 
ful of  additional  taxes.  In  two  States  their  efforts  were  of 
no  avail — in  Rhode  Island  and  North  Carolina.  In  Penn- 
sylvania they  offered  considerable  opposition,  but  were  over- 
borne. (See  Anti-Federal  Junto.)  In  New  York  a  dead- 
lock between  them  and  the  Federalists  was  the  cause  of 
that  State's  failure  to  choose  electors  for  the  first  President. 
After  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  the  same  fears  that 
had  made  them  oppose  it  now  made  them  insist  on  strict 
construction  of  its  provisions.  In  Congress  they  opposed 
Hamilton's  financial  measures,  but  they  were  without  or- 
ganization, and  the  issue  that  had  called  them  into  life 
being  dead,  the  party  had  little  existence  except  in  name. 


22       A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

By  the  year  1793  it  had  become  a  part  of  the  Republican 
party. 

Anti-Ku-Klux  Act.     (See  Ku-Klux  Act.) 

Anti-Lecompton  Democrats.  A  name  applied  to  those 
Northern  Democrats,,  among  them  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  that 
opposed  the  admission  of  Kansas  under  the  Lecompton 
Constitution  (which  see). 

Anti-Masonic  Party.  In  1826  William  Morgan  of  Ba- 
tavia,  Genesee  County,  New  York,  who  had  declared  his 
intention  of  publishing  a  book  containing  the  secrets  of  the 
Society  of  the  Free  Masons,  was  arrested  for  debt.  On  his  re- 
lease he  was  at  once  hurried  to  a  close  carriage  and  taken  to 
Niagara;  he  was  never  again  heard  from.  Some  time  after- 
ward a  body,  asserted  by  some  to  be  his,  was  found  in  the 
river  below  the  falls.  The  affair  created  ernormous  excite- 
ment and  raised  insuperable  prejudices  against  all  Free  Ma- 
sons in  a  large  part  of  the  community;  the  prejudice  was 
carried  even  into  politics,  and  many  citizens  refused  to  vote 
for  Masons — men,  as  they  declared,  who  considered  the 
edicts  of  their  fraternity  as  above  the  laws  of  the  country. 
This  feeling  led  the  National  Republican  party  in  New 
York  to  name  a  State  ticket  containing  no  Masons;  but 
an  Anti-Mason  convention  was,  notwithstanding,  held,  and 
a  ticket  pledged  to  oppose  Free  Masonry  was  nominated. 
The  vote  polled  by  the  Anti-Masons  was  comparatively 
small,  but  the  party  increased  so  rapidly  that  by  1830  it 
was,  in  New  York,  the  great  opponent  of  the  Democrats, 
whose  head,  Andrew  Jackson,  was  a  Mason.  In  1831  the 
party  held  a  national  convention  and  nominated  William 
Wirt  of  Maryland  and  Amos  Ellmaker  of  Pennsylvania. 
This  ticket  received  the  electoral  vote  of  only  Vermont. 
The  party  was  swallowed  up  in  the  Whig  party,  of  which 
it  remained  a  powerful  faction.  It  maintained  a  separate 
existence  only  in  Pennsylvania,  where  in  1835  its  nominee 
for  governor  was  elected.  (See  American  Party  II.) 

Anti-Monopoly  Party,  The  Anti-Monopoly  Organiza- 
tion of  the  United  States  met  at  Chicago,  May  14,  1884, 
and  nominated  Benjamin  F.  Butler  of  Massachusetts  for 
the  Presidency.  It  adopted  a  platform  demanding  eco- 
nomical government,  and  the  enactment  and  enforcement 
of  equitable  laws,  including  an  Inter-State  Commerce  Law 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS      23 

(one  has  since  been  enacted),  establishing  Labor  Bureaus, 
providing  Industrial  Arbitration,  a  direct  vote  for  Sena- 
tors, a  graduated  income  tax,  payment  of  the  national  debt 
as  it  matures,  and  "fostering  care"  for  agriculture;  while 
it  denounced  the  tariff  and  the  grant  of  land  to  corpora- 
tions. Their  nominee  was  also  selected  by  the  Greenback 
Labor  party,  the  joint  ticket  being  known  as  the  People's 
party.  It  polled  130,000  votes. 

Anti-Nebraska  Men.  A  name  applied  to  the  Northern 
Whigs  that  opposed  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  in  1854. 
These  were  joined  by  Democrats  of  similar  views,  and  to- 
gether they  controlled  the  House  in  the  Thirty-fourth  Con- 
gress. The  Republican  party  sprang  from  them. 

Anti-Prohibitionists  are  those  who  oppose  the  adoption 
of  laws  prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquor  for  a  beverage. 

Anti-Renters,  The.  Portions  of  the  land  in  Albany, 
Rensselaer,  Columbia,  Greene.  Delaware,  Schoharie  and 
Otsego  counties  in  New  York  State  were  originally  part 
of  large  estate  belonging  to  the  old  Dutch  patroons,  as  they 
were  called.  The  tenants  held  the  farms  by  perpetual 
leases  on  rents  payable  in  produce.  These  estates  were 
owned  by  several  of  the  old  families  of  the  State — the  Liv- 
ingstons, the  Van  Rensselaers,  and  others.  The  tenants 
had  long  been  dissatisfied  with  this  arrangement,  and  the 
death,  in  1839,  of  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  brought  mat- 
ters to  a  head.  Stephen  Van  Rensselaer  had  allowed  the 
rents  to  fall  largely  in  arrears;  his  son  now  attempted  to 
collect  these  rents  and  was  met  by  organized  opposition. 
Men  disguised  as  Indians  terrorized  the  region.  Attempts 
of  the  sheriff  to  collect  the  rents  were  likewise  unsuccessful; 
the  militia  that  accompanied  him  was  largely  outnumbered 
and  the  attempt  failed.  This  was  known  as  the  "Helder- 
berg  War."  For  a  time  the  "Anti-Renters"  were  a  political 
factor  in  the  State,  holding  the  balance  of  power  and  using 
it  to  serve  their  own  ends.  In  1850  the  difficulty  was  com- 
promised, the  owners  of  the  manors  selling  the  land  to  the 
tenants. 

Anti-Slavery,     (See  Abolitionists.) 

Anti-War  Democrats.  The  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention met  August  29,  1864,  and,  among  other  resolutions 
censuring  the  war  acts  of  the  government,  a  resolution  was 


24       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

passed  declaring  it  to  be  "the  sense  of  the  American  people 
that  after  four  years  of  failure  to  restore  the  Union  by  the 
experiment  of  war  .  .  .  immediate  efforts  be  made  for 
a  cessation  of  hostilities,  with  a  view  to  an  ultimate  con- 
vention of  the  States  ...  to  the  end  that  ,  .  .  peace 
may  be  restored  on  the  basis  of  the  Federal  union  of  the 
States."  Such  Democrats  as  favored  these  views  were  known 
as  "Anti-War  Democrats."  The  same  term  was  applied  to 
those  members  of  the  early  Democratic  party  that  opposed 
the  war  of  1812.  They  sided  on  this  point  with  the  Fed- 
eralists against  the  majority  of  their  own  party.  Those 
who  opposed  the  war  and  wished  for  peace  at  any  price 
were  called  "submission  men." 

Appointments  to  Office.  (See  Term  and  Tenure  of 
Office.) 

Apportionment  is  the  allotment  to  any  portion  of  the 
people  of  the  right  of  selection  of  a  member  in  a  legislative 
body,  or  the  allotment  to  them  of  the  duty  of  providing  a 
certain  proportion  of  a  tax.  It  may  be  based  on  status, 
geographical  divisions,  or  on  numbers.  The  United  States 
Constitution,  Article  1,  section  3,  apportions  two  Senators 
to  every  State,  a  geographical  apportionment;  in  Article 
1,  section  2,  the  apportionment  of  representatives  is  based 
on  the  number  of  free  persons  (excluding  Indians),  plus 
three-fifths  of  all  slaves,  being  thus  dependent  partly  on 
number  and  partly  on  status.  The  Fourteenth  Amendment 
does  away  with  the  limitations  as  to  status  and  bases  the 
apportionment  on  numbers  merely,  excluding  Indians  and 
persons  without  cause  deprived  of  their  right  to  vote.  The 
Constitution  provisionally  apportioned  the  representatives 
according  to  the  best  information  obtainable,  assigning  to 
each  State  a  specified  number,  and  provided  for  subsequent 
periodical  enumerations,  establishing  -a  minimum  of  30,000 
persons  to  one  representative.  In  1792  an  apportionment 
based  on  the  census  of  1790  assigned  one  hundred  and  five 
members,  one  to  every  33,000  inhabitants,  all  fractions  be- 
ing disregarded,  and  in  1802  an  apportionment  on  the 
same  terms  was  made,  based  on  the  census  of  1800,  the  total 
of  members  being  one  hundred  and  forty-one.  The  census 
of  1810  caused  in  1811  one  hundred  and  eighty-one  mem- 
bers to  be  distributed  among  the  States,  one  member  being 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       25 

assigned  to  35,000  persons.  The  census  of  1820  increased 
the  number  of  members  to  two  hundred  and  twelve,  and 
the  number  of  persons  to  whom  one  representative  was  as- 
signed to  40,000.  The  census  of  1830  resulted  in  a  law 
giving  one  member  to  every  47,000  people,  a  total  of  two 
hundred  and  forty  members.  In  all  these  apportionments 
fractions  had  been  disregarded,  but  the  discussion  following 
the  census  of  1840  ended  in  the  adoption  of  the  principle 
of  representation  to  fractions  larger  than  one-half.  In  this 
debate  a  proposition  to  force  States  to  elect  by  districts  was 
voted  down.  By  the  act  of  1842  there  were  two  hundred 
and  twenty-three  members,  being  one  in  70,680  persons; 
six  members  being  assigned  to  States  having  fractions 
larger  than  one-half.  In  1850  S.  F.  Vinton.  of  Ohio, 
amended  the  bill  providing  for  the  taking  of  the  census  so 
as  to  leave  the  apportionment  on  the  following  basis  in  the 
hands  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior.  This  law  came  to 
be  known  as  the  Vinton  Bill.  As  subsequently  passed  it 
provided  for  two  hundred  and  thirty-three  members.  The 
total  population  of  the  country  was  to  be  divided  by  two 
hundred  and  thirty-three,  thus  obtaining  the  number  of 
constituents  of  each  member,  then  by  dividing  the  total 
population  of  each  State  by  the  basis  thus  obtained,  the 
number  of  representatives  assigned  to  each  State  for  full 
constituencies  would  be  obtained;  the  number  of  members 
remaining  was  then  to  be  apportioned  among  the  fractions 
until  exhausted.  One  member  was  subsequently  added  to 
California.  The  ratio  was  one  to  93,420.  The  principle 
of  the  Vinton  Bill  has  since  prevailed  in  all  of  the  appor- 
tionments. Based  on  the  census  of  1860,  two  hundred  and 
forty-one  members  were  apportioned,  being  one  to  every 
126,840  persons.  The  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
amendments  abolished  the  slaves  as  a  basis  for  representa- 
tion, but  the  provision  in  the  fourteenth  amendment  order- 
ing a  reduction  in  the  number  on  which  the  apportionment 
is  to  be  based,  in  cases  of  causeless  deprivation  of  persons 
of  the  right  to  vote,  has  been  deemed  impracticable  and  is 
now  disregarded.  In  1872,  four  members  were  assigned  to 
States  not  having  the  full  number  required  for  one  repre- 
sentative, two  hundred  and  seventy-nine  were  apportioned 
among  the  remaining  States  on  the  principle  of  the  Vinton 


26       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Bill,  and  nine  additional  were  subsequently  added  to  cer- 
tain States,  making  a  total  of  two  hundred  and  ninety- 
two,  or  one  in  131,425  persons.  The  next  apportionment 
took  effect  March  4,  1883.  By  it  throe  hundred  and  twenty- 
five  members  sat  in  Congress,  being  one  to  every  151,912 
persons.  The  apportionment  of  1903  was  three  hundred 
and  eighty-six;  one  representative  to  194,182  persons. 

Appropriations.  Article  1,  section  7,  clause  1,  of  the 
Constitution  provides  that  "All  bills  for  raising  revenue 
shall  originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives'" ;  a  similar 
privilege  has  been  claimed  by  the  House  in  the  case  of  ap- 
propriations of  public  money,  but  in  this  case  the  claim 
has  not  been  insisted  on.  Previous  to  1865  the  appropria- 
tion bills  were,  in  the  House,  considered  by  the  Committee 
of  Ways  and  Means,  but  in  that  year  the  Committee  on 
Appropriations  was  formed.  By  a  rule  of  the  House  and 
Senate,  appropriation  bills  must  include  only  items 
thorized  by  existing  laws,  and  they  cannot  contain  provis- 
ions changing  existing  laws.  But  this  rule  is  frequently 
disregarded.  These  bills  must  be  reported  to  the  Com- 
mittee of  the  Whole,  and  may  be  reported  at  any  time, 
taking  precedence  of  any  other  measures.  This  rule  puts 
vast  power  into  the  hands  of  the  chairman  of  the  commit- 
tee, and  of  late  years  this  power  has  been  used  to  choke 
discussion  on  the  subject  of  the  tariff,  by  withholding  the 
report  of  the  appropriation  bills  until  the  end  of  the  ses- 
sion and  then  introducing  them  at  a  time  when  the  most 
urgent  duties  of  Congress  having  been  performed,  that 
topic  is  most  likely  to  come  up  for  discussion.  In  the 
House  the  yeas  and  nays  on  the  passage  of  these  bills  must 
be  recorded.  But  bills  are  frequently  passed  under  a  sus- 
pension of  this  rule.  In  the  Senate  this  is  not  necessary. 
The  Appropriation  Committee  in  that  body  was  organized 
in  1867,  the  Finance  Committee  having  previously  had  that 
matter'  in  charge.  The  appropriation  bills  are  made  up 
from  estimates  furnished  by  the  heads  of  the  executive  de- 
partments; these  are  usually  much  reduced  in  the  House, 
and  these  estimates  are  again  usually  raised  by  the  Senate 
(which  body  has  less  political  capital  to  make  out  of  a 
claim  of  economy) ;  a  compromise  between  the  two  usually 
results  in  appropriations  considerably  lower  than  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       27 

amount  asked  for  by  the  department  officers.  This  neces- 
sitates the  passage,  at  the  beginning  of  every  session,  of  a 
bill  to  supply  the  deficiency  of  the  previous  appropriations ; 
this  bill  is  known  as  the  Deficiency  Bill. 

Besides  the  appropriations  there  are  "permanent  annual 
appropriations,"  or  money  expended  by  the  treasury  by 
virtue  of  laws  whose  operation  involves  the  expenditure 
without  a  specific  appropriation  renewed  each  year,  as  in- 
terest on  the  public  debt.  For  the  expenditures  of  the  gov- 
ernment, see  Expenditures  and  Receipts  of  the  United 
States. 

Arbitration,  International.  The  earliest  method  of  set- 
tling international  disputes  was  by  war.  This  method  has 
not  yet  entirely  ceased,  but  the  growth  of  the  industrial 
spirit  among  nations,  whereby  the  property  subject  to  de- 
struction in  war  has  been  vastly  augmented  and  peaceful 
habits  have  been  cultivated,  and  the  growth  of  a  spirit  of 
equity  in  dealing  with  other  nations  has  caused  the  settle- 
ment of  many  disputes  in  modern  times  by  arbitration  in- 
stead of  by  war.  The  contesting  nations  select  some  arbi- 
trator, or  arbitrators,  to  whom  the  disputed  point  is 
referred,  and  whose  decision  is  to  be  final,  or  subject  to  the 
approval  of  each,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  submission. 
The  submission  is  sometimes  the  result  of  a  treaty,  and 
sometimes  it  merely  grows  out  of  state  correspondence,  and 
is  intended  to  clear  the  atmosphere  in  international  dis- 
cussions by  the  aid  of  an  impartial  opinion.  The  situation 
of  the  United  States,  remote  from  most  foreign  nations, 
her  lack  of  a  large  navy  and  standing  army,  the  peaceful 
habits  of  her  people  and  the  conciliatory  policy  of  her  gov- 
ernment from  the  outset,  have  inclined  her  frequently  in 
the  history  of  her  foreign  relations  to  submit  disputes  to 
arbitration.  The  Treaty  of  Washington  (which  see)  was 
from  this  point  of  view  a  remarkable  one,  both  because  of 
the  importance  of  its  subjects  and  the  success  attending 
the  reference  of  them  to  arbitration,  and  its  example  has 
not  been  without  its  effect  in  increasing  respect  both  for 
the  United  States  and  the  method  of  arbitration  among 
other  nations. 

Arbor  Day.  The  first  suggestion  of  tree  planting  under 
the  direction  of  state  authority  was  made  by  B.  G.  Nor- 


28       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

throp,  then  Secretary  of  the  Connecticut  Board  of  Educa- 
tion, about  1865,  in  an  official  state  report.  In  1876  this 
same  gentleman  endeavored  to  stimulate  "centennial  tree 
planting"  by  the  offer  of  prizes  to  the  children  of  Connecti- 
cut. But  the  idea  of  setting  apart  a  day  for  the  work  had 
originated  with  ex-Governor  J.  Sterling  Morton,  of  Ne- 
braska, who,  about  1872,  induced  the  Governor  of  that 
state  to  issue  a  proclamation  appointing  a  day  for  the 
planting  of  trees  throughout  the  state.  A  day  or  two  later 
the  day  was  made  a  legal  holiday  by  enactment  of  the 
Legislature,  and  provision  was  made  for  awarding  pre- 
miums to  those  who  put  out  the  most  trees  in  it.  It  is  said 
that  nearly  700,000,000  Arbor  Day  trees  are  now  in  thriv- 
ing condition  on  the  prairie  tracts  of  the  state. 

The  example  of  Nebraska  was  soon  followed  by  Kansas, 
and  with  grand  results.  Arbor  Day  in  Minnesota,  first 
observed  in  1876,  resulted,  it  is  said,  in  planting  over  a 
million  and  a  half  of  trees.  In  Michigan  the  Arbor  Day 
la,w  was  passed  in  1881,  and  in  Ohio  in  1882.  Since  then 
Arbor  Day  has  been  observed  in  Colorado,  Wisconsin,  West 
Virginia,  Indiana,  Vermont,  New  Hampshire,  Massachu- 
setts, New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Florida,  Alabama,  Mis- 
souri, California,  Kentucky,  Maine  and  Georgia.  In  sev- 
eral other  states  its  observance  has  been  secured  by  the 
recommendation  of  the  Grange,  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Kepublic,  or  by  state  agricultural  societies.  While  at  the 
outset  economic  tree-planting  was  the  primary  aim,  the 
adornment  of  home  and  school  grounds  soon  followed.  On 
the  first  Ohio  Arbor  Day  the  children  of  Cincinnati  joined 
in  an  attractive  celebration,  in  the  form  of  planting  memo- 
rial trees  and  dedicating  them  to  authors,  statesmen,  and 
other  distinguished  citizens.  B.  G.  Northrop  says  concern- 
ing the  value  of  the  observance  of  Arbor  Day:  "While 
forests  should  not  be  planted  on  our  rich  arable  lands, 
there  are  in  New  England  and  all  the  Atlantic  states  large 
areas  of  barrens,  worthless  for  field  crops,  that  may  be 
profitably  devoted  to  wood-growing.  The  feasibility  of  re- 
claiming our  most  sterile  wastes  is  proved  by  many  facts 
both  at  home  and  abroad.  Our  Atlantic  sand  plains  were 
once  covered  with  forests  and  can  be  reforested.  Over 
10,000  acres  on  Cape  Cod,  which  thirty  years  ago  were 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       29 

barren,  sandy  plains,  are  now  covered  with  thriving  planted 
forests." 

Area  of  the  United  States.  The  area  of  the  various  ter- 
ritories which  have  been  acquired  by  the  United  States 
from  time  to  time  is  given  under  Annexations. 

Aristocrats.  A  name  applied  by  the  Republicans  to  a 
section  of  the  Federalists  in  1796.  Also  called  the  British 
Party. 

Arizona  is  a  Territory  of  the  United  States.  It  originally 
formed  parts  of  the  Mexican  cession  and  the  Gadsden  pur- 
chase. (See  Annexations  IV  and  V.)  It  was  separated 
from  New  Mexico  and  organized  by  Act  of  February  2, 
1863.  Phoenix  is  the  capital. 

Arkansas.  The  State  of  Arkansas  was  originally  a  por- 
tion of  the  Louisiana  purchase.  (See  Annexations  I.)  It 
was  separated  as  Arkansas  Territory  from  Missouri  in 
1819,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Union  on  June  15,  1836. 
On  May  6,  1861,  a  convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion, and  the  State  was  readmitted  to  the  Union  June  22, 
1868.  The  capital  is  Little  Eock.  In  1881  the  Legisla- 
ture declared  the  pronunciation  of  its  name  to  be  Ar-kan- 
saw.  The  name  is  of  Indian  origin  and  has  no  known 
meaning.  Arkansas  is  popularly  known  as  the  Bear  State, 
in  allusion  to  the  figures  on  the  coat-of-arrns  of  Missouri, 
of  which  it  was  once  a  part. 

Arm-in-Arm  Convention.  A  name  given  to  a  conven- 
tion of  Republicans  that  supported  President  Johnson's 
policy  of  reconstruction ;  it  met  in  Philadelphia  in  August, 
1866.  Its  name  arose  from  the  fact  that  the  members  from 
Massachusetts  and  from  South  Carolina  entered  the  con- 
vention together  at  the  head  of  the  delegates. 

Arnold,  Benedict.  An  American  Revolutionary  gen- 
eral and  a  traitor.  Born  at  Norwich,  Conn.,  January  14, 
1741;  died  at  London,  June  14,  1801. 

Aroostook  Disturbance.     (See  Northeast  Boundary.) 

Arthur,  Chester  A.  Was  born  at  Fairfield,  Franklin 
County,  Vermont,  October  5,  1830.  During  his  early  youth 
his  father  moved  to  New  York.  He  was  a  graduate  of 
Union  College.  He  taught  school  for  a  time,  and  from 
1860  to  1863  he  was  engineer-in-chief  on  Governor  Mor- 
gan's staff,  and  after  1862  inspector-general  as  well.  From 


30      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

1871  to  1878  he  was  Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York. 
In  1880  he  was  elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States 
under  Garfield,  and  on  the  death  of  the  latter,  in  Septem- 
ber, 1881,  he  became  President.  He  was  a  Eepublican. 
During  his  administration  the  famous  Star  Route  Trials 
took  place.  Although  mistrusted  by  a  portion  of  the  coun- 
try on  first  assuming  the  office,  he  disappointed  his  enemies 
by  acquitting  himself  creditably.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
Stalwart  faction  of  the  Republican  party  before  his  acces- 
sion to  the  Presidency.  He  died  in  New  York  City  on 
November  18,  1886. 

Articles  of  Confederation.  On  June  11,  1776,  the  Co- 
lonial Congress,  assembled  in  Philadelphia,  resolved  to 
appoint  a  committee,  consisting  of  one  member  from  each 
colony,  to  prepare  a  form  of  confederation  to  be  entered 
into  between  tlie  colonies.  The  committee  reported,  a  few 
changes  were  made  in  the  wording  of  the  document  that 
they  submitted,  and  on  November  15,  1777,  it  was  agreed 
to  by  Congress.  It  was  submitted  to  the  States  for  ratifica- 
tion, and  it  was  provided  that  it  should  be  conclusive  when 
signed  by  the  delegates  of  all  the  States,  as  these  should 
authorize  the  ratification.  On  the  9th  of  July,  1778,  it  was 
signed  on  behalf  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  plantations,  Connecticut, 
New  York,  Pennsylvania,  Virginia,  and  South  Carolina. 
It  was  signed  for  North  Carolina  on  July  21st,  for  Georgia 
on  July  24th,  and  for  New  Jersey  on  November  26th.  One 
delegate  of  Delaware  signed  on  February  12,  1779,  and 
the  other  two  on  May  5th.  On  March  1,  1781,  the  dele- 
gates of  Maryland  signed,  and  on  the  next  day,  March  2, 
1781,  Congress  assembled  under  its  new  powers.  By  this 
instrument,  known  as  the  "Articles  of  Confederation,"  the 
United  States  were  governed  before  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitution.  While  these  articles  gave  to  Congress  power 
to  perform  many  of  the  acts  of  a  sovereign  government, 
they  gave  it  no  power  to  enforce  its  own  commands,  and 
as  a  consequence  it  was  impossible,  in  spite  of  strenuous 
efforts,  to  raise  revenue.  The  debt,  principal  and  interest, 
fell  into  arrears,  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  remained 
unpaid,  and  Congress  could  not  even  induce  the  States  to 
give  it  power  to  retaliate  on  nations  bent  on  ruining  our 


CHESTER  A.  ARTHUR. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       31 

trade.  The  attendance  of  members  in  Congress  grew 
smaller  and  smaller,  and  it  required  an  especial  appeal  to 
have  the  quorum  necessary  for  the  ratification  of  the  treaty 
of  peace  with  Great  Britain.  July  14,  1788,  the  ratification 
by  nine  States  of  the  present  Constitution  (prepared  by 
the  Convention  of  1787)  was  announced  by  Congress.  After 
January,  1789,  the  attendance  of  a  few  members,  who  met 
and  adjourned  from  day  to  day,  gave  a  nominal  existence 
to  Congress,  and  on  March  2d,  two  days  before  the  time 
fixed  for  the  beginning  of  the  new  government,  even  this 
pretence  of  existence  was  dropped  and  the  old  Congress 
was  dead.  ( For  the  text  of  the  articles  see  Appendix. ) 

Ashburton  Treaty,  The,  was  drawn  up  by  Lord  Ashbur- 
ton,  Commissioner  from  Great  Britain,  and  Daniel  Web- 
ster, Secretary  of  State  under  Tyler.  It  was  signed  at 
Washington,  August  9,  184.2,  ratified  by  the  Senate  on  the 
20th  of  the  same  month,  and  proclaimed  by  the  President 
on  the  10th  of  the  following  November.  Besides  settling 
the  northeast  boundary  (which  see),  it  provided  that  the 
United  States  should  make  common  cause  with  Great  Brit- 
ain in  suppressing  the  slave  trade,  and  also  provided  for 
the  extradition  of  persons  charged  with  certain  crimes. 

Ask  Nothing  but  What  is  Right,  Submit  to  Nothing 
Wrong.  This  was  Andrew  Jackson's  conception  of  what 
our  foreign  policy  should  be,  as  embodied  in  instructions 
to  our  ministers  abroad. 

Assay  Offices  are  establishments  maintained  by  the  gov- 
ernment in  which  gold  and  silver  bullion  may  be  deposited 
by  citizens,  they  receiving  its  value,  less  charges  in  return. 
There  are  six,  namely,  at  New  York  City;  Helena,  Mon- 
tana; Charlotte,  North  Carolina;  St.  Louis,  Missouri; 
Deadwood,  South  Dakota,  and  Seattle,  Washington.  The 
New  York  Assay  Office  is  the  largest,  and  more  than  half 
the  gold  and  silver  refined  by  the  mint  service  is  handled 
there. 

Assembly.     (See  Legislature.) 

Assembly,  Right  of.  The  right  of  the  people  peacefully 
to  assemble  for  discussion  and  mutual  support  in  lawful  ac- 
tions is  implied  in  the  republican  form  of  government.  The 
first  amendment  to  the  Constitution  protects  the  right  of 
assembly  and  petition  for  a  redress  of  grievances,  so  far 


32       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

as  the  National  Government  is  concerned.  The  State  con- 
stitutions generally,  if  not  always,  protect  the  right,  so  far 
as  it  comes  within  their  scope.  But  the  right  of  the  people 
to  assemble  to  discuss  matters  of  a  public  or  private  nature 
is  to  be  distinguished  from  the  assembly  with  intent  to 
commit  violence  on  persons  or  property,  to  resist  the  execu- 
tion of  the  laws,  or  to  disturb  the  public  order,  or  for  the 
perpetration  of  acts  creating  public  terror  or  alarm.  Such 
unlawful  assemblies  are  not  protected  by  State  or  National 
constitutions. 

Assessments,  Political.     (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 

Associated  Youth  was  a  name  given  in  1798  to  associa^ 
tions  of  young  Federalists,  who  drew  up  addresses  in  favor 
of  the  Federalist  party  and  its  principles,  and  in  other 
ways  supported  and  aided  it.  They  were  largely  instru- 
mental in  spreading  the  custom  of  wearing  black  cockades. 

Asylum  of  the  Oppressed  of  Every  Nation.  -  This  phrase 
is  used  in  the  Democratic  National  Platform  of  1856,  re~ 
ferring  to  the  United  States. 

Athens  of  America,  or  Modern  Athens.  A  name  by 
which  Boston,  Massachusetts,  is  sometimes  known  in  recog- 
nition of  its  intellectual  character. 

Atherton  Gag  Laws.     (See  Gag  Laws.) 

Atherton  Resolutions.     (See  Gag  Laws.) 

Attainder  is  the  extinction  of  civil  rights  and  privileges 
in  an  individual,  and  the  forfeiture  of  his  property  to  the 
government.  In  England,  under  the  common  law,  it  fol- 
lowed as  a  matter  of  course  on  a  conviction  and  sentence  to 
death  for  treason,  and  to  some  extent  on  sentence  for  other 
crimes.  A  Bill  of  Attainder  is  a  legislative  conviction  of 
crime,  with  a  sentence  of  death.  The  accused  may  or  may 
not  be  given  a  triaL  Foreign  governments  have  employed 
this  method  of  disposing  of  political  offenders  without  giv- 
ing them  the  opportunity  of  a  regular  judicial  trial.  The 
crime  against  which  Bills  of  Attainder  are  usually  directed 
is  treason.  Attainder  following  on  sentence  of  death  for 
treason  formerly  worked  forfeiture  of  the  condemned  per- 
son's estate  to  the  government,  and  by  corruption  of  blood, 
as  it  is  called,  prevented  his  heirs  from  inheriting.  Legis- 
lative convictions  which  impose  punishments  less  than 
death  are  called  Bills  of  Pains  and  Penalties;  they  are 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       33 

included  in  the  meaning  of  the  words,  "Bill  of  Attainder," 
used  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States.  That  docu- 
ment prohibits  the  passage  of  Bills  of  Attainder  by  Con- 
gress or  any  State  (Article  1,  section  9,  clause  3),  and 
further  provides,  concerning  judicial  convictions  of  treason 
(Article  3,  section  9,  clause  2),  that  "no  attainder  of  trea- 
son shall  work  corruption  of  blood  or  forfeiture  except 
during  the  life  of  the  person  attainted."  The  Supreme 
Court  has  decided  unconstitutional,  as  coming  within  the 
prohibitions  of  the  Constitution,  an  act  of  Congress  aimed 
at  those  who  had  engaged  on  the  Confederate  side  in  the 
Civil  War,  requiring  all  persons  to  take  an  oath  negativing 
any  such  disloyal  action  before  they  should  be  allowed  to 
practice  in  the  United  States  Courts.  (See  Treason.) 

Attorney  General  of  the  United  States.  (See  Justice, De- 
partment of.) 

Austin,  Stephen  Fuller.  Founder  of  the  State  of 
Texas;  in  1821  he  established,  on  the  site  of  the 
present  city  of  Austin,  the  colony  contemplated  by  his 
father;  in  1835  he  was  a  commissioner  to  the  United  States 
to  secure  the  recognition  of  Texas  as  an  independent  State. 
Born  at  Austinville,  Va.,  November  3,  1793;  died  at  Co- 
lumbia, Texas,  December  25,  1836. 

Australian  Ballot  System.     (See  Ballot  Reform  Laws.) 

Babcock,  Orville  E.  Aide-de-camp  to  General  Grant  in 
the  Civil  War;  secretary  to  President  Grant;  indicted  in 
1876  by  the  grand  jury  of  St.  Louis  for  complicity  in  reve- 
nue frauds,  but  acquitted  by  a  deposition  from  President 
Grant.  Born  at  Franklin,  Vermont,  December  25,  1835; 
died  June  2,  1884. 

Bachelor  President.  James  Buchanan  was  the  only  un- 
married President  of  the  United  States,  and  was  conse<- 
quently  called  as  above.  President  Cleveland  was  at  the 
time  of  his  inauguration  unmarried,  but  he  married  during 
his  term  of  office,  June  2,  1886. 

Bacon,  Nathaniel.  Chosen  by  the  people  of  Virginia  in 
1676  to  lead  an  expedition  against  the  Indians,  but  refused 
a  commission  by  Governor  Berkeley;  proclaimed  a  rebel 
by  Governor  Berkeley;  tried  and  acquitted;  a  second  time 
proclaimed  a  rebel;  captured  and  destroyed  Jamestown. 


34       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

(See  Bacon's  Rebellion.)  Born  in  England,  1642;  died 
1676. 

Bacon's  Rebellion.  In  1676  Nathaniel  Bacon  headed 
the  colonists  of  Virginia  against  Governor  Berkeley,  having 
been  aroused  by  the  injustice  of  the  latter,  with  the  result 
that  the  condition  of  the  colonists  was  greatly  improved 
until  the  death  of  Bacon,  in  the  same  year,  after  which 
Berkeley  made  bloody  reprisals.  (See  Bacon  f  Nathaniel.) 

Bad  Lands,  The.  Certain  arid  lands  of  northwestern 
United  States.  The  name  was  first  applied  to  that  region 
of  the  Black  Hills  in  South  Dakota  along  the  White  River. 

Balance  of  Trade  of  a  country  is  the  difference  in  value 
between  its  exports  and  its  imports.  The  notion  long  pre- 
vailed that  an  excess  of  exports  over  imports  was  desirable, 
and  this  led  to  such  a  balance  being  termed  a  balance  in 
favor  of  the  country,  while  a  balance  of  imports  over  ex- 
ports was  considered  unfavorable,  or  against  it.  This  no- 
tion was  based  on  the  mistaken  idea  that  the  balance  of 
trade  must  be  settled  by  imports  or  exports  of  specie,  the 
importation  of  which  was  regarded  as  desirable.  This  view 
has,  however,  been  entirely  discarded  by  political  econo- 
mists. It  is  now  known  that  in  healtLy  and  profitable 
trade  imports  must  of  necessity  exceed  exports.  A  given 
quantity  of  merchandise  exported  from  a  country  must,  in 
order  to  yield  a  profit,  be  sold  in  a  foreign  market  at  a 
price  which  includes  cost,  insurance  and  freight  to  the  for- 
eign market  and  reasonable  profit  to  the  merchants ;  if  this 
increased  sum  be  invested  in  merchandise  to  be  returned 
to  the  original  country  its  value  there  must  of  necessity  be 
greater  than  that  of  the  exported  articles.  Not  that  trans- 
actions can  be  thus  traced  except  in  isolated  cases ;  we  may, 
indeed,  assume  a  case  ol  exports  exclusively  to  England 
and  of  imports  exclusively  from  France,  the  trade  between 
these  countries  equalizing  the  transaction;  for  bills  of  ex- 
change and  the  other  instruments  of  commerce  render  very 
simple  in  practice  even  the  cases  most  difficult  to  trace  in 
theory;  the  desire  for  gain  leads  every  article  to  find  the 
market  in  which  it  is  most  valuable ;  in  this  sense  gold  and 
silver  are  articles  of  commerce,  and  they  will  not  be  ex- 
ported unless  their  value  in  the  other  country  is  greater 
than  at  home. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       35 

Ballot  is  any  vote  taken  in  such  manner  as  to  keep  secret 
the  choice  of  each  individual  voting;  it  is  distinguished 
from  the  viva  voce  or  open  vote.  In  most  of  the  States 
vote  by  ballot  is  an  old  custom  in  popular  elections.  In 
many  States  it  was  made  obligatory  by  constitutions  adopt- 
ed in  1776.  In  New  York  it  came  into  partial  use  in  1778, 
and  after  1787  it  was  universally  adopted  there.  Many  of 
the  Southern  States  voted  openly,  but  in  all  States  except 
Kentucky  this  has  been  superceded  by  the  ballot;  but  even 
in  that  State  the  vote  for  members  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives must  be  by  ballot  in  accordance  with  Federal 
laws.  In  eleven  of  the  States  provisions  in  the  constitution 
prescribe  the  open  vote  for  all  proceedings  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. Where  there  is  no  such  provision  the  House  may  de- 
termine for  itself  its  method  of  voting. 

Ballot-Box  Stuffing  is  a  method  of  election  fraud  and 
consists  in  arranging  several  ballots  so  as  to  appear  as  but 
ene,  thus  enabling  an  individual  to  cast  several  votes. 

Ballot-Reform  Laws.  Between  the  years  1888-92  thirty- 
seven  of  the  States  of  the  Union  passed  ballot-reform  laws 
providing  for  greater  secrecy  in  voting.  The  Australian 
system  was  selected,  which  provides  for  stalls  or  booths  in 
which  the  voter  may,  secure  from  espionage,  prepare  his 
ballot. 

Baltimore,  Lord.    (See  Calvert,  George.) 

Bancroft,  George.  Collector  of  the  Port  of  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts, 1838-41;  Secretary  of  the  Navy  1845-46,  when  he 
established  the  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis;  Minister  to 
England  1846-49;  Minister  to  Berlin  1867-74.  Born  at 
Worcester,  Massachusetts,  October  3,  1800;  died  at  Wash- 
ington, District  Columbia,  January  17,  1891. 

Bank  Notes  are  obligations  issued  by  a  bank,  by  which  it 
binds  itself  to  pay  a  certain  specified  sum  to  the  bearer  on 
demand.  These  notes  will  be  taken  wherever  the  standing 
of  the  bank  is  known.  Our  national  bank  notes  are  taken 
everywhere  because  protected  by  government  bonds  depos- 
ited with  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States.  Long  experi- 
ence has  shown  banks  what  percentage  of  the  amount  of 
tank  notes  issued  must  be  kept  on  hand  in  actual  specie  to 
neet  all  demands  likely  to  be  made  on  that  score. 


36       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Bank  of  North  America  was  the  name  of  the  first  bank 
of  a  National  character  incorporated  in  this  country.  It 
had  a  charter  for  ten  years  from  1781  from  the  Confeder- 
ation, but  doubts  as  to  its  legality  led  the  bank  to  seek  and 
obtain  a  charter  from  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  1783. 
In  1785  this  latter  charter  was  revoked,  but  in  1787  it  was 
renewed.  It  was  located  at  Philadelphia, 

Bank  of  the  United  States.  There  have,  in  the  history 
of  this  country,  been  two  such  banks;  the  first  from  1791  to 
1811,  the  second  from  1816  to  1836.  The  incorporation  of 
the  first  of  these  was  a  part  of  Hamilton's  financial  scheme, 
and  it  aroused  great  opposition.  Jefferson,  Madison  and 
others  that  subsequently  formed  and  became  the  leaders  of 
the  Republican  party  were  foremost  in  the  opposition, 
which  was  based  on  the  lack  of  power  on  the  part  of  Con- 
gress to  charter  any  such  institution.  The  attitude  of  pub- 
lic men  on  this  measure  was  among  the  first  indications  of 
the  direction  in  which  party  lines  would  tend.  Jefferson 
and  the  future  Eepublicans  demanded  a  strict  construction 
of  the  Constitution,  and  denied  the  grant  of  any  such 
power  to  Congress  in  that  instrument.  Hamilton  maintain- 
ed that  the  right  to  charter  a  corporation  was  one  of  the 
inherent  privileges  of  a  sovereign  power,  that  the  Federal 
Government  was  a  sovereign  power,  and  need  not  therefore 
have  such  authority  specifically  granted,  and  that  the  step 
was  "within  the  sphere  of  the  specified  powers"  of  the  gov- 
ernment enumerated  by  the  Constitution.  The  bill  incor- 
portating  the  bank  became  law  in  1791.  The  bank  was  to 
continue  for  twenty  years,  its  capital  was  to  be  $10,000,000, 
of  which  $2,000,000  was  to  be  subscribed  by  the  govern- 
ment. In  return  the  government  was  to  receive  a  loan  of 
$2,000,000,  repayable  in  yearly  installments  of  $200,000. 
Congress  agreed  to  charter  no  other  bank  within  twenty 
years.  The  public  subscriptions  were  to  be  payable  one- 
quarter  in  coin  and  three-quarters  in  three  or  six  per  cent, 
national  debt  certificates.  The  bank  was  authorized  to 
establish  branches,  and  its  notes  were  to  be  received  in  pay- 
ments to  the  United  States.  Although  Jefferson  had  orig- 
inally opposed  the  bank  on  the  ground  of  the  unconstitu- 
tionally of  its  charter,  he  nevertheless  while  President 
recognized  its  constitutionality  by  signing  various  acts  af- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       37 

fecting  it,  and  in  the  courts  the  legitimacy  of  its  existence 
was  never  questioned.  Its  efforts  to  obtain  a  renewal  of  it« 
charter  from  the  United  States  at  the  expiration  of  its  ex- 
istence in  1811  were  unsuccessful,  as  were  the  efforts  to  pro- 
long its  life  by  a  Pennsylvania  State  charter,  and  so  it  went 
out  of  existence.  The  head  office  of  the  bank  was  at  Phila- 
delphia. The  government  stock  in  the  bank  was  sold  to 
English  bankers  in  1802  at  a  premium  of  fifty-seven  per 
cent.  The  bank  had  paid  dividends  averaging  over  eight 
per  cent,  per  annum;  while  in  liquidation  it  was  bought  out 
by  Stephen  Girard,  of  Philadelphia,  one  of  the  stockholders, 
and  continued  by  him  as  a  private  institution. 

In  1816  the  second  bank  of  the  United  States  was  incor- 
porated. Public  sentiment  had  been  inclined  in  favor  of 
such  a  renewal  by  the  financial  difficulties  attending  the  war 
of  1812,  but  although  the  subject  was  broached  as  early  as 
1814,  it  was  two  years  later  before  the  act  passed.  This 
time  it  was  the  Federalists  that  were  opposed  to  it,  and  by 
in  turn  supporting  and  opposing  each  of  two  rival  plans, 
they  had  compassed  the  defeat  of  both.  The  powers  of  the 
bank  were  much  the  same  as  those  of  the  first.  Its  capital 
stock  was  $35,000,000,  payable  one-fifth  in  cash  and  four- 
fifths  in  government  stock.  It  was  to  have  the  custody  of 
public  fun<Js,  and  five  of  the  twenty-five  directors  were  to 
be  appointed  by  the  government.  Mismanagement  brought 
the  bank  into  a  precarious  position,  and  the  new  bank  presi- 
dent was  obliged,  as  a  matter  of  necessity,  largely  to  curtail 
its  loans.  The  stringency  thus  created  awakened  consider- 
able feeling  against  the  bank.  The  first  intimation  of  any 
connection  of  the  bank  with  politics  was  the  demand  of  cer- 
tain of  President  Jackson's  political  friends  for  the  removal 
of  the  president  of  a  New  England  branch  who  was  politi- 
cally obnoxious  to  them.  The  president  of  the  bank,  Nich- 
olas Biddle,  refused,  denying  any  connection  of  his  institu- 
tion with  politics.  President  Jackson  was  opposed  to  the 
bank,  and  his  messages  to  Congress  in  1829,  1830  and  1831 
expressed  strong  dislike  of  the  institution.  In  1832  a  bill 
to  recharter  passed  both  Houses,  but  was  vetoed  by  the  Pres- 
ident and  failed  to  pass  over  the  veto.  The  elections  of  that 
year  produced  a  House,  the  majority  of  which,  supported 
the  President.  On  the  plea  that  the  bank  was  not  safe,  the 


38      A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMEEICAN  POLITICS 

President  now  removed  the  government  deposits  and  placed 
them  with  State  banks,  which  were  called  Banks  of  Deposit, 
and  nicknamed  "Pet  Banks."  In  this  he  was  supported  by 
the  House,  which  decided  against  a  renewal  of  the  charter 
and  ordered  an  investigation  of  the  bank.  Of  this  nothing 
came.  The  bank  was  chartered  by  the  State  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  was  thereafter  known  as  the  Nicholas  Biddle's 
United  States  Bank.  Only  one  more  attempt  to  establish 
such  a  bank  was  made.  This  was  in  1844,  while  Tyler  was 
President.  Two  bills  having  that  end  in  view  passed  Con- 
gress, but  they  were  both  vetoed. 

Bankruptcy  is  a  state  of  inability  to  pay  all  debts ;  it  is 
also  the  process  by  which  an  individual  may  secure  a  dis- 
charge of  his  indebtedness  by  surrendering  his  property  and 
complying  with  the  law.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  (Article  1,  section  8,  clause  4)  gives  Congress  power 
"to  establish  .  .  .  uniform  laws  on  the  subject  of 
bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States."  As  the  States 
also  have  the  right  to  pass  similar  laws  affecting  their  own 
citizens  whenever  there  is  no  national  law  on  the  subject  in 
force,  it  is  customary  to  distinguish  between  national  and 
State  laws  by  calling  the  former  the  bankrupt,  and  the  lat- 
ter insolvent  laws.  Three  times  only  in  the  history  of  the 
government  has  there  existed  a  bankrupt  law.  The  first 
was  passed  in  1800  and  was  repealed  in  1803 ;  the  second  be- 
jame  a  law  in  1841,  and  was  taken  from  the  statute  books 
in  1843 ;  the  third  had  the  longest  life;  it  became  law  March 
2,  1867,  and  was  repealed  on  June  7,  1878,  the  repeal  to 
take  effect  September  1st  of  that  year.  The  later  bank- 
ruptcy act  was  passed  July  1,  1898. 
Banks  of  Deposit.  (See  Deposit  Banks.) 
Barbary  Pirates.  The  countries  on  the  Mediterranean 
coast  of  Africa,  from  Egypt  to  the  Atlantic,  namely,  Moroc- 
'co,  Algeria,  Tunis  and  Tripoli  (which  are  known  collective- 
ly as  the  Barbary  Powers)  had  been  in  the  habit  of  preying 
on  the  commerce  of  nations  that  refused  to  pay  a  tribute  to 
them.  Shortly  after  the  Revolution  the  operations  of  these 
pirates  were  directed  against  our  commerce,  to  protect 
which  treaties  were  negotiated  with  the  Barbary  States,  in 
1786-7  with  Morocco,  in  1795  with  Algiers,  in  1796  with 
Tripoli,  and  in  1799  with  Tunis.  By  these  treaties  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS      39 

United  States  purchased  immunity  for  its  commerce  by 
gross  sums  or  yearly  tributes.  This  shameful  course  was 
made  necessary  by  our  lack  of  an  effective  navy,  which  was 
due  to  the  action  of  the  Eepublican  party  of  those  days. 
But  the  government  was  now  forced  to  organize  a  small 
navy,  which  was  found  useful  against  Tripoli.  That  coun- 
try, becoming  dissatisfied  with  the  tribute,  declared  war  in 
1801.  In  1803  some  half  a  dozen  American  vessels  were 
dispatched  to  the  Mediterranean.  In  October  the  frigate 
Philadelphia  ran  aground  in  the  harbor  of  Tripoli  and  was 
captured.  Decatur  in  the  following  February  sailed  into 
the  port  at  night,  boarded  the  Philadelphia  under  the  guns 
of  the  enemy,  killed  or  forced  overboard  every  one  of  her 
defenders,  set  fire  to  the  vessel,  and  escaped  without  losing 
a  man  and  with  only  four  wounded.  A  land  expedition 
conducted  by  General  Eaton,  American  Consul  at  Tunis, 
terminated  the  war  and  forced  Tripoli  to  make  peace  in 
June,  1805.  In  1812  Algiers  declared  war  against  the 
United  States.  As  soon  as  the  war  then  commencing  against 
England  had  been  brought  to  an  end,  our  government 
turned  its  attention  to  Algiers.  The  Algerian  war  was 
short  and  decisive.  In  the  spring  of  1815  Commodore  De- 
catur was  sent  with  nine  or  ten  vessels  to  chastise  the 
pirates.  In  June  he  captured  the  largest  of  their  frigates, 
and  soon  after  took  another  vessel.  He  then  dictated  a 
treaty  to  the  Bey  of  Algiers,  which  was  signed  June  30, 
1815,  relinquishing  all  claims  to  tribute  in  the  future. 
Tunis  and  Tripoli  were  next  forced  to  pay  an  indemnity 
for  permitting  British  men-of-war  to  seize  American  ves- 
sels in  their  harbors  during  the  war  of  1812.  Thenceforth 
there  was  no  more  tribute  paid  to  the  Barbary  States,  and 
their  depredations  on  American  commerce  ceased.  The 
troubles  with  these  countries  had  forced  the  formation  of 
a  navy  on  the  country,  despite  the  wishes  of  the  Republi- 
cans, and  thus  prepared  us  for  the  war  with  England. 
They  also  led  to  a  slight  increase  in  customs  duties  in  1804 
and  following  years  for  the  purpose  of  forming  the  Med- 
iterranean Fund,  as  it  was  called,  to  protect  American  com- 
merce. 

Bar'l.     A  slangy  abbreviation  for  the  word  barrel,  used 
in  politics  to  denote  that  which  the  "barrel"  is  supposed  to 


40      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

contain,  namely,  money.  Any  rich  politician  who  opens 
his  coffers  for  the  benefit  of  his  party  is  said  to  "tap  his 
barl." 

Barnburner  and  Hunker.  In  1845  the  Democratic  party 
in  New  York  State,  owing  to  internal  squabbling,  became 
divided  into  two  pronounced  factions.  These  were  the  ad- 
ministration Democrats,  calling  themselves  Conservatives, 
and  the  sore-heads  of  those  days,  stigmatized  as  Eadicals, 
because,  among  other  things,  they  were  affected  with  anti- 
slavery,  or  "free  soil"  (which  see)  sentiments;  whereas, 
the  administration  party  was  strongly  pro-slavery.  In  the 
Democratic  State  Convention  held  at  Syracuse  early  in 
1847,  the  latter  faction,  by  political  manipulation,  secured 
the  organization  of  that  body,  and  decided  nearly  all  the 
contested  seats  in  their  own  favor,  and  made  the  State 
ticket  and  the  State  committee  to  suit  themselves ;  in  other 
words,  "carried  off  the  hunk,"  and  fairly  won  the  name  of 
"Hunkers."  The  other  faction  refused  to  support  the 
ticket,  and,  as  a  consequence,  the  Whigs  carried  the  State 
by  over  30,000  majority  in  the  gubernatorial  election.  One 
of  the  Hunker  orators  likened  the  other  faction  to  the 
Dutch  farmer  who  burned  his  barn  to  rid  himself  of  rats, 
and  thenceforward  the  name  of  Barnburners  was  fastened 
on  them,  and  the  two  nicknames,  Barnburner  and  Hunker, 
were  bandied  back  and  forth  until  after  the  former  joined 
with  the  Liberty  party  (which  see),  in  1852,  to  support 
Mr.  Van  Buren  as  the  Free-Soil  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency. Hunk  is  evidently  a  corruption  of  the  Dutch  lionk, 
or  home,  and  was  used  to  signify  that  the  administration 
faction  had  reached  their  goal,  or  home. 

Barnum,  Phineas  T.  Said  by  Mr.  Spofford,  Librarian 
of  Congress,  to  be  the  author  of  the  words  so  often  credited 
to  Abraham  Lincoln :  "  You  can  fool  all  the  people  some  of 
the  time,  and  some  of  the  people  all  the  time,  but  you  can- 
not fool  all  of  the  people  all  of  the  time."  Born  at  Bethel, 
Connecticut,  July  5, 1810;  died  at  Bridgeport,  Connecticut, 
April  7,  1891. 

Bartlett,  Josiah.  Member  of  the  Committee  of  Safety 
of  New  Hampshire  1775;  member  of  Continental  Congress 
and  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence  1776;  Chief 
Justice  of  New  Hampshire;  Governor  of  New  Hampshire 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS      41 

1790-94.     Born  at  Amesbury,  Massachusetts,  1729;  died 
1795. 

Battle  Above  the  Clouds,  The.  The  capture  of  Lookout 
Mountain  by  Gejieial  Joseph  Hooker  during  the  Civil  War, 
is  known  as  the  battle  above  the  clouds. 

Bayou  State,  The.  A  term  applied  to  the  State  of  Miss- 
issippi. 

Bear  Flag  Battalion.  An  American  company  in  the  early 
days  of  California,  which  had  as  its  aim  the  expulsion  of 
the  Mexicans  from  the  territory. 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward,  was  born  at  Litchfield,  Connecti- 
cut, June  244  1813;  he  died  in  Brooklyn,  March  8,  1887. 
After  acting  as  pastor  in  two  different  Presbyterian  churches 
in  Indiana,  he  was  called  to  Plymouth  Church,  Brooklyn,  a 
Congregationalist  organization.  Over  this  he  presided 
until  his  death.  He  was  a  man  of  independent  and  out- 
spoken views,  singularly  eloquent,  and  a  leader  in  the  Anti- 
Slavery  agitation.  He  was  a  liberal-minded  man,  active  in 
politics  and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolt  in  the  Repub- 
lican party  in  1884. 

Bell,  John,  was  born  near  Nashville,  Tennessee,  Feb- 
ruary 15,  1797,  and  died  September  10,  J869.  He  was  a 
lawyer,  a  graduate  of  the  University  of  Nashville.  He  was 
a  Congressman  from  1829  to  1841,  as  a  Whig;  also  Secre- 
tary of  War  under  Harrison  and  Tyler.  He  became  the 
presidential  candidate  of  the  Constitutional  Union  party 
in  1860. 

Benton,  Thomas  Hart,  was  born  near  Hillsborough, 
North  Carolina,  March,  14,  1784;  he  died  in  Washington, 
April  10,  1858.  He  was  a  lawyer  in  Nashville,  but  left  the 
place  after  a  street  fight  with  Jackson.  He  moved  to  Mis- 
souri, which  State  he  subsequently  represented.  He  was 
United  States  Senator  from  1821  to  1851.  From  1853  to 
1855  he  was  in  the  House.  He  was  a  Democrat,  but  op- 
posed to  secession  and  to  slavery  agitation;  this  caused  his 
defeat  in  several  elections  late  in  life. 

Bergh,  Henry.  Founder  of  the  American  Society  for 
the  Prevention  of  Cruelty  to  Animals;  Secretary  of  Lega- 
tion and  acting  Vice-Consul  in  St.  Petersburg  1862-64. 
Born  at  New  York  City,  1823;  died  at  New  York  City, 
March  12,  1888. 


42      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Berlin  Decree.      (See  Embargo  Act.) 

Biddle,  Nicholas.  President  of  the  United  States  Bank 
1823-26  (which  see).  Born  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania, 
January  8,  1786 ;  died  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  Feb- 
ruary 27,  1844. 

Big  Ditch.  The  Erie  Canal  was  spoken  of  derisively  as 
"Clinton's  Big  Ditch"  before  its  success  and  importance 
were  made  apparent. 

Big  Head  is  a  political  phrase  to  indicate  an  exalted 
opinion  of  his  own  abilities  on  the  part  of  a  public  man. 

Big  Knife.  A  name  applied  to  General  Andrew  Jackson 
by  the  Southern  Indians  in  recognition  of  his  military  suc- 
cesses against  them. 

Bill  of  1800.  A  law  introduced  in  that  year  by  Senator 
James  Ross,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  regulate  the  electoral 
count.  It  provided  for  a  "grand  committee"  of  six  Sen- 
ators, six  Representatives  and  the  Chief  Justice.  These, 
sitting  in  secret,  were  to  settle  all  disputes  concerning  elec- 
toral votes.  The  bill  was  amended  in  the  House  so  as  to 
give  to  the  committee  the  power  merely  to  take  testimony, 
doubtful  returns  to  be  rejected  only  by  a  concurrent  vote  of 
both  Houses ;  this  was  amended  by  the  Senate  so  as  to  cause 
returns  to  be  rejected  unless  accepted  by  a  concurrent  vote. 
The  bill  was  lost.  The  bill  is  memorable  as  the  first  open 
attempt  on  the  part  of  Congress  to  arrogate  to  itself 
the  duty  assigned  by  the  Constitution  to  the  President  of 
the  Senate  of  counting  the  electoral  votes. 

Bill  of  Rights.  A  bill  of  rights  is  the  summary  of 
rights  and  privileges  claimed  by  the  people  of  a  nation 
against  the  tyrannous  exercise  of  power  by  their  rulers. 
The  Bill  of  Rights  in  England  is  an  Act  of  Parliament 
passed  in  1689,  by  which  the  privileges  claimed  in  the  peti- 
tion of  right  that  was  presented  to  William  and  Mary,  and 
acceded  to  by  them  on  accepting  the  call  to  the  British 
throne,  were  enacted  as  fundamental  principles  of  English 
liberty.  The  chief  of  these  principles  had  previously  been 
asserted  in  the  Magna  Charta  in  1215,  and  the  Petition  of 
Right  presented  to  Charles  I  in  1628  (see  those  titles). 
The  first  six  amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  are  sometimes  called  our  Bill  of  Rights.  They  are 
designed  to  prevent  tyrannous  acts  by  the  Federal  Govern- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       43 

ment,  and  to  protect,  among  other  things,  the  freedom  of 
religion,  speech  and  the  press,  the  rights  of  assembly,  peti- 
tion, bearing  arms,  and  trial  by  jury,  and  the  right  to  com- 
pensation for  private  property  taken  for  public  uses.  (See 
Eminent  Domain,  Jury  and  Right  of  Assembly,  etc.)  Most 
of  the  State  constitutions  in  a  similar  way  secure  these 
rights  to  the  people  under  their  control. 

Bills  of  Attainder.      (See  Attainder.) 

Bi-metallism  is  the  doctrine  that  two  metals  can  and 
ought,  at  the  same  time,  in  the  same  country,  to  be  adopted 
as  standards  of  value,  and  to  bear  to  each  other  a  fixed  ratio 
established  and  recognized  by  the  government.  The  term  is 
almost  exclusively  used  in  reference  to  the  metals  gold  and 
silver.  Monometalism  is  the  doctrine  that  only  one  metal 
ought  to  be  so  used.  It  is  a  proposition  generally  admitted 
by  bi-metallists  that  attempts  to  realize  their  object  must 
fail  unless  the  most  important  commercial  countries  unite 
in  fixing  the  ratio  between  the  metals.  If  different  coun- 
tries adopt  a  double  standard,  selecting  different  ratios,  the 
gold  or  the  silver,  as  the  case  may  be,  of  every  country,  will 
leave  it  to  go  to  a  country  in  which  it  happens  to  be  ren- 
dered more  valuable,  and  thus  the  two  metals  will  be  sep- 
arated and  the  object  fail.  If  any  one  country  alone  adopt 
a  double  standard,  its  gold  or  silver  will  be  exported  accord- 
ing as  the  market  value  of  silver  (in  other  countries  a  mere 
commodity  and  not  a  standard  of  value)  is  lower  or  higher 
than  the  value  fixed  by  the  government  ratio.  (See  Coin~ 
age.)  Our  country  is  monometallic,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  there  is  silver  in  circulation ;  silver  is  here  coined 
only  for  the  purposes  of  the  government,  and  an  individual 
presenting  silver  bullion  at  our  mints  and  assay  offices  can- 
not have  the  same  coined  into  dollars,  as  he  can  with  gold. 
The  coinage  of  bullion,  as  instanced  in  the  case  of  gold,  is 
called  free  coinage.  Bi-metallists  regard  the  use  of  both 
metals  necessary,  and  claim  that  the  co-operation  of  the 
principal  commercial  nations  will  suffice  to  establish  it. 
Monometallists  maintain  that  practical  business  has 
brought  all  nations  to  single  standards,  and  that  any  change 
would  be  an  uncalled  for  interference  with  natural  laws, 
the  untrammeled  operation  of  which  invariably  conduces  to 
the  best  results. 


44       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Birney,  James  G.,  was  born  in  Danville,  Kentucky,  Feb- 
ruary 4,  1792.  and  died  at  Perth  Amboy,  New  Jersey,  No- 
vember 25,  1857.  He  was  originally  a  slave-holder,  and  at 
one  time  agent  for  a  colonization  society.  In  1834  he  freed 
his  slaves  and  established  an  Abolition  newspaper.  Fear  of 
violence  compelled  him  to  leave  Danville,  and  subsequently 
Cincinnati,  whither  he  had  moved.  He  came  to  New  York, 
where  he  was  secretary  of  the  American  Anti-Slavery  So- 
ciety. In  1840  and  1844  he  was  the  candidate  for  Presi- 
dent of  the  Liberal  party.  In  1842  he  moved  to  Michigan, 
and  a  fall  from  his  horse  disabled  him  from  further  polit- 
ical activity. 

Black  Cockade.  A  black  cockade  worn  on  the  hat  was 
an  emblem  adopted  by  the  Federalists  during  the  troubles 
with  France  in  1797,  when  war  seemed  imminent.  Its 
meaning  lay  in  the  fact  that  it  had  been  a  part  of  the  Con- 
tinental uniform  during  the  Revolution,  and  moreover  it 
served  as  a  contrast  to  the  tri-color  cockade  of  France,  which 
the  Republicans  had  affected.  "Black  Cockade  Federalist" 
was  a  term  of  reproach  applied  to  Federalists  during  the 
days  of  the  party's  decline. 

Black  Codes.      (See  Black  Laws.) 

Black  Eagle.  In  the  National  Republican  Convention 
of  1884  General  John  A.  Logan,  who  had  been  proposed  as 
the  Republican  candidate  for  President,  was  referred  to  by 
Judge  West,  the  blind  orator  of  Ohio,  as  "that  grand,  old 
Black  Eagle  of  Illinois." 

Black  Friday.  On  Friday,  September  24,  1869,  gold 
sold  as  high  as  162J.  It  had  been  quoted  at  143J  in  the 
Gold  Board  in  New  York  the  previous  evening.  The  rise 
was  in  consequence  of  an  attempt  by  "Jim"  Fisk,  Jay 
Gould  and  others  to  corner  the  gold  market.  It  was  intend- 
ed to  force  gold  to  180.  This  plan  was  thwarted  by  the 
offer  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  late  on  Friday  to  sell 
$4,000.000  of  gold  to  the  highest  bidder  on  the  next  day, 
and  an  offer  to  purchase  government  bonds  to  the  same 
amount.  The  effect  of  this  corner  was  a  violent  panic  in 
the  stock  market ;  business  was  upset,  for  merchants  needed 
gold  to  pay  at  the  Custom  House,  and  the  general  aspect 
was  so  threatening  that  the  day  has  been  named  as  above. 
The  Gold  Board  was  so  convulsed  that  its  officers  deemed  it 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       45 

best  to  suspend  business,  and  the  Board  remained  closed 
until  the  Wednesday  following. 

Black  Hawk  War.      (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Black  Horse  Cavalry  is  a  name  given  to  those  legislators 
(more  or  less  numerous  in  every  legislative  body)  that  act 
together  for  the  purpose  of  exacting  money  from  friends  of 
any  measure  under  consideration  and  threaten  its  defeat  in 
case  of  non-compliance.  Their  number  is  frequently  great 
enough  to  be  of  considerable  influence. 

Black  Jack.  A  name  by  which  Major  General  John  A. 
Logan  was  known  on  account  of  his  swarthy  complexion, 
black  hair  and  moustache. 

Black  Laws.  Laws  passed  in  many  of  the  Northern 
States  before  the  abolition  of  slavery  requiring  certain  acts 
to  be  performed  by  free  negroes,  as  a  condition  to  their 
residing  in  those  States,  or  prescribing  disabilities  under 
which  they  labored.  Such  were  laws  requiring  them  to  file 
certificates  of  their  freedom ;  forbidding  them  to  testify  in 
cases  in  which  a  white  man  was  interested;  excluding  them 
from  the  militia  and  from  the  public  schools,  and  requiring 
them  to  give  bonds  for  their  good  behavior. 

Black  'Republicans.  The  Eepublicans  were  so-called  by 
their  opponents.  The  term  was  especially  applied  by  South- 
erners or  anti-slavery  members  of  that  party. 

Blaine,  James  Gillespie,  was  born  in  Washington  County, 
Pennsylvania,  January  31,  1830;  died  at  Washington,  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia,  January  27,  1893.  He  was  in  early  life 
a  journalist.  From  1863  to  1875  he  was  in  Congress,  being 
Speaker  during  the  last  six  years;  from  1876  to  1881  he 
was  United  States  Senator;  "in  1881  he  became  Secretary 
of  State  under  Garfield ;  soon  after  Garfield's  death  he  re- 
signed his  position.  In  1876  and  1880  he  was  a  prominent 
candidate  for  the  presidential  nomination  of  his  party;  in 
1884  he  was  nominated,  but  defeated  by  a  small  majority, 
owing  to  the  defection  of  a  part  of  the  Eepublican  party. 
(See  Independents.)  In  1888  he  wrote  a  letter  saying  that 
his  name  would  not  be  presented  to  the  convention,  and  in 
1889-92  was  Secretary  of  State  under  Harrison. 

Bland,  Richard  P.  Member  of  Congress  from  Missouri, 
and  the  father  of  the  so-called  "Bland  Silver  Bill"  (which 


46       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Bland  Silver  Bill.  So-called  because  of  its  author, 
Richard  P.  Bland  (which  see).  It  was  passed  in  1878,  and 
provided  that  a  silver  dollar  should  contain  412J  grains  troy 
of  standard  silver,  and  required  that  the  Treasury  should 
buy  every  month  not  less  than  two  million  or  more  than 
four  million  dollars  worth  of  silver  bullion.  The  bill  was 
passed  over  President  Hayes'  veto.  (See  Sherman  Bill.) 

Blockade  is  the  prevention  of  neutral  commerce  with 
an  enemy's  coasts  or  ports.  It  is  a  measure  well  recognized 
in  international  law  as  justified  by  the  necessities  of  war. 
Certain  ports  or  portions  of  coast  may  be  blockaded,  or  the 
blockade  may  extend  to  all  parts  of  the  enemy's  dominions 
bordering  on  the  sea.  One  side  of  a  river  may  be  blockaded 
while  the  other  remains  free.  It  is  now  well  settled  that  in 
order  to  render  a  neutral  vessel  liable  to  the  penalty  for 
trying  to  evade  or  "run"  a  blockade  the  latter  must  be  ef- 
fective and  due  notice  must  be  given  of  it.  A  cabinet  or 
paper  blockade  is  one  that  is  merely  announced  or  ordered, 
but  which  is  not  or  cannot  be  enforced.  Such  are  not  recog- 
nized as  effective.  The  blockading  nation  must  maintain  a 
sufficient  number  of  vessels  to  at  least  render  an  attempt  to 
run  the  blockade  hazardous.  The  notice  may  be  actual,  by 
informing  vessels  individually  as  they  approach  a  blockaded 
coast  or  by  calling  on  them  to  leave  blockaded  waters,  or  it 
may  be  constructive,  by  giving  diplomatic  notice  to  neutral 
governments.  A  neutral  vessel  is  equally  liable  to  seizure 
whether  seeking  access  to  or  departure  from  a  blockaded 
region.  The  penalty  is  confiscation  of  the  vessel  and  of  the 
cargo  also,  if  it  appears  that  the  latter  was  the  object  of  the 
attempted  evasion  of  the  blockade.  Neutral  war  ships  are 
sometimes  permitted  to  enter  a  blockaded  port  as  a  matter 
of  comity,  and  vessels  in  danger  from  stress  of  weather  may 
seek  shelter  in  such  harbor  if  there  be  no  other  refuge.  A 
blockade,  when  terminated,  is  said  to  be  raised,  and  due 
notice  of  this  fact  should  be  given  to  neutral  governments. 

Blockade-Runner.  A  term  applied  to  a  vessel  that  en- 
deavors to  evade  the  blockade  of  a  coast  or  harbor.  During 
the  Civil  War  many  vessels  succeeded  in  running  the  Union 
blockade  of  the  Southern  harbors  and  coasts,  carrying  cot- 
ton from  the  Confederates  and  bringing  food  supplies  and 
munitions  of  war  to  them. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       47 

Bloody  Bill.      (See  Force  Bill) 

Bloody  Shirt.  Since  the  Civil  Wax,  politicians  of  the 
Republican  party  have  from  time  to  time  attempted  to  draw 
votes  and  gain  partisan  advantages  by  appeals  to  the  pas- 
sions raised  by  that  struggle.  The  phrase,  "bloody  shirt,* 
is  employed  in  reference  to  the  now  dead  issues  involved  in 
that  struggle,  and  a  politician  reviving  them  for  partisan 
purposes  is  said  to  "wave  the  bloody  shirt. " 

Blount,  William.  One  of  the  signers  of  the  Constitution ; 
Governor  of  the  territory  south  of  the  Ohio  in  1790;  United 
States  Senator  from  Tennessee  1796,  but  expelled  in  1797 
for  inciting  the  Indians  to  aid  the  British.  Born  in  North 
Carolina  1744;  died  in  Knoxville,  Tennessee,  March  21, 
1800. 

Bluebacks.  A  name  popularly  applied  to  the  Confed- 
erate currency  by  reason  of  its  appearance,  and  to  distin- 
guish it  from  the  greenbacks  of  the  North. 

Blue  Hen.  A  name  sometimes  applied  to  the  State  of 
Delaware,  originating,  it  is  said,  in  a  remark  of  Captain 
CaldwelJ,  of  the  First  Delaware  regiment,  that  no  fighting 
cock  could  be  truly  game  whose  mother  was  not  a  blue  hen. 
The  State  was  once  proud  of  its  famous  blue  hen  breed  of 
fighting  cocks. 

Blue  Laws  are  such  as  relate  to  matters  that  are  at  pres- 
ent usually  left  to  the  private  conscience  of  individuals. 
Before  the  Revolution  the  statute  books  of  the  Colonies 
were  full  of  laws  enforcing  attendance  on  church  worship, 
forbidding  smoking  in  the  public  streets,  prohibiting  the- 
atres, and  the  like.  Some  of  the  States,  the  older  ones 
especially,  still  retain  laws  forbidding  blasphemy  and  regu- 
lating work  and  travel  on  Sundays.  Connecticut  has  ac- 
quired unpleasant  notoriety  in  this  respect.  Such  Blue 
Laws  as  still  remain  unrepealed  in  the  various  States  are 
seldom  enforced  at  the  present  time. 

Blue-Light  Federalists.  This  term  was  applied  to  the 
Federalist  opponents  of  the  war  of  1812.  The  harbor  of 
New  London  was  at  that  time  blockaded  by  the  British. 
Two  frigates,  with  Decatur  in  command,  were  in  the  h arbor, 
and  several  attempts  on  their  part  to  get  to  sea  at  night 
failed.  Decatur  maintained  that  on  each  occasion  blue 
lights  had  been  burned  at  the  mouth  of  the  harbor  as  sig- 


48      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

nals  to  the  British  fleet.  It  was  charged  that  these  signals 
had  been  given  by  Federalists  opposed  to  the  war — hence 
the  name. 

Blue  Lodges.  A  name  applied  to  societies  organized  in 
Missouri,  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill, 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  "possession  of  Kansas  on  behalf 
of  slavery." 

Blue  Nose.  A  name  colloquially  given  to  an  inhabitant 
of  Nova  Scotia,  and  sometimes  extended  to  apply  to  any 
Canadian. 

Bluff  City.  A  name  given  to  Hannibal,  Missouri,  be- 
cause of  its  location. 

Bobbin  Boy,  The.  A  name  applied  to  Nathaniel  P. 
Banks  during  the  political  campaign  of  1865. 

Bolters.  To  bolt  means  to  spring  out  suddenly,  and  in 
political  parlance  it  means  to  leave  a  political  party  when  it 
is  no  longer  deemed  safe  or  to  one's  interest  to  remain  with 
it.  Those  that  leave  a  party  under  these  circumstances  are 
called  bolters.  A  bolt  is  usually  only  a  temporary  defection, 
the  bolters  generally  being  the  adherents  of  some  man  who 
aspires  to  nomination  for  office,,  and  whose  desire  is  not 
gratified.  It  is  quite  common  for  a  determined  minority  to 
threaten  to  bolt  a  convention  unless  its  desires  are  humored. 

Boodle  was  originally  a  vulgarism  for  money,  and  more 
particularly  for  booty;  a  phrase  used  in  bar-rooms  and  at 
the  street  corners.  Gradually  some  of  the  more  vulgar  and 
sensational  newspapers  begun  to  make  use  of  it  in  their 
articles  dealing  with  the  classes  that  were  themselves  in  the 
habit  of  employing  the  term.  Among  these,  the  majority  of 
the  Aldermen  of  New  York  City  were  at  that  time  num- 
bered, and  the  bribes  that  these  were  supposed  to  be  in  the 
habit  of  receiving  were  referred  to  under  that  name.  The 
charges  of  bribery  were  brought  prominently  forward  by 
the  investigation  in  1886  by  a  committee  of  the  Assembly 
into  the  circumstances  attending  the  grant  by  the  Aldermen 
in  the  previous  year  of  a  charter  for  a  street  railroad  on 
Broadway  in  that  city.  Jacob  Sharp,  a  man  largely  inter- 
ested in  New  York  street  railroads,  was  popularly  thought 
to  have  bribed  the  Aldermen  to  grant  the  franchise.  Much 
interest  in  the  investigation  Was  manifested  by  the  public, 
and  the  terms  boodle  and  boodlers  were  continually  used  by 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS      49 


the  newspapers.  The  general  use  into  which  the  term  was 
thus  brought  added  to  the  fact  that  it  is  a  concise  term, 
tended  to  purge  it  of  its  vulgar  associations  and  to  give  it 
standing  in  the  vocabulary  of  the  day.  The  term  boodler  is 
now  universally  applied  to  bribe-takers,  more  particularly 
to  those  connected  with  municipal  governments,  and  most 
accurately  to  bribed  Aldermen.  The  New  York  boodlers 
were  indicted  on  the  strength  of  the  revelations  made  by 
the  Assembly  Committee.  Of  twenty-four  members  of  the 
Board  of  Aldermen  two  were  not  bribed,  as  it  proved  by 
their  voting  against  the  franchise ;  two  are  dead ;  four  have 
fled  to  foreign  countries ;  three  have  turned  informers ;  one 
is  insane;  three  were  convicted  and  sentenced  to  Sing  Sing 
Prison;  in  the  case  of  one  the  jury  disagreed  on  the  first 
trial  and  he  was  finally  discharged ;  the  proceedings  against 
the  others  were  ultimately  dropped.  Jacob  Sharp  was  in- 
dicted for  bribing  the  Aldermen;  he  was  tried,  convicted 
and  imprisoned  in  the  County  Jail  pending  an  appeal.  The 
Court  of  Appeals  granted  a  new  trial  on  the  strength  of 
errors  in  the  former,  but  Sharp  died  pending  the  re-hearing. 

Border  Ruffians.  A  name  applied  to  Missourians  that 
(about  1854)  made  a  practice  of  crossing  into  Kansas  to 
drive  out  the  Free-State  settlers,  or  to  carry  the  elections. 
They  took  no  trouble  to  conceal  their  illegal  voting ;  in  one 
case  604  votes  were  cast,  of  which  but  twenty  were  legal. 
This  is  but  a  sample.  Encounters  between  them  and  the 
Free-State  settlers  were  frequent. 

Border  States.  Those  of  the  Slave-States,  adjoining  the 
Free-States,  were  so  called;  namely:  Delaware,  Maryland, 
Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Missouri,  although  North  Carolina, 
Tennessee  and  Arkansas  were  sometimes  included  under 
that  name.  Their  nearness  to  the  Free-States  caused  fre- 
quent attempts  on  the  part  of  slaves  to  escape  and  from 
them  came  the  most  bitter  complaints  about  the  non-execu- 
tion of  fugitive  slave  laws.  They  objected  to  making  slavery 
an  issue,  and  political  parties  that  strove  to  remain  neutral 
on  that  subject,  as  the  American  and  Constitutional  Union 
parties,  had  their  support.  During  the  Rebellion,  Virginia 
was  the  only  one  of  the  Border  States  proper  that  seceded. 

Border  War.  A  name  applied  to  the  hostilities  that 
took  place  between  the  Free-State  emigrants  to  Kansas  and 


50       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  slave-holders  from  Missouri,  when,  in  1854,  the  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  left  the  question  of  slavery  in  that  Territory 
to  be  settled  by  the  inhabitant.  Bloody  encounters  were 
frequent  anl  several  pitched  battles  were  fought. 

Boss.      (See  Political  Boss.) 

Boss  Rule  is  the  absolute  control  of  a  political  organiza- 
tion by  one  leader  or  a  small  set  of  leaders. 

Boston  Massacre.  An  encounter  on  the  streets  of  Bos- 
ton, March  5,  1770,  between  British  soldiers  and  the  citi- 
zens. Three  citizens  were  killed,  five  dangerously  wounded, 
and  a  few  slightly  hurt. 

Boston  Mob.  A  mob  of  several  thousand  people  endeav- 
ored on  October  21,  1835,  to  break  up  a  meeting  of  the 
Female  Anti-Slavery  Society  in  Boston.  The  cause  of  this 
hostile  demonstration  was  primarily  owing  io  the  fact  that 
it  was  expected  that  an  address  would  be  delivered  by  a  Mr. 
George  Thompson,  who  was  very  unpopular — first,  because 
he  was  an  Abolitionist ;  second,  because  he  was  an  English- 
man; and  third,  because  he  was  said  to  use  very  strong 
language,  even  advocating  the  rising  of  the  slaves  against 
their  masters.  Thompson,  however,  had  left  Boston  the 
day  previous  to  the  meeting  in  order  to  prevent  just  what 
occurred.  Notwithstanding  the  fact  that  the  rioters  were 
informed  by  the  Mayor  that  Thompson  was  not  in  the  hall, 
the  excitement  continued  so  great  that  the  ladies  were 
forced  to  retire.  The  mob  then  turned  their  attention  to 
William  Lloyd  Garrison,  who  had  intended  to  address  the 
meeting,  but  who  had,  by  the  solicitation  of  the  ladies,  who 
feared  for  his  personal  safety,  retired  to  the  office  of  the 
Liberator,  next  door.  When  the  excitement  was  at  its 
height  Garrison  escaped  from  his  office  through  a  rear  win- 
dow and  made  his  way  into  the  upper  part  of  a  carpenter's 
shop  nearby,  where  an  effort  was  made  to  conceal  him.  He 
had,  however,  been  seen  by  the  mob,  and  soon  several  ruf- 
fians broke  into  the  room  and  seized  him,  with  the  evident 
intention  of  hurling  him  from  the  window,  but  abandoned 
that  idea  in  favor  of  dragging  him  through  the  streets  by 
a  rope.  Before  this  could  be  put  in  practice,  fortunately, 
he  was  rescued  by  two  powerful  men,  and  eventually  reached 
the  Mayor's  office  in  City  Hall  uninjured,  but  with  his 
clothing  literally  torn  into  shreds.  From  there  he  was  re- 


A  DICTIONAEY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS       51 

moved  for  safety  to  a  jail,  and  the  following  day  left  Boston 
for  a  time. 

Boston  News-Letter.  The  first  newspaper  in  the  Col- 
onies; established  1704. 

Boston  Port  Bill.  A  bill  introduced  by  Lord  North,  and 
passed  by  the  British  Parliament,  March,  1774,  closing  the 
port  of  Boston  after  the  first  of  the  ensuing  June. 

Bounties.     -(See  Subsidies.) 

Bounty  Jumping.  During  the  Civil  War  sums  of  money 
were  at  times  offered  by  the  authorities  as  an  inducement  to 
volunteers  for  the  army  and  navy.  A  person  who  received 
this  money  and  then  failed  to  serve  as  he  had  promised,  was 
said  to  be  a  "bounty-jumper." 

Bourbons.  The  house  of  Bourbon  is  the  family  of  kings 
that  ruled  France  for  over  two  hundred  years,  from  1589  to 
the  time  of  the  French  revolution,  1791.  One  of  their  char- 
acteristics was  an  obstinate  refusal  to  keep  pace  with 
events.  Experience  taught  them  nothing.  This  trait  in 
their  character  has  caused  their  name  to  be  applied  (in 
American  political  parlance)  to  any  statesman  or  politician 
that  clings  to  dead  issues  and  refuses  to  accommodate  him- 
self to  changes. 

Bowdoin,  James.  Governor  of  Massachusetts  1786-87. 
He  suppressed  Shay's  Rebellion  (which  see).  Born  at 
Boston,  Massachusetts,  August  8,  1727;  died  at  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  November  6,  1790. 

Boys,  The.  This  name  is  applied  to  the  professional 
politicians  peculiarly  common  in  cities,  to  whom  politics  is 
a  business  out  of  which  (though  seldom  holding  office  them- 
selves) they  make  a  living.  By  them  principally  is  the 
politics  of  cities  prostituted,  and  their  efforts  to  retain  con- 
trol of  political  matters  are  frequently  successful  even  in  the 
face  of  organized  opposition,  principally  because  they  rally 
in  defense  of  their  livelihood,  while  honest  citizens,  though 
vitally  affected,  do  not  have  their  own  interest  in  the  matter 
brought  home  to  them  with  the  same  force,  and  are  conse- 
quently less  active  and  less  energetic.  Moreover,  the  local 
organization  is  almost  exclusively  in  the  hands  of  these 
political  "workers,"  as  they  are  called,  and  even  reputable 
party  members,  though  knowing  its  corruption,  recognize 
its  efficiency  in  gaining  votes,  and  while  they  would  not  per- 


52      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

sonally  resort  to  the  means  employed,  they  will  yet  indirect- 
ly give  it  their  support.  The  organization  when  in  the 
hands  of  professional  politicians  of  the  above  type  is  known 
as  "Machine." 

Brave.      (See  Tammany.) 

Bread  Eiots  in  1837.    Owing  to  the  business  panic  of 

1837  there  was  much  suffering  among  the  laboring  classes, 
chiefly  those  in  large  cities,  and  bread  riots  in  the  streets  of 
New  York  City  were  some  of  the  results  of  the  depression 
of  trade. 

Breckenridge,  John  Cabell,  was  born  at  Lexington,  Ken- 
tucky, January  21,  1825,  and  died  May  17,  1875.  He  was 
Yice-President  of  the  United  States  from  1857  to  1861. 
He  was  the  presidential  candidate  of  the  southern  wing  of 
the  Democratic  party  in  1860.  He  was  defeated,  but  was 
chosen  to  the  United  States  Senate.  During  the  extra  ses- 
sion of  1861  he  was  active  in  the  Senate.  Then  he  went 
over  to  the  Confederacy,  and  became  a  Major-General  in  its 
service.  He  was  expelled  from  the  Senate,  December,  1861. 

Brigadiers,  Rebel.      (See  Rebel  Brigadier*.) 

Bright,  Jesse  D.  United  States  Senator  from  Indiana 
1845-63.  Expelled  from  the  Senate  February  5,  1862,  be- 
cause of  disloyalty.  Born  at  Norwich,  New  York,  Decem- 
ber 18,  1812;  ded  at  Baltimore,  Maryland,  May  20,  1875. 

Broad  Construction.  (See  Construction  of  the  Con* 
stitution.) 

Broad  Seal  War  was  a  controversy  as  to  the  election  in 

1838  of  representatives  to  Congress  from  New  Jersey.    In 
that  State  up  to  1846  all  the  representatives  of  the  State, 
six  in  number,  were  elected  on  a  general  ticket.    In  1838 
there  was  a  Democratic  majority  of  about  one  hundred 
votes  in  57,000.    Owing  to  certain  irregularities,  the  State 
Board  of  Canvassers  gave  the  certificates  under  the  br^ad 
seal  of  the  State  to  the  Whig  candidates.     As  the  House 
without  New  Jersey's  members  stood  one  hundred  and 
eighteen  Whigs  to  one  hundred  and  nineteen  Democr  ts, 
success  in  this  controversy  meant  control  of  the  House. 
After  considerable  confusion  a  compromise  Speaker  was 
elected  and  the  Democratic  members  were  finally  seated. 

Brooks,  Preston  S.  Member  of  Congress  from  South 
Carolina  1853-57.  Born  in  South  Carolina,  August  4, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       53 

1819;  died  at  Washington,  District  of  Columbia,  January 
27,  1857.  He  is  known  chiefly  for  his  brutal  attack  on 
Senator  Charles  Sumner,  May  22,  1856.  Sumner  had  in 
debate  criticised  Senator  Butler,  Brooks'  uncle,  whereupon 
Brooks,  backed  by  two  other  Representatives,  attacked  him 
in  the  Senate  Chamber  after  adjournment.  He  used  a 
heavy  cane,  knocking  him  senseless,  and  then  brutally  beat- 
ing him;  it  was  several  years  before  Sumner  recovered  his 
health.  Brooks  was  censured  by  the  House  and  resigned, 
but  he  was  at  once  unanimously  re-elected.  Massachusetts 
refused  to  elect  any  one  in  Sumner's  place  and  the  post  re- 
mained vacant  for  several  years. 

Brother  Jonathan.  A  general  name  applied  to  the  peo- 
ple of  the  United  States.  Its  origin  is  pa' d  to  be  as  follows : 
General  Washington  found  soon  after  having  taken  com- 
mand of  the  Continental  army  that  it  was  sadly  in  need  of 
many  articles.  Jonathan  Trumbull,  the  elder,  at  that  time 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  was  a  friend  of  Washington  and 
one  in  whose  judgment  Washington  had  great  confidence. 
During  a  consultation  on  the  state  cf  the  army,  Washington 
suggested  that  they  consult  "Brother  Jonathan,"  meaning 
Trumbull.  This  advice  was  followed,  and  Trumbull  de- 
vised the  means  of  procuring  what  was  desired.  The  story 
was  told  in  the  army,  and  the  reply  to  a  demand  for  any 
article  was  invariably  advice  to  ask  "Brother  Jonathan." 
The  phrase  became  proverbial  and  has  lived  to  the  present 
time. 

Brown,  John,  was  born  in  Torrington,  Connecticut,  May 
9,  1 800.  On  his  father's  side  he  was  descended  from  Peter 
Brown,  who  had  come  over  in  the  Mayflower ;  his  ancestors 
on  his  mother's  side  were  Dutch.  While  John  was  still 
young,  his  father  moved  to  Ohio.  John  returned  to  New 
England  and  began  to  study  for  the  ministry,  but  his  eyes 
failing,  he  was  obliged  to  desist.  He  then  returned  to  Ohio, 
where  he  married ;  he  was  not  yet  twenty-one  years  of  age. 
His  first  wife,  by  whom  he  had  seven  children,  died  in  1832. 
His  second  wife,  who  bore  him  thirteen  children,  survived \ 
him.  He  did  not  remain  long  in  Ohio;  after  various 
changes  of  residence  he  moved  to  Massachusetts,  where  he 
engaged  in  the  wool  business.  This  venture  ended  in  bank- 
ruptcy. Gerrit  Smith  gave  him  some  land  at  North  Elba, 


54      A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Essex  County,  New  York,  and  in  1849  Brown  moved  thither 
with  his  family.  He  took  with  him  some  freed  negroes,  but 
they,  losing  heart  at  the  sterility  of  the  soil,  gave  up  in 
despair.  In  1851  he  returned  to  Ohio.  Four  of  his  sons 
had  moved  to  Kansas,  which  was  then  the  seat  of  hot  slavery 
contention,  and  finding  it  impossible  to  get  on  without 
arms,  they  wrote  to  their  father  to  send  such  as  they  needed. 
John^Brown,  moving  his  family  back  to  North  Elba,  set  out 
for  Kansas.  His  purpose  was  to  free  slaves.  He  belonged 
to  no  political  party,  "he  followed  neither  Garrison  nor 
Seward;  ....  but  the  Golden  Eule  and  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence."  He  plunged  into  the  fight  between 
the  Free-State  and  the  Slavery  men,  and  on  several  occa- 
sions defeated  forces  much  larger  than  his  own.  Among  his 
notable  achievements  was  his  defense  of  Ossawatomie 
against  a  force  numbering  fifteen  times  his  own,  until  fail- 
ing ammunition  compelled  him  to  retreat.  During  this 
period  he  freed  many  slaves,  one  of  his  exploits  arousing 
such  excitement  that  the  Governor  of  Missouri  offered  three 
thousand  dollars  for  his  arrest ;  to  this  the  President  added 
two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  In  January,  1859,  he 
started  east,  going  to  Canada,  where  he  and  his  followers 
effected  a  sort  of  organization.  For  the  next  few  months 
he  was  first  East  and  then  West,  and  the  30th  of  June 
found  him  in  Maryland,  near  Harper's  Ferry.  Here  he 
and  his  companions  hired  a  farm,  to  which,  without  at- 
tracting attention,  men  and  arms  were  smuggled.  It  was 
his  design  to  seize  the  National  armory  at  Harper's  Ferry, 
in  which  over  one  hundred  thousand  stand  of  arms  were 
stored,  and,  after  freeing  and  arming  what  negroes  he 
could,  to  take  to  the  mountains,  with  which  as  a  base  he 
hoped  to  repeat  his  Kansas  successes  in  freeing  slaves. 
Fears  of  treachery  compelled  him  to  hasten  his  plans,  and 
on  Sunday  evening,  October  17th,  the  armory  was  seized 
by  Brown,  his  force  consisting  of  twenty-two  men.  Tele- 
graph wires  were  cut,  trains  stopped,  and  sixty  prisoners 
taken.  Instead  of  fleeing  to  the  mountains,  as  planned, 
Brown  stood  his  ground,  expecting,  it  is  said,  the  negroes 
to  rise  in  his  favor.  Be  that  as  it  may,  he  was  surrounded 
by  over  1,500  militia,  besides  some  marines  and  artillery, 
and  captured  after  a  desperate  fight,  in  which  he  was  se- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       55 

rerely  wounded.  His  trial,  which  Brown  himself  pro- 
nounced fair,  resulted  in  his  being  condemned  to  death, 
and  on  the  2d  of  December  he  was  hung.  The  whole  inci- 
dent created  enormous  excitement  and  intensified  the  bit- 
terness between  North  and  South. 
Brown's  Raid  on  Harper's  Ferry.  (See  Broum,  John.) 
Brownlow,  William  G.  Governor  of  Tennessee,  1865, 
re-elected  1867;  United  States  Senator,  1869.  Born  in 
Virginia,  August  29,  1805 ;  died  at  Knoxville,  Tenn.,  April 
29,  1877.  He  was  known  as  "Parson  Brownlow." 

Bryan,  William  Jennings.  A  pronounced  advocate  for 
the  free  coinage  of  silver;  nominated  for  President  by 
Democrats  and  People's  Party  in  1896,  and  again  in  1900 
by  the  same  parties.  Has  served  two  terms  in  Congress 
from  Nebraska.  Born  at  Salem,  Illinois,  March  19,  1860. 

Bubble,  Mississippi.      (See  Mississippi  Bubble.) 

Buchanan,  James,  was  born  in  Franklin  County.  Pennsyl- 
vania, April  23,  1791,  and  died  at  Wheatland,  Pennsyl- 
vania, June  1,  1868.  He  graduated  at  Dickinson  College, 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  His  earliest  political  career 
was  as  a  Federalist,  but  about  1826  he  Joined  the  Demo- 
cratic party.  In  1814  he  was  a  member  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Legislature,  and  from  1820  to  1830  he  was  in  Congress. 
In  1830  he  went  to  Eussia  as  Minister,  returning  in  1834, 
when  he  entered  the  Senate,  where  he  remained  until  1845. 
From  1845  to  1849  he  was  Secretary  of  State  under  Polk, 
and  from  1852  to  1854  he  was  Minister  to  Great  Britain. 
He  was  the  Democratic  candidate  for  President  in  1856, 
and  he  was  elected.  The  Dred  Scott  decision,  John  Brown's 
raid  and  other  events  connected  with  slavery  and  leading 
up  to  the  Civil  War  marked  his  administration,  and  it  was 
due  to  his  lack  of  energy,  and  his  opinion  that  the  Federal 
Government  could  not  interfere  to  keep  any  State  in  the 
Union  by  force,  that  the  nation  was  in  no  condition  to 
meet  the  crisis.  He  retired  to  private  life  immediately  on 
leaving  the  Presidency. 

Buck  and  Breck.  A  popular  name  for  the  Democratic 
Presidential  nominees  in  1856,  James  Buchanan  and  John 
C.  Breckenridge. 


56       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Buckeyes.  The  buckeye  tree  (a  species  of  horse  chest- 
nut), which  abounds  in  Ohio,  gave  its  name  to  that  State 
and  its  inhabitants. 

Buckshot  War.  In  1838  the  defeated  Democratic  can- 
didate of  a  Congressional  district  in  Pennsylvania  claimed 
Whig  frauds  in  the  North  Liberties  district  as  the  cause 
of  his  defeat.  Thereupon  the  ten  Democratic  return  judges 
threw  out  the  vote  of  that  district,  thus  electing  their  mem- 
ber. The  seven  Whig  judges  met  apart  from  the  Demo- 
crats and  gave  certificates  to  the  Whig  candidate  for  Con- 
gress, and  also  to  the  Whig  candidates  for  the  Legislature, 
although  these  latter  had  considered  themselves  fairly  de- 
feated. This  proceeding  was  part  of  a  scheme  to  elect  a 
Wrhig  Senator.  The  Whig  certificates  reached  the  Secre- 
tary of  State  first,  and  he,  also  a  Whig,  declared  his  inten- 
tion of  recognizing  them  until  discredited  by  investigation. 
The  House  met  December  4th  at  Harrisburg;  armed  par- 
tisans of  both  sides  were  in  town;  two  separate  organiza- 
tions of  the  House  took  place,  side  by  side,  amid  great 
confusion.  Governor  Ritner,  a  Whig,  declared  the  city  in 
the  hands  of  a  mob,  and  sought  the  aid  of  United  States 
troops  from  their  commander,  and  then  from  President 
Van  Buren.  In  both  cases  he  met  with  refusal.  After  a 
time,  several  Whigs  seceded  to  the  Democratic  House, 
which  had  succeeded  in  keeping  possession  of  the  chamber 
and  records,  and  the  latter  was  recognized  by  the  State 
Senate,  when  the  other  Whigs  joined  them — all  but  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  who  did  not  attempt  to  join  until  May,  1839. 
The  House  then  declared  his  seat  vacant,  and  he  was 
obliged  to  be  again  elected  before  he  was  finally  admitted. 
The  remark  of  a  Whig  member  that  the  mob  "should  feel 
ball  and  buckshot  before  the  day  is  over"  is  said  to  have 
given  rise  to  the  name. 

Bucktails.      (tSee  Clintonians.) 

Bull  Run  Russell.  A  name  applied  to  William  H.  Rus- 
sell, war  correspondent  of  the  London  Times  in  this  coun- 
try in  1861-C2,  in  consequence  of  his  overdrawn  description 
of  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  and  his  predictions,  based  on  the 
result  of  that  battle,  that  the  South  would  be  successful  in 
her  attempt  at  secession. 

Bulwer-Clayton  Treaty.     (See  Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty.) 


JAMES  BUCHANAN. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       57 

Buncombe,  To  Speak  for,  is  to  talk  for  effect,  political 
or  otherwise.  The  phrase  originated  in  the  debates  on  the 
Missouri  Compromise,  when  Felix  WaJker,  the  representa- 
tive in  Congress  from  the  North  Carolina  district  that  in- 
cluded the  county  of  Buncombe,  insisted  on  speaking,  and 
when  begged  to  desist  by  other  members  of  the  House,  as- 
serted that  he  had  to  "make  a  speech  for  Buncombe." 

Bureaucracy.     (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 

Burlingame,  Anson,  was  born  in  New  York  in  1820.  He 
studied  at  the  University  of  Michigan,  and  after  graduat- 
ing from  Harvard  Law  School  entered  the  bar.  He  joined 
the  American  party  and  was  elected  to  Congress,  soon  af- 
terwards attaching  himself  to  the  Eepublican  party.  \He 
was  representative  in  Congress  from  1855  to  1861.  In 
1861  he  was  appointed  Minister  to  China,  where  he  re- 
mained till  1867.  He  was  then  appointed  by  China  as 
a  special  ambassador  to  negotiate  treaties  for  that  nation. 
He  performed  his  duties  admirably,  and  concluded  treaties 
with  the  United  States,  England,  Prussia,  Denmark,  Swe- 
den and  Holland.  He  died  at  St.  Petersburg,  February 
23,  1870. 

Burlingame  Treaty,  The,  was  concluded  at  Washington, 
July  28,  1868,  between  the  United  States  and  China.  It 
was  negotiated  for  the  latter  nation  by  Anson  Burlingame 
in  his  capacity  of  special  ambassador.  By  it,  China  first 
gave  her  adherence  to  principles  of  international  law. 
Moreover,  joint  efforts  were  to  be  made  against  the  cooley 
trade ;  liberty  of  conscience  and  worship,  and  rights  of  resi- 
dence and  travel,  as  accorded  to  the  most  favored  nation, 
were  guaranteed  to  Chinese  in  America  and  Americans  in 
China.  The  United  States  disclaimed  the  right  of  inter- 
ference with  internal  improvements  in  China. 

Burn  This  Letter.  This  was  the  concluding  sentence  in 
one  of  the  Mulligan  letters  (which  see).  It  was  a  cam- 
paign cry  of  the  opponents  of  James  G.  Blaine  in  the  cam- 
paign of  1884. 

Burr,  Aaron,  was  born  at  Newark,  New  Jersey,  February 
€,  1756,  and  died  at  New  York,  September  14,  1836.  He 
graduated  at  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  and  served  in  the 
Continental  Army  in  the  Eevolution,  reaching  the  rank  of 
colonel.  He  was  subsequently  admitted  to  the  bar,  and 


58       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

moved  to  New  York  City.  In  1791  he  was  elected  to  the 
United  States  Senate.  He  had  a  genius  for  political  or- 
ganization, and  soon  brought  his  party,  the  anti-Federal- 
ists, into  a  state  of  efficient  discipline.  The  Federalists 
called  him,  with  a  small  number  of  young  men  of  his  party 
that  gathered  about  him,  the  Little  Band.  It  was  to  his 
efforts  that  the  success  of  his  party  in  the  Presidential  con- 
test of  1800  was  due.  Burr  was  elected  Vice-President, 
serving  from  1801  to  1805.  In  1804  a  coalition  was  ar- 
ranged between  the  New  England  Federalists,  who  were 
hopeless  of  victory  in  the  South,  and  Burr's  followers.  As 
a  part  of  this  scheme,  Burr  was  first  nominated  for  Gov- 
ernor against  the  candidate  of  the  Clintons,  the  Livingstons 
and  the  Schuylers,  the  great  New  York  families  that  had 
been  supreme  in  that  State.  Alexander  Hamilton's  per- 
sonal efforts  did  much  to  defeat  Burr;  the  celebrated  duel 
between  the  two  followed,  ending,  as  is  well  known,  in 
Hamilton's  death.  This  is  the  last  of  Burr  in  politics.  He 
was  subsequently  arrested  on  a  charge  of  treason,  based  on 
an  expedition  to  the  West,  the  design  of  which  was  said  to 
be  the  establishment  of  another  republic  west  of  the  Kocky 
Mountains.  He  was  acquitted.  After  several  years  spent 
abroad,  he  settled  down  to  the  practice  of  law  in  New  York 
City. 

Burr  Conspiracy.  In  consequence  of  Burr's  duel  with 
Hamilton,  in  which  the  latter  met  his  death,  Burr  was  in- 
dicted in  New  York  and  New  Jersey  for  murder.  He  went 
West  and  made  an  extensive  tour,  in  the  course  of  which 
he  made  preparations  for  a  gigantic  but  mysterious  scheme. 
The  real  object  of  this  is  unknown.  It  was  either  to  sepa- 
rate the  Mississippi  Valley  from  the  rest  of  the  Union  and 
erect  it  into  a  new  nation,  or  to  conquer  Mexico.  In  1806 
he  gathered  a  number  of  reckless  persons  about  him  and 
started  for  the  region  of  Texas,  ostensibly  on  a  colonizing 
expedition.  President  Jefferson  issued  a  proclamation 
warning  citizens  against  joining  the  expedition.  Burr  was 
arrested  by  Jefferson's  orders,  brought  back  to  Virginia, 
and  indicted  there  by  a  United  States  Grand  Jury  for 
treason  and  for  a  misdemeanor,  based  on  his  course  in  levy- 
ing war  within  this  country  on  a  friendly  nation;  but  it 
was  hoped  that  Burr  could  also  be  shown  to  have  had  trea- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       59 

sonable  designs  against  the  unity  of  this  country.  He  was 
acquitted  of  treason  for  want  of  jurisdiction,  on  the  failure 
of  the  evidence  required  by  Article  3,  section  3,  clause  1  of 
the  Constitution;  he  was  also  acquitted  of  misdemeanor. 
He  was  bound  over  to  present  himself  for  trial  in  Ohio, 
but  the  matter  was  pressed  no  further.  One  of  Burr's 
dupes  in  this  scheme  was  Harman  Blennerhasset,  who  was 
also  arrested,  but  who  was  discharged  after  Burr's  acquittal. 

Burrites.    (See  Clintonians.) 

Butler,  Benjamin  F.,  was  born  at  Deerfield,  New  Hamp- 
shire, November  5,  1818.  He  graduated  at  Waterville  Col- 
lege and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1853  he  was  elected 
to  the  State  Legislature,  and  in  1859  to  the  State  Senate. 
Before  1860  he  was  a  Democrat.  He  served  in  the  Civil 
War  as  brigadier  and  major  general.  He  then  figured  in 
Congress  as  a  Kepublican  from  1867  to  1875,  and  from 
1877  to  1879,  representing  Massachusetts.  In  1878  and 
1879  he  ran  for  Governor  as  the  candidate  of  the  Green- 
back party.  In  1882  he  was  elected  Governor  as  the  Demo- 
cratic nominee.  In  1884  he  was  the  Presidential  candi- 
date of  both  the  Greenback-Labor  and  Anti-Monopoly  par- 
ties. He  received  about  133,000  popular  and  no  electoral 
votes.  He  was  one  of  the  managers  on  the  part  of  the 
House  of  Bepresentatives  of  the  impeachment  of  President 
Andrew  Johnson.  Died  at  Washington,  D,  C.,  January 
11,  1893. 

Cabinet.  This  name  is  applied  to  the  heads  of  the  seven 
executive  departments  in  the  capacity  of  advisers  of  the 
President.  The  term  itself  is  not  mentioned  in  the  Con- 
stitution, nor  was  the  Cabinet,  as  at  present  constituted, 
contemplated  by  that  instrument.  The  Constitution,  Arti- 
cle 2,  section  2,  authorizes  the  President  to  "require  the 
opinion  in  writing  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the 
executive  departments  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the 
duties  of  their  respective  offices,"  and  Washington  on  sev- 
eral occasions  called  for  such  opinions.  But  the  nature  of 
the  Cabinet  underwent  a  gradual  change,  and  it  is  now 
an  advisory  board  with  which  the  President  has  consulta^- 
tions  at  regular  intervals  on  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 
Washington  inaugurated  this  change,  consulting  the  mem- 
bers on  matters  foreign  to  their  immediate  departments  on 


60       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

several  occasions.  Moreover,  from  being  merely  the  heads 
of  the  executive  department,  its  members  have  come  to  be 
recognized  as  an  essential  part  of  the  executive  branch,  and 
in  certain  contingencies  the  office  of  President  devolves 
upon  one  of  their  number.  (See  Presidential  Succession.) 
The  plan  has  frequently  been  broached  of  giving  to  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet  seats  in  one  of  the  houses  of  Con- 
gress, either  with  or  without  a  vote,  in  order  that  the  de- 
mands for  legislation  or  appropriations  on  the  part  of  the 
Executive  may  be  more  easily  explained  and  urged,  and 
that  information  demanded  by  Congress  may  be  more  easily 
obtained.  In  the  Constitution  of  the  Confederate  States 
authority  was  granted  to  Congress  to  give  a  seat  in  either 
House,  with  the  right  of  debate  in  any  measure  relating 
to  his  department,  to  the  members  of  the  Cabinet.  The 
Cabinet  as  originally  constituted  consisted  of  but  four  mem- 
bers, the  Secretary  of  State,  Secretary  of  War,  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  and  Attorney-General.  Since  then  there 
have  been  added  the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  of  the  Interior, 
the  Postmaster-General,  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  and 
the  Secretary  of  Commerce  and  Labor. 

Caesar  had  his  Brutus,  Charles  I  his  Cromwell,  and 
George  III — may  profit  by  their  examples.  If  that  be 
treason,  make  the  most  of  it.  Patrick  Henry  introduced 
into  the  Assembly  of  Virginia  a  resolution  denying  the 
right  of  the  King  of  England  to  tax  the  American  colonies. 
This  resolution  was  called  forth  by  the  Stamp  Act  of  1765. 
In  the  course  of  debate  he  spoke  as  above.  At  the  words 
"and  George  III"  he  was  interrupted  by  cries  of  "Treason ! 
Treason !"  and,  waiting  for  the  cries  to  subside,  he  finished 
as  above. 

Calhoun,  John  Caldwell,  was  born  in  the  Abbeville  Dis- 
trict, South  Carolina,  March  18,  1782,  and  died  in  Wash- 
ington, March  31,  1850.  He  was  a  lawyer  and  a  graduate 
of  Yale.  He  was  a  representative  in  Congress  from  1811 
to  1817;  then  he  became  Secretary  of  War.  From  1825 
to  1831  he  was  Vice-President.  In  1831  he  resigned  for 
the  purpose  of  becoming  Senator  from  South  Carolina  in 
order  to  take  part  in  the  debate  then  raging  in  the  Senate. 
(See  Foot's  Resolution.)  The  intensity  of  the  excitement 
in  South  Carolina  is  exemplified  by  the  fact  that  medals 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       61 

were  struck  in  his  honor  bearing  the  inscription,  "First 
President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy."  From  1843  to 
1845  he  was  Secretary  of  State.  In  the  latter  year  he 
again  became  Senator.  In  politics  he  was  a  Democrat,  al- 
though for  a  short  time  allied  with  the  Whigs  at  the  time  of 
their  first  organization;  but  above  all  party  ties  he  was  a 
firm  and  consistent  upholder  of  the  doctrine  of  State  Sov- 
ereignty. He  believed  the  Union  to  be  merely  a  number  of 
sovereign  and  separate  States  joined  by  an  alliance  under 
a  single  government.  He  considered  slavery  a  righteous 
and  beneficent  institution,  and  considered  it  the  duty  of 
Congress  to  protect  and  uphold  it  in  the  Territories. 

Calico  Foster.  A  name  given  to  Charles  Foster,  of  Ohio 
(Governor,  1880  to  1884),  in  allusion  to  his  having  kept 
a  dry-goods  store  in  earlier  life. 

California.  During  the  Mexican  War,  California  was 
conquered  by  our  troops  (see  Annexations  IV)  and  a  pro- 
visional government  formed,  which  continued  in  existence 
after  the  peace  of  1848  till  the  admission  of  the  State  into 
the  Union,  September  9,  1850.  The  capital  is  Sacramento. 
The  derivation  of  its  name  is  uncertain,  but  is  supposed 
by  some  to  come  from  the  Spanish  and  to  mean  "hot  fur- 
nace." Popularly  it  is  known  as  the  Golden  State,  in  allu- 
sion to  the  large  deposits  of  gold  found  in  its  soil.  Gold 
was  first  discovered  January  24,  1848,  in  El  Dorado 
County. 

Calvert,  George.  (Lord  Baltimore.)  The  founder  of 
Maryland.  He  applied  for  a  grant  of  land,  which  is  now 
the  State  of  Maryland,  but  died  before  the  patent  was  fully 
executed,  and  it  was  issued  to  his  son,  Cecil,  in  1633.  Born 
in  England,  1580;  died  April  15,  1632. 

Canadian  Rebellion.  In  1837  an  insurrection  took  place 
in  Canada,  many  of  the  inhabitants  being  dissatisfied  with 
governmental  methods.  The  rebellion  was  completely 
crushed  in  about  a  year.  It  is  of  interest  in  our  history 
because  it  threatened  to  cause  international  complications 
between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  Many  in- 
habitants of  this  country,  largely  those  of  Irish  extraction, 
sympathized  with  the  Canadians  and  sought  to  aid  them. 
In  spite  of  the  fact  that  our  government  declared  its  strict 


62       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

neutrality,  about  700  men,  chiefly  from  New  York  State, 
under  the  lead  of  Mackenzie,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the 
Canadian  revolt,  seized  and  fortified  Navy  Island,  situated 
in  the  Niagara  River,  and  within  British  jurisdiction.  They 
made  this  a  base  of  operations  for  raids  on  the  Canadian 
shore  until  they  were  forced  to  evacuate  by  a  battery  of 
guns  on  the  Canadian  side.  The  steamer  Caroline,  which 
they  had  made  use  of,  was  seized  by  the  Canadian  militia 
at  a  wharf  on  the  American  side  of  the  river  and  sent,  on 
fire,  over  Niagara  Falls.  (See  McLeod  Case.)  Our  gov- 
ernment sent  General  Scott  with  a  force  of  soldiers  to  pre- 
vent infractions  of  our  neutral  position. 

Canal  Ring.  In  1874  Samuel  J.  Tilden  was  elected 
Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York.  He  had  been  promi- 
nent in  the  overthrow  of  the  Tweed  Ring  in  New  York 
City,  and  his  suspicions  had  been  directed  against  the  man- 
agement of  the  State  canals.  His  first  annual  message  to 
the  Legislature  called  attention  to  the  system  of  canal  re- 
pairs. This  subject  had  been  under  investigation  some 
five  years  earlier,  but  nothing  had  come  of  it.  Tilden  had 
made  extensive  inquiries  and  was  able  to  present  facts  to 
the  Legislature  showing  that  vast  sums  had  been  fraudu- 
lently expended  and  wasted  on  the  work  of  repairs.  Osten- 
sibly, contracts  for  this  work  were  given  out  to  the  lowest 
bidder ;  but  these  lowest  bidders  so  arranged  their  bids  that 
while  some  materials  were  contracted  for  at  ridiculously 
low  figures,  others  were  put  in  at  monstrously  high  prices ; 
the  contracts  were  then,  by  collusion  with  the  authorities, 
altered  so  as  to  require  much  of  the  expensive  and  little  or 
none  of  the  cheap  material,  this  altered  contract  being  by 
the  conspirators  not  regarded  as  a  new  one  (which  it  was, 
in  fact),  and,  therefore,  not  again  offered  subject  to  com- 
petition. In  his  message  the  Governor  showed  that  on  ten 
contracts,  ostensibly  let  for  about  $425,000,  there  had  been 
paid  $1,560,000.  He  pointed  out  that  while  the  books  had 
shown  an  apparent  surplus  of  canal  revenues  over  expendi- 
tures of  about  $5,800,000  for  a  period  of  five  years,  there 
had  actually  been  a  deficiency  of  $5,100,000.  His  vigorous 
measures  succeeded  in  breaking  up  the  Ring  and  led  to  the 
passage  of  laws  securing  the  State  from  that  quarter  in  the 
future. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       63 

Canal  Scrip  Fraud.  In  1839  the  Canal  Trustees  of  the 
State  of  Illinois  issued  about  $390,000  of  Canal  Scrip., 
payable  in  ninety  days.  This  had  practically  all  been  pre- 
sented for  redemption  before  1843,  but,  as  subsequently 
appeared,  the  certificates  had  simply  been  laid  away  and 
not  canceled.  In  1859  some  of  the  scrip  appeared  in  circula- 
tion, and  a  legislative  inquiry  revealed  the  fact  that  $223,- 
182.66  of  these  redeemed  but  uncanceled  certificates  had 
been  reissued  by  Governor  Joel  A.  Matteson.  As  soon  as 
his  name  was  connected  with  the  matter,  Matteson  offered 
to  make  good  any  loss  to  the  State,  while  at  the  same  time 
maintaining  that  he  had  acquired  the  scrip  by  investment. 
The  legislative  committee  was  not  disposed  to  press  the 
matter,  and  although  the  Grand  Jury  of  Sangamon  County 
had  voted  to  indict  him,  the  vote  was  reconsidered  and  the 
matter  dropped.  The  State  was  reimbursed  for  all  but  a 
small  part  of  its  loss. 

Capital  of  the  United  States.  The  first  national  capital 
was  New  York  City.  The  agricultural  members  of  Con- 
gress desired  a  change,  because  they  feared  the  influence 
of  surrounding  commercial  interests  on  legislation.  Phila- 
delphia was  objected  to  by  the  Southern  members  because 
the  Quakers  were  urging  the  abolition  of  sla,very.  A  com- 
promise was  finally  made  by  which  the  capital  was  to  be 
Philadelphia  for  ten  years,  and  after  that  a  district  ceded 
by  Maryland  and  Virginia  to  the  National  Government. 
Accordingly  the  seat  of  government  was  removed  to  Phila- 
delphia in  1790.  In  the  meantime,  Maryland,  in  1788, 
and  Virginia,  in  1789,  had  ceded  a  district  ten  miles  square 
lying  on  both  sides  of  the  Potomac,  which  was  first  known 
as  the  Federal  City  and  afterward,  in  1791,  obtained  the 
name  of  the  Territory  of  Columbia,  the  city  being  known 
as  the  City  of  Washington.  On  November  17,  1800,  the 
government  was  removed  to  Washington,  where  it  has  since 
remained.  The  city  at  that  time  was  a,  curious  combina- 
tion of  huts  and  half-finished  buildings  of  greater  preten- 
sion, with  a  small  population.  (See  District  of  Columbia.) 

Carlisle,  John  Griffin,  was  born  in  Kentucky,  September 
5,  1835.  A  lawyer  by  profession.  He  served  in  the  State 
Legislature,  both  in  the  House  and  the  Senate,  from  1859 
to  1861,  and  from  1869  to  1871.  In  the  latter  year  he  was 


64       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

elected  Lieutenant-Governor.  He  was  elected  to  the  Forty- 
fifth,  Forty-sixth,  Forty-seventh,  Forty-eighth,  Forty-ninth 
and  Fiftieth  Congresses,  the  last  time  after  a  contest.  In 
1883  he  was  elected  Speaker,  and  was  re-elected  to  that 
office  in  the  Forty-ninth  and  Fiftieth  Congresses. 

Carolina  Constitution.  In  1669,  Lord  Shaftesbury,  one 
of  the*  proprietaries  of  the  Carolina  Colony,  had  a  constitu- 
tion prepared  by  the  philosopher  John  Locke  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  that  colony,  by  means  of  which  an  endeavor  was 
made  to  establish  in  America  what  can  only  be  called  a 
feudal  empire — with  what  success,  however,  can  be  readily 
imagined.  The  constitution  contained  an  hundred  and 
twenty  articles.  The  eight  proprietaries  who  held  the  grant 
of  the  Carolina  Colony  were  to  combine  the  dignity  and 
power  of  a  Governor  and  an  upper  house  of  the  Legisla- 
ture. Their  position  and  rule  was  to  be  hereditary,  and 
their  number  was  never  to  be  increased  or  diminished,  for 
in  the  case  of  the  death  of  a  member  without  heirs  his  sur- 
vivors elected  a  successor.  The  territory  contained  in  this 
grant  was  divided  into  counties,  each  containing  480,000 
acres,  and  this  was  again  divided  into  five  equal  parts,  of 
which  one  remained  inalienable  property  of  the  proprie- 
taries, and  another  formed  the  inalienable  and  indivisable 
estate  of  the  nobility,  of  which,  according  to  the  constitu- 
tion, there  were  two  orders — one  earl  and  two  barons  for 
each  county.  The  remaining  three-fifths  were  reserved  for 
the  people,  and  might  be  held  by  lords  of  the  manor  who 
were  not  hereditary  legislators.  The  members  of  the  nobil- 
ity might  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished,  elections 
supplying  all  places  left  vacant  for  want  of  heirs.  All 
political  rights  were  dependent  upon  hereditary  wealth. 
The  cultivators  of  the  soil  were  each  to  be  allowed  the  use 
of  ten  acres  at  a  fixed  rent,  but  were  not  to  be  allowed  to 
purchase  land  or  exercise  the  right  of  suffrage.  They  were 
adscripts  to  the  soil,  were  under  the  jurisdiction  of  their 
lord,  without  right  of  appeal  to  the  court,  and  from  genera- 
tion to  generation  were  forbidden  to  hold  land  or  acquire 
any  political  power.  The  eight  proprietaries  constituted 
the  highest  court,  or  court  of  appeals,  over  which  the  oldest 
one  of  their  number  presided,  with  the  title  of  Palatine. 
There  were  seven  other  courts,  each  presided  over  by  one 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       65 

of  the  seven  other  proprietaries,  with  the  respective  titles  of 
Admiral,  Chamberlain,  Chancellor,  Constable,  Chief  Jus- 
tice, High  Steward,  and  Treasurer,  and  each  had  six  coun- 
selors, all  appointed  for  life,  of  whom  four,  at  least,  were 
to  be  nobles.  The  supervision  of  everything  in  the  colonies 
was  vested  in  these  courts,  and  altogether  they  formed  what 
was  called  a  grand  council,  who  exercised  the  exclusive 
right  of  proposing  laws.  These  laws,  however,  were  to  be 
submitted  for  approval  or  rejection  to  the  Parliament, 
which  was  composed  of  all  the  proprietaries,  the  nobles, 
and  four  representatives  of  the  lords  of  the  manor  from 
each  county.  The  proprietaries,  in  their  capacity  as  an 
upper  house,  could  veto  the  acts  of  Parliament.  Slavery 
was  tolerated,  and  masters  were  given  absolute  power  and 
authority  over  their  slaves.  Each  county  was  to  have  four 
local  courts,  whence  appeals  could  be  made  to  the  court  of 
the  Chief  Justice,  and  no  lawyer  was  to  be  allowed  to  plead 
for  money  or  reward  in  any  court.  The  religion  was  to 
be  that  of  the  Church  of  England.  Of  course,  all  attempts 
to  foist  such  a  scheme  of  government  on  the  few  scattered 
Huguenots,  who  formed  the  population,  met  with  deserved 
failure,  and  after  twenty  years  was  abandoned. 

Carpet-Baggers.  A  name  given  by  the  Southern  whites 
to  the  Northern  whites  that,  after  the  Civil  War,  came 
South  and  took  an  active  part  in  politics.  Many  held  Fed- 
eral offices,  and  others  came  for  the  purpose  of  qualifying 
for  elective  offices  by  means  of  a  short  residence.  The  name 
arose  from  the  fact  that  few  of  them  intended  to  settle 
permanently,  but  carried  (it  was  said)  their  effects  in  a 
carpet-bag.  It  was  they  that  organized  and  largely  con- 
trolled the  negro  vote. 

Cartel  is  an  agreement  between  belligerent  States  relating 
to  the  methods  of  carrying  on  the  war,  as  for  the  exchange 
of  prisoners,  declaring  certain  ground  neutral,  repressing 
marauders,  carrying  on  postal  communication,  or  the  like. 
A  cartel-ship  (sometimes  simply  called  a  cartel)  is  one 
used  in  exchanging  prisoners  or  carrying  communications 
to  the  enemy.  Cartels  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  are 
perhaps  the  most  common.  These  are  usually  concluded  by 
•the  two  governments,  but  generals  may  treat  with  each 
other  directly.  An  exchange  of  prisoners  is  beneficial  to 


66       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

each  side,  which  thereby  recovers  its  own  men  and  is  saved 
the  trouble  and  expense  of  guarding  and  feedings  its  cap- 
tives. In  an  exchange,  the  rank  of  the  prisoners  is  taken 
into  account,  and,  so  far  as  possible,  man  is  exchanged  for 
man  of  equal  rank. 

Carteret,  Sir  George.  One  of  the  original  proprietaries 
of  the  Carolinas,  and,  with  Lord  Berkeley  (which  see),  was 
granted  the  land  between  the  Hudson  and  the  Deleware 
rivers,  which  was  named  New  Jersey  from  his  birthplace. 
Born  at  St.  Ouen,  Jersey,  1611;  died  1680. 

Carver,  John.  The  leader  of  the  Pilgrims;  first  Gov- 
ernor of  Plymouth  Colony,  1620-21.  Born  in  England, 
1575;  died  at  Plymouth,  Mass.,  April,  1621. 

Cass,  Lewis,  was  born  at  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  Oc- 
tober 9,  1782,  and  died  at  Detroit,  June  17,  1866.  He  was 
a  lawyer.  During  the  War  of  1812  he  rose  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general;  from  1813  to  1831  he  was  Governor  of 
Michigan  Territory;  under  Jackson  he  was  Secretary  of 
War;  under  Buchanan,  Secretary  of  State;  from  1845  to 
1857  he  was  United  States  Senator  from  Michigan.  In 
1 848  he  was  a  candidate  for  President.  In  politics  he  was 
a  Democrat. 

Cast  an  Anchor  to  the  Windward.  This  phrase  occurs 
in  one  of  the  Mulligan  letters  (ivhich  see). 

Casus  Belli  is  a  Latin  phrase  meaning  a  reason  for  war. 
Nations  usually  seek  to  justify  a  war  by  announcing  a 
cause  for  it,  but  the  pretexts  are  various,  and  international 
law  has  not  yet  decided  which  shall  be  considered  as  suffi- 
cient justifications. 

Caucus.  This  word  is  variously  derived,  but  it  is  most 
probably  a  corruption  of  the  word  caulkers,  a  term  deris- 
ively applied  to  those  that  attended  political  meetings  in 
Boston  at  the  time  of  ill-feeling  between  the  citizens  and 
the  British  troops  before  the  Eevolution.  Laborers  in  ship- 
yards and  seafaring  men  are  said  to  have  been  numerous 
at  these  meetings,  hence  the  term.  The  term  has  now  come 
to  be  applied  to  any  political  meeting  held  for  the  purpose 
of  determining  the  will  of  the  majority  of  the  party  for 
the  purpose  of  united  action  in  the  face  of  opponents.  In 
the  earlier  years  of  the  government,  Presidential  nomina- 
tions were  made  by  a  caucus  of  the  Congressmen  of  ft 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       67 

party.  (See  Caucus,  Congressional.)  In  1824  this  system 
came  to  an  end.  In  1828  nominations  were  made  by  the 
Legislatures  of  the  States,  and  thereafter  by  the  present 
system  of  nominating  conventions.  A  legislative  caucus  is 
the  meeting  of  the  members  of  a  party  (usually  the  party 
in  the  majority)  for  the  purpose  of  united  action  in  the 
legislative  chamber.  Divisions  in  the  party  while  in  the 
latter  might  cause  the. adoption  of  a  measure  advocated  by 
the  minority  of  the  dominant  party  with  whom  the  minor- 
ity party  might  join.  The  legislative  caucus  began  to  make 
its  appearance  in  national  politics  about  the  year  1805.  It 
has  transferred  the  contest  of  important  matters  from  the 
legislative  hall  to  the  caucus  meeting,  and  has  perverted 
the  intention  of  the  Constitution  by  practically  placing  the 
control  of  the  legislative  branch  into  the  hands  of 
the  majority,  which  may,  in  fact,  be  a  minority.  All 
elections  held  by  legislative  bodies,  as  of  the  Speaker 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  or  of  a  United  States  Sen- 
ator in  a  State  Legislature,  are  determined  in  that  manner, 
the  election  in  the  legislative  chamber  being  merely  the 
formal  registering  of  the  caucus  decisions. 

The  local  meetings  held  by  the  members  of  a  party  for 
the  purpose  of  naming  local  candidates,  or  delegates  to 
larger  political  assemblies,  were  formerly  called  caucuses, 
and  are  still  so  called  in  some  portions  of  the  country.  The 
name  of  Primary  Elections  is,  however,  more  generally  ap- 
plied to  them,  and  under  that  head  they  are  treated. 

Caucus,  The  Congressional.  In  the  first  three  Presiden- 
tial elections  the  electors  were  untrammeled  by  pledges,  ex- 
cept such  as  may  have  been  given  by  individual  members. 
In  the  election  for  the  fourth  term  in  1800,  and  thereafter 
through  the  election  of  1824,  the  electors  were  the  mere 
puppets  of  the  Congressional  Caucus.  The  Congressional 
Caucus  was  a  caucus  of  the  members  of  Congress  of  either 
political  party,  and  by  it  were  determined  the  candidates 
for  whom  the  electors  of  that  party  should  vote.  To  clear 
themselves  of  the  charge  of  arrogating  to  themselves  powers 
not  intended  to  be  exercised  by  them,  the  caucus  on  several 
occasions  declared  that  the  members  acted  "only  in  their 
individual  character  as  citizens."  In  1820  the  Republican 
caucus  met,  but  took  no  action;  the  Federal  party  was  all 


68       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

but  dead.  In  1824  less  than  one-fourth  of  the  members 
attended  the  Republican  caucus,  and  in  this  year  the  sys- 
tem came  to  an  end.  At  the  next  election  the  State  Legis- 
latures nominated  the  candidates,  and  in  1832  the  present 
system  of  nominating  conventions  composed  of  members 
more  or  less  directly  selected  by  the  people  came  into  use. 

Censures  of  the  President  by  Congress.  Two  resolutions 
of  censure  on  the  President  have  been  passed,  once  by  the 
Senate  and  once  by  the  House,  on  occasions  where  the  ma- 
jority passing  these  resolutions  was  not  sufficiently  large 
either  to  pass  measures  over  the  President's  veto  or  to  im- 
peach him.  The  first  was  passed  by  the  Senate,  March  28, 
1834,  censuring  President  Jackson  for  a  violation  of  the 
Constitution  and  laws  in  the  removal  of  government  de- 
posits from  the  United  States  Bank.  (See  Removal  of 
Government  Deposits,,  etc.)  The  President  protested 
against  this  resolution  as  a  charge  to  answer  which  no  op- 
portunity could  be  afforded  him.  The  Senate  refused  to 
receive  the  protest.  Finally,  January  16,  1837,  after 
unsuccessful  attempts  for  three  years,  the  resolution 
of  censure  was  expunged  from  the  journal  of  the  Senate. 
The  second  occasion  wasjn  a  report  from  the  committee 
to  which  President  Tyler's  message  vetoing  the  Tariff  Bill 
of  1842  had  been  referred.  The  report  censured  the  Presi- 
dent for  improper  use  of  the  veto.  Tyler  protested  against 
this,  as  Jackson  had  done  before  him,  but  he  had,  as  a 
member  of  the  Senate  voted  against  the  reception  of  Jack- 
son's protest,  and  in  answer  to  his  protest  the  House  sent 
him  a  copy  of  the  Senate  resolution  on  the  former  occasion. 

Centralization.    (See  Construction  of  the  Constitution.) 

Channels,  Various,  In  which  I  Know  I  Can  Be  Useful. 
(See  I  Do  Not  Feel  that  I  Shall  Prove  a  Deadhead,  etc.) 

Chase,  Salmon  Portland,  was  born  at  Cornish,  New 
Hampshire,  January  13,  1808,  and  died  May  7,  1873.  He 
graduated  at  Dartmouth,  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
Ohio.  Although  a  Democrat,  he  acted  with  the  Liberal 
party  and  the  Free-Soil  party.  From  1849  to  1855  he  was 
United  States  Senator  from  Ohio,  being  elected  by  a  coali- 
tion of  Democrats  and  Free-Soilers.  From  1856  to  1860  he 
was  Governor  of  Ohio,  being  elected  as  a  Republican.  From 
1861  to  1864  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  during  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       69 

most  trying  time  in  our  history.  From  1864  to  1873  he 
was  Chief  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court.  In  18G8  his 
refusal  to  mould  the  expression  of  his  views  on  questions 
connected  with  the  suffrage  cost  him  the  Presidential  nomi- 
nation at  the  hands  of  the  Democratic  party. 

Chase,  Samuel.  A  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; Associate  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court,  1796; 
impeached  for  misdemeanor,  1804;  acquitted,  1805.  Born 
in  Maryland,  April  17,  1741;  died  June  19,  1811. 

Checks  and  .balances.  This  phrase  refers  to  those  fea- 
tures of  our  system  of  national  government  whereby  each 
branch  of  the  government  acts  as  a  check  or  balance  on  the 
others  in  securing  laws  desired  by  the  people  and  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  Constitution,  and  in  securing  their  proper 
enforcement.  Thus  the  Senate,  which,  by  reason  of  the 
longer  terms  of  its  members,  and  their  election  by  the 
State  Legislatures  and  not  by  the  people  directly,  is  not  so 
likely  to  be  influenced  by  the  popular  whims  and  preju- 
dices of  the  moment  as  the  House  of  Kepresentatives,  acts 
as  a  check  on  attempts  at  hasty  or  demagogic  action  by  the 
latter.  The  House,  reflecting  more  immediately  the  popu- 
lar will,  is  a  check  on  legislation  which  might  be  proposed 
by  the  Senate  in  defiance  of  the  principles  of  a  government 
according  to  the  wishes  of  a  majority  of  the  people.  The 
veto  power  of  the  President  is  a  check  on  hasty  or  improper 
action  by  Congress,  but  cannot  prevent  the  passage  of  laws 
for  which  there  is  an  overwhelming  demand,  as  shown  by 
a  two-thirds  majority  of  both  houses ;  and  should  the  Presi- 
dent fail  to  execute  the  laws  or  otherwise  misconduct  the 
duties  of  his  office,  he  is  liable  to  impeachment.  Lastly, 
the  Supreme.  Court  of  the  United  States  is  the  final  arbiter 
of  the  constitutionality  of  enacted  laws,  which  cannot  be 
enforced  should  it  decide  that  these  violate  the  Constitution. 

Cheeseparing  is  a  word  used  10  characterize  tiie  kind  of 
national  economy  advocated  by  some  public  men  who  would 
effect  a  saving  in  places  where  justice  and  foresight  demand 
liberality,  while,  moreover,  the  amount  so  saved  would  be 
insignificant.  Examples  of  this  are  opposition  to  steps  for 
increasing  the  salaries  of  judges  in  cities,  or  reductions 
of  the  salaries  of  foreign  ministers  who  must  in  their  per- 
sons represent  the  government. 


70      A  DimONAKY  OF  AMERICA^ 

Cherokee  Case.  The  Indian  tribes  known  as  the 
"Creeks"  and  the  "Cherokees"  possessed  large  tracts  of 
land  in  what  are  now  the  States  of  Georgia  and  North 
Carolina,  and  the  territory  to  the  west  of  them.  From 
time  to  time  treaties  had  been  made  with  these  Indians  by 
which  much  of  this  land  had  been  ceded  to  the  United 
States.  Among  these  were  the  Hopewell  treaty  of  1785 
and  the  Holston  treaty  of  1791;  the  first  of  these  instru- 
ments had,  among  other  things,  recognized  the  Cherokees 
as  a  nation  possessing  its  own  laws  and  all  the  other  at- 
tributes of  nationality;  the  second  had  guaranteed  to  them 
all  lands  not  thereby  ceded.  When  Georgia  in  1802  ceded 
her  western  territory  to  the  United  States,  the  latter  agreed 
to  extinguish  Indian  titles  to  lands  in  the  State  proper  as 
soon  as  it  could  peaceably  and  reasonably  be  done;  but  the 
Cherokees  could  not  be  induced  to  surrender  their  lands. 
The  State  therefore  claimed  the  right  to  extend  its  own 
laws  over  all  its  territory,  and  passed  acts  depriving  the 
Cherokees  of  their  courts  and  other  machinery  of  govern- 
ment; these  were  followed  by  acts  dividing  the  Cherokee 
land  into  counties,  and  after  allotting  160  acres  to  each 
head  of  a  Cherokee  family,  providing  for  the  distribution 
of  the  remainder  by  lot  among  the  people  of  the  State. 
Notwithstanding  the  treaties,  President  Jackson  took  the 
ground  that  as  the  State  was  sovereign  the  United  States 
could  not  interfere.  The  question  now  came  up  before  the 
United  States  Supreme  Court  in  the  following  way.  A 
Cherokee  named  Tassels  was  sentenced  to  be  hanged,  under 
the  laws  of  Georgia,  for  killing  another  Indian  on  the 
Cherokee  lands.  The  United  States  Supreme  Court  granted 
a  writ  of  error  requiring  the  State  to  show  cause  why  the 
case  should  not  go  to  the  Cherokee  courts.  This  writ  was 
disregarded,  and  the  Indian  was  hung.  There  the  matter 
was  dropped.  Again,  two  missionaries  were  convicted  of 
entering  the  Cherokee  territory  without  having  complied 
with  certain  requirements  demanded  by  Georgia  enact- 
ments regarding  these  lands.  Their  case  was  carried  to 
the  United  States  Supreme  Court  on  a  writ  of  error,  and 
the  judgment  of  the  court  held  the  provisions  of  our  In- 
dian treaties  as  paramount  to  the  State  laws.  But  the 
decision  was  never  enforced.  Jackson  is  reported  to  have 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       71 

said:  "Well,  John  Marshall  (the  Chief  Justice)  has  made 
his  decision;  now  let  him  enforce  it."  The  Cherokee  case 
is  important  as  the  first  instance  of  successful  nullification 
of  United  States  laws  hy  a  State.  The  Indians  were  finally 
persuaded  to  move  to  the  Indian  Territory,  and  by  1838 
the  last  had  left  the  State. 

Chief  Justice  is  the  title  of  the  presiding  Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  (See  Judiciary.) 
His  salary  is  $13,000  per  annum. 

Chilian  and  Peruvian  Difficulties.  (See  Peruvian  Guano 
Troubles.) 

Chinese  Must  Go.  A  cry  raised  by  the  inhabitants  of 
the  Pacific  Slope,  especially  the  laboring  men,  during  the 
discussion  of  the  Chinese  question  (which  see). 

Chinese  Question.  The  development  of  our  Pacific 
Coast  after  the  discovery  of  gold  in  California  created  a 
demand  for  labor  which  exceeded  the  supply.  Soon  China- 
men began  to  cross  the  ocean  and  settle  on  our  western 
coast.  The  means  necessary  to  enable  them  to  live  in  a 
state  comfortable  to  themselves  being  small,  they  soon  un- 
derbid white  laborers  and  supplanted  them  in  many  kinds 
of  work.  An  outcry  was  raised  by  the  white  population 
against  permitting  this  competition,  which  they  claimed 
was  unfair.  Local  legislation  attempted  to  impede  the 
coming  of  the  Chinese,  but  the  United  States  Courts  de- 
cided such  laws  invalid.  Then  Congress  was  applied  to. 
It  was  argued  that  the  Chinese  laborers — coolies,  as  they 
were  called — would  drive  out  white  laborers  because  they 
could  underbid  white  labor;  that  they  could  do  this  be- 
cause they  could  live  and  be  happy  on  a  pittance  that  would 
not  enable  white  workmen  to  live  in  decency.  It  was  said 
that  the  Chinese  were  an  inferior  race  in  morals  and 
physique;  that  so  far  from  being  desirous  of  assimilating 
themselves  to  our  institutions,  they  were  inseparably  at- 
tached to  their  own  civilization  and  regarded  us  as  bar- 
barians; that  they  did  not  inter-marry,  and  did  not  come 
here  with  the  intention  of  becoming  citizens  and  residing 
permanently  in  this  country.  Those  who  insisted  that  "the 
Chinese  must  go"  asserted  that  the  Chinese  came  here 
under  the  guidance  of  what  were  known  as  the  Six  Com- 
panies; that  these  organizations  controlled  them  absolutely 


72       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

in  trade,  in  labor,  and  politically;  that  they  thus  formed 
a  government  within  our  government,  and  not  in  unison 
with  it.  As  a  consequence  of  these  arguments,  it  was  urged 
that  the  goverment  should  restrict  Chinese  immigration  in 
justice  to  white  laborers,  for  its  own  safety  and  for  the 
welfare  of  the  people  at  large.  On  the  other  hand,  it  was 
argued  that  the  Chinese  were  an  honest,  quiet,  industrious, 
thrifty  and  ingenious  people ;  that  their  peculiar  habits  and 
customs  would  gradually  disappear  in  this  country;  that 
the  wealth  of  the  nation  would  be  increased  by  the  employ- 
ment of  cheaper  labor  as  it  would  by  using  labor-saving 
machinery,  and  that  it  was  not  in  accordance  with  our 
national  policy  of  welcoming  the  oppressed  of  all  nations 
to  refuse  to  receive  the  Chinese  alone,  who  would  come  into 
harmony  with  our  institutions  as  speedily  as  many  immi- 
grants from  Europe  who  were  freely  admitted.  The  West 
brought  such  strong  pressure  to  bear  on  Congress  that  in 
February,  1879,  a  bill  was  passed  limiting  the  number  of 
Chinese  passengers  that  could  be  brought  to  this  country 
in  a  single  vessel.  Hayes  vetoed  the  bill  in  March  as  vio- 
lating treaty  stipulations,  and  the  attempt  to  pass  it  over 
the  veto  was  a  failure.  Soon  afterward  a  commission  was 
appointed  which  negotiated  a  treaty  with  China  (ratified 
by  the  Senate  in  May,  1881)  giving  the  United  States 
power  to  limit  or  suspend,  but  not  to  prohibit,  the  immigrar- 
tion  or  residence  of  Chinese  laborers,  but  reserving  to  other 
Chinamen  and  to  laborers  then  in  the  United  States  all  the 
privileges  of  subjects  of  the  most  favored  nations.  In  1882 
a  bill  was  passed  prohibiting  Chinese  immigration.  This 
was  vetoed  by  Arthur  in  April  as  violating  the  treaty.  The 
bill  was  at  once  modified  and  again  passed,  and  this  time 
it  received  the  President's  approval  and  became  a  law  on 
May  6,  1882.  This  bill  (with  later  amendments)  sus- 
pended the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers  for  ten  years. 
The  Geary  law  and  the  policy  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment has  since  continued  and  enforced  Chinese  exclusion, 
as  a  menace  to  the  economic  interests  of  American  labor. 
Chinese  officers  on  diplomatic  business  and  their  servants 
are  excepted  from  the  provisions  of  the  law. 

Cimarron.    The  northwestern  corner  of  Indian  Territory, 
a  region  once  reserved  for  public  lands  of  the  United  States. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       73 

It  was  sometimes  called  "No  Man's  Land."  Since  between 
the  years  1850,  when  it  was  added  to  the  United  States, 
and  1890,  when  it  was  made  a  part  of  Oklahoma,  it 
was  under  no  form  of  government  and  the  resort  chiefly 
of  outlaws.  Eecently  settlers  from  Kansas  and  Colo- 
rado have  removed  thither  and  taken  up  their  abode 
there.  The  name  originally  proposed  for  the  district  was 
Cimarron. 

Cincinnatus  of  the  West.  It  is  narrated  by  an  ancient 
historian,  though  the  story  is  discredited  by  modern  ones, 
that  on  an  occasion  when  Borne  was  in  great  danger,  and 
Lucius  Quintius  Cincinnatus  had  been  made  dictator  to  de- 
liver her  from  danger,  the  message  of  his  appointment 
found  him  at  the  plow.  It  is  in  allusion  to  this  that  Will- 
iam Henry  Harrison  was  spoken  of  as  the  "Cincinnatus  of 
the  West"  when  he  was  called  to  the  Presidency  from  his 
estate  on  the  Ohio  River.  Washington  is  sometimes  called 
the  "Second  Cincinnatus,"  because  he  came  from  his  re- 
tirement at  Mount  Vernon  to  assume  the  Presidency. 

Cipher  Dispatches.  The  Presidential  election  of  1876 
was  long  doubtful;  the  change  of  a  single  electoral  vote 
would  have  turned  the  result.  After  the  election  a  number 
of  cipher  dispatches  were  discovered  which,  on  translation, 
proved  to  have  been  sent  by  persons  closely  identified  with 
Samuel  J.  Tilden,  relating  to  corrupt  agreements  for  the 
purchase  of  electoral  votes  in  Florida  and  Oregon  for  the 
Democratic  party.  The  allegations  were  investigated  by 
a  Congressional  committee,  which  concluded  that  while  at 
least  one  of  the  Florida  Canvassing  Board  was  purchasable, 
still,  that  Tilden  was  not  implicated  in  any  attempts  to 
purchase  him,  even  if  these  were  made.  The  minority  re- 
port, being  that  of  the  Republican  members  of  the  investi- 
gating committee,  concluded  that  the  charges  of  corrupti- 
bility on  the  part  of  members  of  canvassing  boards  were 
"but  the  slanders  of  foiled  suborners  of  corruption."  They 
regarded  the  proofs  of  attempted  corruption  as  conclusive, 
and  did  not  hesitate  to  indicate  their  belief  that  Tilden  had 
knowledge  of  the  matter.  In  a  card  dated  October  16,  1878, 
Tilden  denied  in  most  emphatic  terms  all  connection  with 
the  matter.  (For  the  settlement  of  the  election  see  Elec- 
toral Commission.) 


= 


74      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Circle  of  Honor,      (See  American  Knights.) 

Circuit  Court.      (See  Judiciary.) 

Cities,  Familiar  Names  of.  Baltimore,  Maryland 
Monumental  City.  Boston,  Massachusetts — Hub  of  th 
Universe;  Athens  of  America;  Modern  Athens;  Cradle  of 
Liberty;  City  of  Notions;  Puritan  City.  Brooklyn*  New 
York — City  of  Churches.  Buffalo,  New  York — Queen  City 
of  the  Lakes.  Chicago,  Illinois — Garden  City.  Cincinnati, 
Ohio — Queen  City.  Cleveland,  Ohio — Forest  City.  De- 
troit, Michigan — City  of  the  Straits.  Indianapolis,  In- 
diana— Railroad  City.  Kansas  City,  Missouri — City  of 
Bluffs.  Keokuk,  Iowa — Gate  City.  Louisville,  Kentucky 
— Falls  City.  Lowell,  Massachusetts — City  of  Spindles. 
Milwaukee,  Wisconsin — Cream  City.  Minneapolis  and  St. 
Paul,  Minnesota — Twin  Cities.  Nashville,  Tennesee — City 
of  Eocks.  New  Haven,  Connecticut — City  of  Elms;  Elm 
City.  New  Orleans,  Louisiana — Crescent  City.  New  York 
City,  New  York — Empire  City;  Gotham;  Metropolis  of 
America.  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania — City  of  Brotherly 
Love;  Quaker  City.  Pittsburg,  Pennsylvania — Smoky 
City;  Iron  City.  Portland,  Maine — Forest  City.  Roches- 
ter, New  York — Flour  City.  Springfield,  Illinois — Flower 
City.  St.  Louis,  Missouri — Mound  City.  Washington,  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia — City  of  Magnificent  Distances. 

Citizen.  A  term  used  instead  of  Mr.,  Sir,  Dr.  and  any 
other  titles,  during  the  end  of  the  last  century,  when  a 
wave  of  ultra-Republicanism  swept  over  the  country.  It 
was  in  imitation  of  the  custom  in  France. 

Citizenship.  A  citizen  is  a  member  of  a  commonwealth 
who  is  entitled  to  full  protection  in  the  enjoyment  of  what 
are  called  private  rights.  The  fourteenth  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  declares  that 4<  all  persons  born  or  natural- 
ized in  the  United  States  and  subject  to  the  jurisdiction 
thereof  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  State 
in  which  they  reside."  The  term  in  its  broad  sense  includes 
both  women  and  children,  and  the  right  to  vote  is  not  an 
inherent  privilege  of  citizenship.  (See  Suffrage;  Qualifica- 
tions of  Voters.)  Children  of  citizens  born  abroad  are  citi- 
zens without  naturalization.  Minor  children  of  naturalized 
citizens  become  citizens  by  the  naturalization  of  their  par- 
ents. All  citizens  whether  so  by  birth  or  naturalization,  are 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       75 

entitled  when  in  foreign  countries  to  the  full  protection 
of  this  government  as  to  their  persons  and  property.  The 
States  cannot  deprive  of  citizenship  any  person  declared  by 
the  Constitution  to  be  entitled  to  it,  but  they  may  extend 
citizenship  in  the  State  to  others  as  well ;  this  is  often  done 
to  persons  who  have  declared  their  intention  of  becoming 
citizens,  but  who  have  not  yet  been  naturalized.  The  act  of 
July  14,  1870,  practically  precluded  the  admission  of  Chi- 
nese to  citizenship.  The  only  points  in  which  a  naturalized 
citizen  is  not  on  an  equal  basis  with  a  native-born  citizen, 
are  that  he  can  never  be  eligible  as  President  or  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  and  that  he  cannot  become  a  Senator  till  he  has  been  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States  nine  years,  nor  a  Representative 
till  he  has  been  a  citizens  seven  years.  ( Constitution,  Arti- 
cle 2,  section  1,  clause  5 ;  Article  1,  section  3,  clause  3,  and 
Article  1,  section  1,  clause  2.)  (See  Naturalization.) 

Citizens'  Law  and  Order  League  of  the  United  States. 
This  is  an  organization  having  for  its  aims  to  enforce  ex- 
isting laws  that  are  often  disregarded,  and  to  secure  the 
passage  of  additional  legislation,  especially  in  regard  to 
restricting  the  sale  of  liquor,  preventing  its  sale  to  minors 
and  on  Sunday,  and  the  like.  Its  work  is  done  chiefly 
through  the  local  Law  and  Order  Leagues. 

Civil  Rights  Bill  was  introduced  into  Congress  in  1866. 
Its  object  was  to  protect  the  civil  rights  of  the  Southern 
negroes,  then  recently  emancipated.  It  declared  all  persons 
born  in  the  United  States  and  not  subject  to  a  foreign 
power,  except  Indians,  to  be  citizens  enjoying  the  same 
rights  as  white  citizens  in  regard  to  property,  contracts,  and 
entitled  to  all  the  civil  rights  of  citizens.  A  violation  of 
the  civil  rights  of  the  citizens  before  mentioned  was  made  a 
misdemeanor,  the  cognizance  of  which  was  given  exclusively 
to  the  Federal  courts;  Federal  officers  were  designated  to 
enforce  the  execution  of  the  law;  the  President  was  em- 
powered to  send  these  officers  to  any  point  at  which  such 
violations  were  feared,  and  to  use  the  military  and  naval 
forces  of  the  United  States,  or  militia,  in  enforcing  the  act. 
President  Johnson  vetoed  the  act  March  27th,  and  early 
in  April  it  was  passed  over  the  veto.  An  amendment  to 
this  act,  seeking  to  prevent  discrimination  against  negroes 
on  the  part  of  common  carriers,  inn-keepers,  theater  mana- 


78       A  DICTIONARY  0£  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

gers  and  school-teachers  was  proposed  as  an  amendment  to 
the  Amnesty  Act  of  1872  by  Senator  Charles  Sumner,  of 
Massachusetts,  but  it  failed.  A  similar  bill  failed  in  De- 
cember, 1872,  and  again  in  April,  1874;  at  length,  March  1, 
1875,  the  bill  became  a  law.  In  October,  1883,  the  Supreme 
Court  declared  as  much  of  the  act  of  1875  as  related  to  its 
operation  in  the  States  to  be  unconstitutional,  leaving  its 
operation  unhampered  in  the  District  of  Columbia  and  the 
Territories. 

Civil  Service  Reform.  The  civil  service  of  the  United 
States  includes  all,  except  military  and  naval  officers,  but 
in  general  use  the  term  is  applied  only  to  appointive  officers 
in  the  executive  branch  of  the  government  and  not  to  those 
in  the  legislative  and  judicial  departments.  It  seems  to 
have  been  the  intention  of  the  founders  of  our  government 
that  civil  officers  should  retain  their  positions  during  good 
behavior.  Jefferson  was  the  first  President  to  depart  from 
this  policy  and  to  inaugurate  the  system  of  removals  and 
appointments  for  political  reasons ;  in  a  letter  to  a  commit- 
tee of  New  Haven  merchants  on  this  subject  in  1801,  he 
used  the  following  well-known  sentences:  "If  a  due  par- 
ticipation of  office  is  a  matter  of  right,  how  are  vacancies 
to  be  obtained?  Those  by  death  are  few;  by  resignation 
none."  (This  is  sometimes  wrongly  quoted,  "Few  die  and 
none  resign.")  But  the  system  of  removing  and  appointing 
public  officials  for  political  reasons  only  was  not  thoroughly 
inaugurated  till  Jackson's  time.  Then  was  introduced 
from  New  York  politics  the  full  depth  and  breadth  of  the 
"spoils  system,"  so  called  from  the  phrase  descriptive  of  its 
aims,  "to  the  victor  belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy"  (which 
see);  from  that  time  on  public  office  was  considered  a  re- 
ward for  party  service.  Jackson  maintained  that  every  cit- 
izen had  an  equal  right  to  public  office;  he  advocated  "rota- 
tion in  office,"  which  involved  frequent  changes;  and  his 
removals  numbered  far  more  than  those  of  all  previous 
Presidents  together.  These  doctrines  have  been  defended 
on  the  ground  that  a  long  tenure  of  office  creates  a  bureau- 
cracy of  office-holders,  who  forget  that  they  are  servants  of 
the  public,  who  assume  an  undue  importance  in  their  own 
estimation  to  the  annoyance  and  obstruction  of  the  public, 
and  who  are  loath  to  adopt  new  and  improved  methods  of 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       7* 

transacting  business;  it  is  also  claimed  that  the  officers  of 
an  administration  should  be  in  sympathy  with  its  policy 
which  the  people  have  approved  by  their  suffrage.  The  real 
reason,  however,  of  the  support  for  so  long  by  politicians 
of  the  doctrine  of  rotation  in  office,  seems  to  have  been  the 
desire  to  have  at  their  command  rewards  for  the  political 
services  of  their  followers,  a  patronage,  by  the  promise  of 
which  they  might  aid  their  efforts  at  elections.  Many  poli- 
ticians however,  have  come  to  see  that  the  advantages  to 
them  of  the  spoils  system  are  accompanied  by  great  disad- 
vantages ;  their  lives  are  made  burdensome  by  constant  so- 
licitations for  their  influence  in  obtaining  office  for  their 
friends  and  constituents.  Added  to  this  the  civil  service 
reformers  have  urged  more  weighty  reasons.  They  main- 
tain that  public  office  is  a  public  trust;  that  it  should  be 
conducted  as  economically  and  efficiently  as  possible;  that 
the  sole  way  of  accomplishing  these  ends  is  to  appoint  to 
office  only  persons  who  are  duly  qualified,  to  promote  them 
as  they  show  themselves  worthy,  and  to  remove  them  only 
for  misconduct  or  inefficiency;  thus  office-holders  will  be 
encouraged  to  devote  themselves  in  earnest  to  their  work. 
They  assert  that  only  a  few  important  officials  need  to  be 
changed  with  each  administration  in  order  to  insure  the 
adequate  carrying  out  of  its  policy,  and  the  subordinates 
should  be  free  from  the  fear  of  removal  for  partisan  rea- 
sons, which  is  entirely  unnecessary.  They  point  to  the  great 
success  in  every  way  which  the  adoption  of  these  principles 
in  the  British  civil  service  has  effected.  Another  great  evil 
of  the  spoils  system  was  political  assessments;  as  a  condi- 
tion of  retaining  their  positions,  officials  were  made  to  con- 
tribute largely  to  the  campaign  fund  of  the  party  which 
was  in  power,  thus  infringing  their  individual  rights  and 
increasing  the  means  of  corruption  in  elections.  It  grad- 
ually came  to  be  felt  by  the  better  class  of  citizens  that 
these  evils  must  be  cured..  The  first  important  step  in  this 
direction  was  taken  by  the  act  of  1871  which  appointed  a 
civil  service  commission  to  ascertain  the  fitness  of  candi- 
dates for  public  office;  but  Congress  soon  refused  appro- 
priations for  it;  its  work  was  consequently  suspended,  and 
it  proved  of  little  value  except  in  paving  the  way  for  a 
more  complete  measure.  About  the  same  time  competitive 


78      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

examinations  were  commenced  by  the  Naval  Officer  at  New 
York,  and  the  Custom  House  at  that  place  gradually  came 
to  adopt  the  system  with  excellent  effect;  but  this  was  a 
merely  local  attempt  and  not  required  by  law.     Notwith- 
standing Grant's  message  to  Congress  urging  the  support 
of  the  commission  authorized  in  1871,  the  messages  of 
Hayes,  Garfield  and  Arthur  calling  for  an  efficient  meas- 
ure to  reform  the  civil  service,  and  executive  orders  for- 
bidding political  assessments  (which  orders  soon  became 
dead  letters),  nothing  was  accomplished  till  the  latter  part 
of  1882.    Then  a  bill  (often  known  as  the  Pendleton  Bill) 
was  introduced  by  a  Democrat,  Senator  Pendleton,  for  re- 
forming the  civil  service.    It  passed  the  Senate  December 
27th  by  a  vote  of  thirty-eight  to  five;  of  the  majority, 
twenty-three  were  Republicans,  fourteen  Democrats  and  one 
Independent;  of  the  minority  all  were  Democrats.     The 
House  passed  the  bill  on  January  5,  1883,  by  a  veto  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty-five  to  forty-seven;  of  the  majority  one 
hundred  and  one  were  Republicans,  forty-nine  Democrats 
and  five  Independents ;  of  the  minority  seven  were  Republi- 
cans, thirty-nine  Democrats  and  one  Independent.    It  was 
approved  by  President  Arthur,  January  16,  1883.    This  bill 
prohibited  all  political  assessments  and  the  appointment  of 
more  than  two  members  of  the  same  family  to  public  office. 
It  created  a  Civil  Service  Commission,  consisting  of  three 
persons,  not  more  than  two  from  one  political  party,  to  be 
appointed  by  the  President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 
The  rules  framed  by  the  commission  for  carrying  out  the 
purposes  of  the  act  are  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  Presi- 
dent.   The  act  applies  to  offices  of  more  than  fifty  persons 
in  the  departments  at  Washington  and  in  the  customs  and 
postal  services,  with  certain  exceptions,  such  as  confidential 
clerks  of  heads  of  departments  or  offices,  cashiers,  and  some 
other  financial  positions,  deputy  collectors,  chiefs  of  bureaus 
or  divisions,  professional  officers,  officers  required  to  be 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  laborers  and  workmen.    Local  ex- 
amining boards  are  appointed  by  the  commission  from  offi- 
cials at  the  respective  places.     Open  and  competitive  ex- 
aminations are  held,  but  non-competitive  examinations  may 
be  held  when  competent  persons  do  not  compete  after  due 
notice.    Vacancies  are  filled  by  the  selection  of  one  of  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       79 

four  highest  names  on  the  eligible  list,  which  are  furnished 
to  the  appointing  officer ;  persons  honorably  discharged  from 
the  army  and  navy  are  given  a  preference  in  appointments. 
Appointments  are  made  for  a  probationary  term  of  six 
months  and  are  made  permanent,  subject  to  removal  for 
cause,  if  the  probationer  has  proved  satisfactory.  Promo- 
tions are  also  made  as  the  result  of  examinations.  The 
workings  of  this  act  have  proved  successful  in  the  main  in 
raising  the  efficiency  of  the  service,  and  some  of  the  States 
have  adopted  in  their  own  jurisdictions  similar  systems. 
Both  the  Democratic  and  Republican  party  in  their  plat- 
forms uphold  the  principles  of  Civil  Service  Reform,  but 
accusations  of  partial  execution  of  the  act  will  probably  con- 
tinue to  be  made  against  the  party  in  power  for  the  time 
being.  (See  Term  and  Tenure  of  Office.) 

Civil  War,  otherwise  called  the  Rebellion.  The  essen- 
tial cause  of  the  Civil  War  was  slavery ;  the  ostensible  rea- 
son, the  doctrine  of  State  Rights ;  the  final  pretext,  the  elec- 
tion of  Lincoln.  The  growth  of  slavery  in  the  South,  and 
the  resulting  political  conflicts  between  the  South  and  the 
North  for  and  against  the  protection  and  territorial  exten- 
sion of  slavery  gradually  made  the  South  the  champion  of 
the  doctrine  of  State  Rights,  and  led  that  section  to  main- 
tain the  right  of  any  State  to  secede  from  the  Union.  (See 
Slavery;  State  Sovereignty.)  The  election  of  Lincoln 
showed  that  the  power  of  the  Democratic  party  was  broken, 
and  the  South  feared  a  vigorous  policy  against  the  extension 
of  slavery  and  its  political  supremacy.  As  the  Southern 
States  had  declared  they  should  do  in  the  event  of  Lincoln's 
election,  they  one  by  one  passed  ordinances  of  secession  (see 
Secession)  and  formed  a  government  under  the  name  of  the 
Confederate  States  of  America.  While  this  was  going  on  it 
became  evident  that  war  would  be  the  result.  The  first 
gun  was  fired  on  January  9, 1861,  by  batteries  in  Charleston 
harbor,  which  drove  back  the  steamer  Star  of  the  West, 
bearing  supplies  to  Fort  Sumter.  The  actual  outbreak  of 
war,  however,  is  dated  from  April  12th,  when  Fort  Sumter 
was  bombarded.  The  first  blood  was  shed  in  Baltimore  on 
April  19th  in  a  street  attack  on  the  Sixth  Massachusetts 
regiment,  which  was  on  its  way  to  Washington.  Bull  Run 
(July  21,  1861)  was  the  first  great  battle.  It  resulted  in  a 


80      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

severe  defeat  for  the  Union  army ;  its  effect  was  to  encour- 
age the  South  and  raise  a  determined  spirit  in  the  North, 
and  to  unify  both  sections  in  support  of  their  respective 
policies.  The  Mississippi  was  opened  to  Union  vessels  by 
the  capture  of  New  Orleans  in  April,  1862,  and  of  Vicks- 
burg  and  Port  Hudson  in  July,  1863.  The  latter  month 
also  saw  the  Union  victory  of  Gettysburg,  by  which  the 
Confederate  attempt  to  carry  the  war  into  the  Northern 
States  was  overthrown.  From  July,  1863,  the  final  victory 
of  the  national  cause  was  assured.  Sherman's  march  to 
the  sea  in  the  latter  part  of  1864,  cut  through  the  heart  of 
the  Confederacy  and  did  incalculable  damage  to  the  South- 
ern cause.  The  vigorous  blows  which,  in  1864  and  the 
spring  of  1865,  Grant  dealt  to  Lee's  army  in  Virginia, 
brought  the  war  *  a  conclusion.  Lee  surrendered  at  Ap- 
pomattox  Court  T  <use  on  April  9,  1865.  Johnston's  army 
surrendered  on  A>>ril  26th,  and  within  two  months  more  all 
the  Confederate  >rces  had  laid  down  their  arms.  The  re- 
sult of  the  war  .^as  to  establish  the  fact  that  the  United 
States  is  a  nation  and  not  a  league  of  States,  and  that  no 
State  has  the  ri  ht  to  secede  from  the  Union.  It  also  re- 
sulted in  the  a1  •  lition  of  slavery.  The  proclamation  of 
emancipation,  i  aed  by  President  Lincoln  on  January  1, 
1863,  declared  che  freedom  of  all  slaves  within  certain 
designated  terrtory  which  was  in  rebellion,  and  the  thir- 
teenth amendment  to  the  Constitution,  adopted  after  the 
war,  extingu;  •  slavery  in  the  United  States.  (See 
Emancipation  Amendments  to  the  Constitution.)  The 
readmission  t<  .e  Union  of  the  States  that  had  formed  the 
Confederacy  i.  treated  under  Reconstruction.  The  exclu- 
sion of  representatives  of  the  Confederate  States  from  Con- 
gress during  the  war  insured  to  the  Republicans  majorities 
in  both  house*.  The  Republican  party  advocated,  and  by  its 
legislation  <  'forced,  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war, 
while  the  D  mocratic  party,  as  a  body,  was  not  in  hearty 
sympathy  w:th  ^',  though  many  "War  Democrats/'  as  they 
were  called,  were  not  an  inch  behind  the  foremost  Republi- 
cans. (See  Amnesty;  Drafts;  and  similar  titles  for  subjects 
connected  with  legislation  and  the  execution  of  the  laws.) 
Claiborne's  Rebellion.  William  Clai borne  (which  see), 
a  member  of  the  Maryland  Colony,  having  obtained  a  royal 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       81 

license  in  1631  to  traffic  with  the  Indians,  had  established 
two  settlements,  one  on  the  Island  of  Kent,  and  the  other 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Susquehanria.  Claiborne  not  only 
refused  to  acknowledge  the  authority  of  Lord  Baltimore, 
but  sought  to  maintain  his  own  claims  by  force  of  arms. 
He  was  defeated,  and  fled  to  Virginia,  whence  he  was  sent 
to  England  for  trial  as  a  traitor.  He  applied  to  the  king 
for  redress,  but  the  charter  of  Baltimore  was  declared  valid, 
against  the  earlier  license  of  Claiborne.'1  The  latter  returned 
to  Maryland,  got  up  a  rebellion  in  1645,  and  drove  Gover- 
nor Calvert  into  Virginia.  For  a  year  and  a  half  the  in- 
surgents held  the  reins  of  government.  Claiborne  after- 
ward became  one  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  Parlia- 
ment, under  the  Protectorate,  to  govern  Maryland. 

Claiborne  (sometimes  spelled  Clay \Wrne),  William. 
Secretary  of  State  for  the  Virginia  Coldfft  1625.  In  1651, 
appointed  by  the  British  Parliament  a  member  of  a  com- 
mission to  reduce  the  Virginia  and  Iraryland  Colonies. 
(See  Claiborne 's  Rebellion.)  Born  in  E#dand,  1589;  died 
in  Virginia,  1676. 

Clay,  Henry,  was  born  in  Hanover  Bounty,  Virginia, 
April  12,,  1777,  and  died  in  Washingto^0  June  29,  1852. 
He  was,  by  profession,  a  lawyer.  In  !$(]%, and  1807,  and 
from  1809  to  1811,  he  was  United  States  Senator  from 
Kentucky;  from  1811  to  1825  he  was  a  Re  vresentative,  and 
six  times  Speaker  of  the  House.  From  182Hrto  1829  he  was 
Secretary  of  State,  and  from  1836  to  island  from  1849 
until  his  death  he  was  again  Senator.  1*  V&s  originally  a 
War  Democrat  during  the  War  of  1812.  ?e  was  then  of 
the  Adams  and  Clay  Republicans,  taking  p$rt  in  the  scrub 
race  for  the  Presidency  in  1825.  He  becarn^  the  leader  of 
the  Whig  party.  In  1831  and  1844  he  was  the  Whig  candi- 
date for  President.  Personally  he  was  one  ^f  the  most  at- 
tractive and  irresistible  of  men,  and  as  a  le>fffer  he  was  al- 
most worshipped.  He  was  particularly  fertSft  in  compro- 
mises, the  Missouri  Compromise  and  tl&  Compromise  of 
1850  being  his  best-known  achievements. 

Clayton-Bulwer  Treaty,  The,  was  negotiated  at  Wash- 
ington in  April,  1850,  by  John  M.  Clayton,  Secretary  of 
State  under  Taylor,  and  Sir  Edward  Bulwer,  British  Min- 
ister to  the  United  States.  The  treaty  provided  that  neither 


82       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  United  States  nor  Great  Britain  should  attempt  to  con- 
trol a  proposed  canal  across  Nicaragua,  in  Central  America. 
It  provided  further  for  the  neutrality  of  the  canal,  and  it' 
guaranteed  encouragement  to  all  lines  of  inter-oceanic  com- 
munication. The  terms  of  the  treaty  were  afterward  much 
disputed.  In  1882  our  government  intimated  to  Great 
Britain  that  the  canal  having  become  impracticable  because 
of  reasons  for  which  Great  Britain  alone  was  responsible, 
the  United  States  considered  the  treaty  as  no  longer  bind- 
ing. It  was  virtually  abrogated  when,' November  18,  1903, 
a  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Republic  of 
Panama  was  signed,  by  which  a  strip  of  land  ten  miles  wide 
was  ceded  to  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of  building 
and  operating  the  canal.  The  treaty  was  ratified  by  the 
Senate,  February  23,  1904. 

Clay  Whigs.  The  death  of  William  Henry  Harrison 
raised  John  Tyler  to  the  Presidency.  Both  were  Whigs. 
Henry  Clay  was  the  leader  of  the  Whig  party.  Tyler  was 
one  of  those  nullifiers  that  had  remained  with  the  Whig 
party  when  Calhoun  and  his  followers  withdrew,  about 
1838.  The  contrast  between  him  and  the  other  leaders  of 
his  party  at  once  showed  itself,  and  a  bitter  fight  ensued 
between  the  followers  of  Clay  and  those  of  Tyler.  Clay's 
adherents  were  known  as  Clay  Whigs.  The  first  quarrel 
was  on  the  subject  of  a  charter  for  a  national  bank.  The 
President  was  opposed  to  its  being  chartered,  and  vetoed 
a  bill  for  that  purpose  drawn  by  the  Secretary  of  the  Treas- 
ury, giving  as  his  reason  the  presence  of  certain  features 
which  he  considered  objectionable.  A  bill  was  hastily 
drawn  up  embodying  the  President's  suggestions,  but  this, 
too,  received  his  veto.  The  conflict  was  continued  on  other 
measures.  The  House  next  elected  was  more  strongly 
Democratic.  (See  Whig  Party.) 

Clean  Sweep  is  a  phrase  used  in  politics  to  indicate  the 
removal  by  an  official  of  all  of  his  subordinates  not  belong- 
ing to  his  political  party. 

Cleveland,  Grover,  was  born  at  Caldwell,  New  Jersey, 
March  18, 1837.  He  moved  to  Buffalo,  New  York,  early  in 
lifo>  and  was  there  admitted  to  the  bar.  He  was  Assistant 
District- Attorney  from  1863  to  1866;  in  1870  he  was 
elected  Sheriff,  and  in  1881  Mayor  of  Buffalo.  Governor  of 


GROYER  CLEVELAND. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       83 

New  York,  1883-84;  President  of  the  United  States,  1885- 
89 ;  defeated  for  the  Presidency,  1888 ;  re-elected  President, 
1892;  called  an  extra  session  of  Congress  in  1893  which 
repealed  the  purchasing  clause  of  the  so-called  Sherman 
Bill  (which  see). 

Clinton,  De  Witt,  was  born  at  Little  Britain,  New  York, 
March  2, 1769,  and  died  at  Albany,  February  11,  1828.  He 
graduated  at  Columbia  College,  and  was  admitted  to  the 
bar.  He  was  elected  to  the  New  York  Senate  in  1799.  From 
1802  to  1803  he  was  a  United  States  Senator.  From  1817 
to  1822,  and  from  1822  to  1827,  he  was  Governor  of  New 
York.  He  held  other  State  offices,  and  was  Mayor  of  New 
York  City.  In  1812  he  ran  against  Madison  for  the  Presi- 
dency. He  was  a  Democrat,  but  he  and  his  followers  in 
New  York  constituted  a  distinct  faction,  frequently  allied 
with  the  Whigs.  He  believed  in  internal  improvements, 
though  for  the  benefit  of  the  State  rather  than  of  the  na- 
tion. He  was  the  chief  promoter  of  the  Erie  Canal. 

Clinton,  George,  was  born  in  Ulster  County,  New  York, 
July  26,  1739,  and  died  April  20,  1812.  He  was  Governor 
of  New  York  from  1777  to  1795,  and  from  1801  to  1804. 
He  was  the  head  of  the  powerful  Clinton  family.  He  op- 
posed the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  He  was  Vice-Presi- 
dent from  1804  to  1812,  having  been  defeated  for  the  same 
office  in  1789  and  1792. 

Clintonian  Platform.   (See  Clint  onians.) 

Clintonians.  In  New  York  State  the  Clinton  family  was 
originally  opposed  to  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution;  the 
Livingstons  and  Schuylers  favored  it.  Alexander  Hamilton 
was  a  connection  of  the  Schuylers,  and  Morgan  Lewis  of  the 
Livingstons.  Aaron  Burr  had  at  first  been  a  lukewarm 
Federalist.  The  Clintons  were  naturally  at  once  of  the  Re- 
publican (Democrat-Republican)  party;  to  them,  in  about 
the  year  1800,  were  joined  the  Livingstons,  or  Lewisites, 
and  Burr  and  his  followers,  the  Burrites.  The  union  of 
the  Burrites  with  the  others  was  not  firm,  and,  dissension 
following,  their  influence  rapidly  waned,  the  national  ad- 
ministration recognizing  and  aiding  the  other  faction. 
About  1807  a  split  in  the  Republican  party  in  the  State  led 
to  the  ascendency  of  the  Clintons  over  the  Lewisites,  the 
State  patronage  being  freely  used  by  the  Clintons  to  ac- 


£4       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

complish  their  object.  The  Lewisites  and  Burrites  now 
joined  hands  and  declared  against  George  Clinton  and  in 
favor  of  Madison  for  the  presidency,  to  succeed  Jefferson. 
The  combination  of  the  Lewisites  and  Burrites  is  usually 
known  as  the  "Martling  men/'  from  their  meeting-place 
in  New  York  City — Martling's  Long  Room.  The  Clinton 
faction  was  known  as  the  Clintonians.  These  latter  were 
thus  naturally  opposed  to  the  administration,  and  their  dis- 
like to  the  restrictive  measures  on  commerce  at  this  period 
threw  them  toward  the  Federalists,  with  whom  the  Clin- 
tonians now  frequently  acted,  jointly  supporting  De  Witt 
Clinton  for  the  Presidency  in  1812.  His  friends  issued  an 
address,  known  as  the  Clintonian  Platform,  in  which  they 
attacked  the  Congressional  caucus  and  the  Virginia  influ- 
ence. (See  those  titles.)  Madison  had  the  support  of  Jef- 
ferson, and  his  supporters  were  known  in  consequence  as 
Jefferson  Democrats.  A  split  among  the  Clintonians  now 
threw  De  Witt  Clinton  and  the  Federalists  still  more  closely 
together,  but  in  1815  this  coalition  was  defeated  and  the 
Federalists  finally  destroyed.  Clinton  and  the  others  of 
his  party  now  became  reconciled,  and  in  1817  he  was  elected 
Governor.  The  Martling  men  had,  about  1812,  revivified 
the  Tammany  organization  and  had  become  known  as  the 
"Bucktails,"  a  name  derived  from  the  Tammany  insignia  of 
a  buck's  tail  worn  in  the  hat  instead  of  a  feather.  On  his 
election  in  1817,  Clinton  inaugurated  the  canal  policy 
which  ended  in  giving  to  the  State  the  Erie  Canal.  The 
Bucktails  naturally  opposed  this  policy,  and  the  name  Buck- 
tail  came  to  be  applied  to  any  opponent  of  the  canals. 
Among  the  prominent  Clintonians  had  been  Daniel  D. 
Tompkins,  now  out  of  politics,  and  Martin  Van  Buren,  who 
had  joined  the  Bucktails.  About  1822  the  Bucktails  came 
to  be  recognized  as  the  regular  Republican  (Democratic-Re- 
publican) party  of  the  State.  In  the  election  of  that  year 
the  Clintonians  were  defeated.  In  1824,  however,  the  re- 
moval of  Clinton  from  the  post  of  Canal  Commissioner 
created  a  reaction  in  his  favor,  and  he  was  elected  Governor 
in  that  year  and  again  in  1826.  The  lead  of  the  Bucktails 
had  passed  to  the  Albany  Regency  (which  see).  In  1828 
Clinton  died,  leaving  his  faction  leaderless.  It  had  always 
been  a  personal  party.  Clinton  tolerated  no  equals.  The 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       85 

position  of  his  family  had  enabled  him  to  carry  out  his 
desires,  but  the  increase  in  the  voting  population  had  ren- 
dered it  more  and  more  difficult,  and  the  entirely  popular 
and  democratic  faction  had  supplanted  him. 

Clinton's  Bitch  is  the  name  at  first  applied  to  the  Erie 
Canal  by  those  opposing  it,  De  Witt  Clinton  having  been 
the  chief  promoter  of  the  enterprise. 

Cobden  Club.  The  Cobden  Club,  of  England,  takes  its 
name  from  the  great  free-trader,  Richard  Cobden.  It  is  the 
center  of  the  free-trade  doctrine  in  British  politics.  Pro- 
tectionists in  the  United  States  are  fond  of  asserting  that 
the  movement  in  this  country  for  the  reduction  of  duties 
to  a  revenue  basis  is  fostered  and  encouraged  by  the  Cobden 
Club,  and  that  "British  gold"  helps  to  carry  on  the  move- 
ment, which,  if  successful,  they  assert  would  be  as  advan- 
tageous to  British  manufacturing  interests  as  it  would  be 
injurious  to  ours. 

Coinage.  Previous  to  and  during  the  Revolution  the 
coins  in  use  in  this  country  were  mostly  foreign.  The  Con- 
stitution (Article  1,  section  8,  clause  5)  vested  in  Congress 
the  right  to  coin  money  and  to  regulate  the  value  thereof. 
The  Act  of  Congress  of  April  2,  1792,  established  the  silver 
dollar  as  the  standard,  its  weight  being  416  grains  of  silver 
of  .8924  of  fineness,  equivalent  to  371J  grains  of  pure  sil- 
ver; the  relative  value  of  gold  to  silver  was  established  at 
one  part  of  the  former  to  fifteen  of  the  latter ;  the  fineness 
of  gold  coins  was  fixed  at  eleven  parts  of  pure  gold  to  one 
of  alloy.  The  Act  of  June  28,  1834,  changed  weight  and 
fineness  of  the  gold  dollar,  making  it  258  grains  of  .899225 
of  fineness,  or  232  grains  of  pure  gold.  The  Act  of  January 
18,  1837,  established  .900  as  the  standard  fineness  of  both 
gold  and  silver.  It  left  the  weight  of  the  gold  dollar  un- 
altered (thus  slightly  increasing  its  value)  and  reduced  the 
weight  of  the  silver  dollar  to  412J  grains  (thus  leaving  its 
value  unchanged).  The  ratio  of  gold  to  silver  was  thus 
made  one  part  of  the  former  to  15.98  of  the  latter.  The 
ratio  in  most  European  countries  was  one  to  15.5.  The  re- 
sult of  this  was  that  one  part  of  gold  imported  into  this 
country  could  be  exchanged  for  15.98  parts  of  silver,  which 
when  exported  would  yield  one  part  of  gold  and  leave  a 
surplus  of  .48  parts  of  silver  for  the  expenses  of  transports- 


86       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  and  loss  of  interest  while  in  transit,  and  yet  give  a 
profit  on  the  transaction.  This,  of  course,  lead  to  heavy 
exports  of  silver,  that  element  of  our  currency  being  very 
largely  eliminated.  In  order  to  check  the  export  of  frac- 
tional silver  coins,  their  weight  was  reduced  to  384  grains 
of  standard  silver  by  Act  of  February  21,  1853,  which  law 
also  stopped  the  coinage  into  fractional  silver  coins  of  silver 
bullion  offered  to  the  mints  for  that  purpose,  leaving  tiiia 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  government.  The  coinage  of 
silver  dollars  was  discontinued  for  thirty  years  by  order  of 
the  Executive  in  1806.  They  were  then  again  coined  as 
required  by  depositors  of  silver  bullion  until  their  coinage 
was  suspended  by  Act  of  February  12,  1873.  The  Act  of 
February  28?  1878,  revived  their  coinage  at  the  rate  of  at 
least  two  million  dollars'  worth  a  month,  and  not  to  exceed 
four  millions.  This  act  is  still  in  force.  The  Act  of  1873 
authorized  the  coinage  of  trade  dollars  of  420  grains ;  these 
were  not  coined  for  circulation  as  dollars,  but  for  the  con- 
venience of  merchants  for  export  to  the  East,  their  weight 
and  fineness  being  marked  on  the  coin.  Nevertheless,  these 
coins  circulated  here,  and  the  decline  in  silver  rendered  the 
coinage  of  bullion  into  trade  dollars  for  use  in  circulation 
profitable  to  the  owners  of  the  bullion.  Their  coinage  was, 
therefore,  first  restricted,  and  then,  in  April,  1878,  sus- 
pended. Although  these  coins  were  never  legal  tender,  yet 
for  a  time  they  circulated  freely,  and  as  the  name  "dollar" 
had  given  them  at  least  a  show  of  right  for  purposes  of  cir- 
culation, it  was  deemed  right  by  Congress  to  indemnify  the 
holders,  who  were  presumed  to  have  taken  them  on  the 
strength  of  that  name.  The  Forty-ninth  Congress  provided 
for  the  redemption  at  the  Treasury  of  all  trade  dollars  that 
should  be  presented  prior  to  September  3,  1887.  There 
were  thus  redeemed  $7,689,036  out  of  a  total  of  $35,965,924 
coin.  The.  gold  coinage  at  present  consists  of  the  double 
eagle  (twenty  dollars),  the  eagle  (ten  dollars),  the  half- 
eagle  (five  dollars),  the  quarter-eagle  (two  and  one-half 
dollars),  the  three-dollar  piece,  the  one-dollar  piece.  The 
silver  coinage  consists  of  the  standard  dollar,  the  half- 
dollar,  the  quarter-dollar,  the  dime.  The  base  metal  coin- 
age consists  of  five,  three,  two  and  one-cent  pieces.  The 
gold  coins  and  the  standard  silver  dollar  are  legal  tender 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       87 

to  an  unlimited  amount;  the  half-dollars,  quarter-dollars 
and  dimes  to  the  maximum  amount  of  ten  dollars,  and  the 
base  metal  coins  to  the  maximum  amount  of  twenty-five 
cents  in  any  one  payment.  The  coinage  of  the  United  States 
mints  has  been  as  follows  from  1793  to  June  30,  1891: 
Gold,  $1,549,927,749.50;  silver,  $638,444,073.20;  minor, 
$22,842,245.95 ;  total,  $2,211,214,028.65.  The  Act  of  1792 
established  a  mint  at  Philadelphia.  This  remained  the  only 
institution  of  its  kind  until,  in  1835,  branches  were  estab- 
lished at  Charlotte,  North  Carolina,  and  Dahlonega, 
Georgia,  for  the  coinage  of  gold  mined  in  those  parts  of  the 
country,  and  at  New  Orleans  for  the  coinage  of  silver  im- 
ported from  Mexico.  In  1852,  1862  and  1863,  respectively, 
mints  were  established  at  San  Francisco,  Denver  and  Car- 
son City  for  the  coinage  of  gold  mined  in  the  West.  No 
coins  were  ever  struck  at  the  Denver  mint,  and  in  1873 
that  and  the  mint  at  Charlotte  were  changed  to  assay  offices. 
The  operations  of  the  mints  at  Dahlonega,  Charlotte  and 
New  Orleans  were  suspended  in  1861.  The  latter  was  re- 
opened in  1879.  Coinage  at  the  mint  of  Carson  City  was 
suspended  in  1885.  In  1873  a  bureau  of  the  mint  was 
established  in  the  Treasury  Department,  under  whose  con- 
trol all  the  mints  were  placed.  Previously  to  this  they 
had  been  branches  of  the  Philadelphia  mint,  whose  director 
was  charged  with  their  supervision. 

Coif  ax,  Schuyler,  was  born  at  New  York,  March  23, 
1823.  He  was  a  journalist.  He  served  in  the  House  from 
1855  to  1869,  being  Speaker  from  1863  to  1869.  From 
1869  to  1873  he  was  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 
He  was  a  Republican.  He  died  January  13,  1885. 

Committees  of  Correspondence.  Committees  established 
throughout  the  Colonies  in  1772-1773  "to  bind  the  people 
more  closely  in  their  sympathies/'  by  letters,  or  other 
methods  of  communication. 

Colonization.  It  was  the  object  of  the  colonization  socie- 
ties to  aid  and  encourage  free  negroes  to  systematic  colon- 
ization of  the  western  coast  of  Africa.  It  was  hoped  thus 
to  counteract  and  ultimately  suppress  the  slave  trade.  The 
idea  seems  to  have  originated  as  early  as  1770  with  the  Rev. 
Samuel  Hopkins,  D.  D.,  of  Newport,  but  it  was  not  until 
January  1,  1817,  that  the  American  Colonization  Society 


88       A  DICTION  AKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

was  formally  organized.  Among  its  presidents  were  James 
Madison  and  Henry  Clay.  Some  few  negroes  had  pre- 
viously emigrated  to  the  British  negro  colony  of  Sierra 
Leone,  but  in  1820  the  first  organized  attempt  was  made 
to  found  a  colony.  This  was  at  Sherbro  Island.  The  loca- 
tion proving  unfortunate,  land  was  purchased  on  the  main 
land  at  Cape  Mesurado,  and  early  in  1822  colonists  landed 
there.  Between  nine  and  ten  thousand  persons  were  sent 
thither  up  to  1856.  In  1847  the  colony  declared  itself  an 
independent  Eepublic  under  the  name  of  Liberia.  The 
colonization  movement  was  at  first  encouraged  by  the  slave- 
holders, as  it  tended  to  relieve  the  South  of  its  free  negroes  ; 
but  as  slaves  became  more  valuable,  fewer  were  freed  by 
their  masters,  and  these  latter,  from  regarding  slavery  as 
an  institution  to  be  merely  tolerated,  came  to  assert  the  doc- 
trine of  its  essential  righteousness.  Under  these  circum- 
stances colonization  fell  into  disfavor  at  the  South,  while 
at  the  North  the  Abolitionists  regarded  all  such  schemes  as 
immoral  temporizing.  (See  also  American  Colonization 
Society.) 

Colonization,  Political.  In  elections  it  is  a  common  form 
of  fraud  to  bring  into  a  doubtful  district  men  from  other 
parts,  and  to  give  them  some  show  of  a  residence  in  that 
district  so  as  to  enable  them  to  vote  there  and  so  turn  the 
result.  The  voters  thus  moved  or  colonized  can,  of  course, 
always  be  spared  at  the  points  from  which  they  are  taken, 
so  that  while  the  total  vote  of  the  party  in  the  State  re- 
mains unchanged,  it  will  be  so  distributed  as  to  give  to  that 
party  more  Congressmen  or  members  of  the  Legislature,  as 
the  case  may  be,  than  it  would  otherwise  have  had.  This  is 
called  colonization,  and  its  practice  is  confined  almost  ex- 
clusively to  the  larger  cities.  Lodging  houses  are  frequently 
used  for  this  purpose,  and  these  are  shockingly  crowded 
with  transplanted  voters  on  the  day  preceding  election,  or 
registration,  where  that  formality  is  required. 

Colorado  was  organized  as  a  Territory  in  1861  from  p 
tions  of  Utah,  Kansas,  Nebraska  and  New  Mexico.  On 
August  1,  1876,  President  Grant  proclaimed  its  admission 
to  the  Union.  The  capital  is  Denver.  Colorado  is  com- 
monly referred  to  as  the  Centennial  State,  owing  to  the 
year  of  ita  admission. 


A  DICTIONAEY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       89 

Columbian  Exposition,  The  World's.    (See  Exposition.) 
Colossus  of  Debate.      A  title  given  to  President  John 
Adams  by  his  admirers. 

Comity  of  Nations  is  the  friendly  spirit  which  exists  be- 
tween different  nations,  and  which  often  impels  a  govern- 
ment to  grant  a  favor  to  a  foreign  power  that  could  not 
be  demanded  as  a  matter  of  right,  either  as  coming  nnder 
the  general  principles  of  international  law  or  the  pro- 
visions of  existing  treaties.  Such  were  the  surrender  of 
Arguelles  to  Spain  by  Secretary  Seward  in  1864,  and  the 
surrender  of  William  M.  Tweed  by  Spain  to  us  in  1876. 
Commercial  Agents.  (See  Foreign  Service.) 
Commercial  Crises.  A  period  of  prosperity  will  lead 
the  business  community,  in  the  hope  of  still  larger  profits, 
to  undue  extension  of  all  branches  of  profitable  industries, 
or  of  industries  believed  to  be  so.  In  every  civilized  commun- 
ity business  is  now  very  largely  based  on  credit,  and  this 
credit  is  at  such  times  lavishly  granted  as  one  of  the  means 
of  business  extension.  Overproduction,  a  fall  in  prices, 
failures  of  merchants  and  of  banks  follow.  Complete  dis- 
trust on  every  hand  leads  capitalists  to  lock  their  money 
in  vaults,  and  even  banks  in  many  cases  to  refuse  loans  to 
perfectly  solvent  business  men.  This  conservatism,  usually 
as  extreme  as  was  the  expansion  preceding,  has  the  effect 
of  bringing  on  a  money  panic,  which,  re-acting  on  the 
situation,  in  its  turn  aggravates  the  crisis.  The  result  of 
the  crisis  is  a  fall  in  prices  usually  (by  a  reaction  that  is 
quite  natural)  to  a  point  below  the  normal  level.  Debts 
are  wiped  out.  A  period  of  inaction,  of  extreme  depression, 
follows,  followed  in  turn  by  moderate  prosperity,  increasing 
to  extreme  prosperity,  ending  as  before.  The  recurrence  of 
these  events  shows  a  certain  periodicity,  the  period  in  Eng- 
land being  about  ten  years.  In  this  country  the  period 
has  been  more  irregular,  1819, 1837,  1857,  1873, 1884,  hav- 
ing witnessed  commercial  crises.  The  War  of  1812  was 
followed  by  a  rise  in  prices,  followed  by  money  stringency 
and  large  declines.  This  was  brought  about  partly  by  calls 
of  the  government  on  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  for 
funds  to  meet  $7,500,000  of  maturing  stock  of  the  issue 
that  had  furnished  funds  to  pay  for  the  Territory  of  Louis- 
iana. This  compelled  the  bank  largely  to  reduce  its  dis- 


90      A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

counts.    The  panic  of  1837  was  due  to  speculation  in  west- 
ern  lands,    the   sales    of   which,    in    twenty-six   months, 
amounted  to  $41,000,000.    The  sales  for  the  previous  forty 
years  had  amounted  to  but  $49,000,000.    This  speculative 
fever  had  been  aided  by  the  deposit  of  government  funds  in 
State  banks.     (See  Pet  Banks.)    The  specie  circular  of  the 
government  requiring  payments  for  lands  to  be  made  in 
coin,  caused  many  of  these  banks  to  suspend,  and  the  crisis 
was  precipitated.    Specie  payments  were  suspended  in  May, 
1837,  by  all  banks  except  the  State  Bank  of  Missouri.    Spe- 
cie was  worth  a  premium  of  about  twelve  per  cent.    Specie 
payments  were  resumed  on  April  16,  1838,  by  three  Bos- 
ton banks,  and  in  the  next  month  they  were  generally  re- 
sumed.   The  next  suspension  of  specie  payment  took  place 
in  October,  1857,  but  in  sixty  days  it  was  again  resumed. 
The  drain  of  the  Civil  War  caused  the  suspension  of  specie 
payments  by  the  government,  as  well  as  by  the  banks,  on 
December  30,  1861,  but  this  suspension  was  not  accom- 
panied by  a  panic.    Specie  payments  were  not  resumed  until 
January  1,  1879.     Meanwhile  the  suspension  forced  gold 
to  a  premium,  and  it  became  an  article  of  merchandise.    Its 
highest  point  was  reached  in  July,  1864,  when  it  sold  at 
285.     The  crisis  of  1873  was  due  principally  to  excessive 
railroad  building.     In  New  York  the  panic  was  so  great 
that  the  New  York  Stock  Exchange  was  for  twelve  days 
closed  for  business.     The  banks  suspended  currency  pay- 
ments, but  after  forty  days  they  again  resumed.    Business 
passed  through  the  usual  stages,  and  in  1879  a  season  of 
prosperity  had  again  set  in.    It  continued  to  increase  until 
July,  1881.     The  assassination  of  President  Garfield  on 
the  second  of  that  month  being  the  epoch  from  which  the 
decline  in  prices  is  usually  dated.    This  gradual  decline  con- 
tinued, with  occasional  reactions,  until  in  May,  1884,  an- 
other panic  set  in.    Money  rose  to  three  per  cent,  per  day 
and  stocks  dropped  rapidly,  but  rates  for  money  soon  de- 
clined to  more  moderate  figures.    The  banks  in  New  York, 
the  center  of  the  panic,  aided  each  other  in  carrying  securi- 
ties of  doubtful  value,  thus  limiting  the  casualties  among 
the  banks  to  one  failure  and  one  suspension.     The  usual 
depression  followed. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       91 

Committee  of  the  Whole  in  legislative  assemblies  is  a 
committee  consisting  of  all  the  individual  members  of  the 
assembly.  When  an  assembly  goes  into  committee  of  the 
whole,  the  presiding  officer  surrenders  the  chair,  usually  to 
some  member  named  by  him.  When  the  committee  has  fin- 
ished the  consideration  of  the  subjects  entrusted  to  it,  the 
presiding  officer  of  the  assembly  resumes  the  chair,  and  the 
chairman  of  the  committee  reports  to  the  assembly,  which 
may  then  take  action  on  the  report  just  as  on  the  report  of 
any  other  committee.  The  rules  and  powers  of  the  com- 
mittee of  the  whole  differ  materially  from  those  of  the  as- 
sembly, and  it  is  for  the  purpose  of  gaining  the  greater 
freedom  and  expedition  thus  afforded  that  the  fiction  of  a 
committee  of  the  whole  is  made  use  of.  The  United  States 
Senate  does  not  resolve  itself  into  committee  of  the  whole. 
In  that  body  it  is  simply  moved  that  a  subject  be  considered 
"as  in  committee  of  the  whole."  This  is  called  a  quasi  com- 
mittee. In  legislative  bodies  the  assistant  clerk  acts  as 
clerk  of  the  committee,  and  the  journal  of  the  House  does 
not  contain  the  proceedings  of  the  committee,  only  its  re- 
port to  the  House.  In  committee  of  the  whole  a  member 
may  speak  on  the  same  question  as  often  as  he  can  obtain 
the  floor,  the  previous  question  or  reconsideration  cannot  be 
moved,  nor  can  motions,  appeals  or  amendments  be  laid  on 
the  table.  In  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  of  Congress, 
every  public  bill  and  all  measures  relating  to  religion,  trade, 
revenue  or  the  grant  of  public  money,  must  be  considered  in 
committee  of  the  whole  before  being  considered  by  the 
House. 

Committee  of  Ways  and  Means.  (See  Ways  and  Means, 
Committee  of.) 

Committees.  In  order  to  facilitate  the  work  of  Congress, 
the  Senate  and  the  House  have  each  a  number  of  standing 
committees  on  a  variety  of  subjects,  and  any  measures  in- 
troduced are  referred  to  the  committee  within  the  scope  of 
whose  labors  they  properly  fall.  These  committees  are 
appointed  at  the  beginning  of  a  Congress,  and  remain  in 
existence  throughout  its  life.  The  power  of  these  commit- 
tees is  very  great,  for  a  measure  may  be  delayed  by  them 
and  thus  practically  killed,  or  adversely  reported,  in  which 
case  its  chances  of  success  are  nearly  hopeless.  On  the 


92       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

other  hand,  it  is  within  the  power  of  a  committee  to  press 
any  particular  measure  upon  the  attention  of  Congress. 
Most  of  the  real  work  on  bills  is  done  in  committee,  the  vote 
in  the  House  being  frequently  only  a  hurried  and  ill-con- 
sidered proceeding.  Among  the  most  important  standing 
committees  are  the  Committee  of  Ways  and  Means,  Appro- 
priations Committee  (in  the  House),  Finance  Committee 
(in  the  Senate),  Banking  and  Currency,  etc.  In  the  House 
the  Speaker  appoints  these  committees ;  in  the  Senate  they 
are  nominally  voted  for,  but  they  are  really  arranged  by  the 
caucus  of  the  majority.  Joint  committees  are  standing 
committees  of  both  Houses  acting  together.  Select  commit- 
tees are  appointed  for  the  investigation  of  particular  sub- 
jects. Committees  of  conference  are  committees  appointed 
by  each  House  in  order  to  confer  on  points  in  dispute  be- 
tween the  Houses. 

Compound  Duties.  (See  Customs  Duties.) 
Compromise  of  1850.  For  more  than  a  year  after  the 
termination  of  the  Mexican  War,  the  territory  acquired  by 
that  war  had  remained  under  military  rule.  But  in  1850 
California  adopted  a  constitution  prohibiting  slavery,  and 
then  applied  for  admission.  The  slave  States  would  not 
agree  to  admit  her  unless  a  new  slave  State  were  also 
formed.  At  the  same  time  the  organization  of  the  newly 
acquired  territory  came  up  for  discussion.  Henry  Clay 
then  proposed  a  compromise,  which,  having  been  referred  to 
a  select  committee  of  thirteen,  of  which  he  was  chairman, 
was  reported  by  them  in  substantially  the  same  shape  as 
proposed.  It  provided  for :  1.  The  postponement  of  the  ad- 
mission of  new  States  to  be  formed  out  of  Texas  until  de- 
manded by  such  State.  2.  The  admission  of  California  as 
a  free  State.  3.  The  organization,  without  the  Wilmot  Pro- 
viso, of  all  territory  acquired  from  Mexico,  and  not  included 
in  California,  as  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Utah. 

4.  The  combination  of  the  last  two  measures  in  one  bill. 

5.  The  establishment  of  the  boundaries  of  Texas  and  the 
payment  to  her  of  $10,000,000  for  the  abandonment  of 
her  claim  to  New  Mexico.     6.  More  effectual  laws  for  the 
return  of  fugitive  slaves.    7.  Abolishing  the  slave  trade  in 
the  District  of  Columbia,  but  leaving  slavery  there  undis- 
turbed.   These  measures  all  became  laws,  and  together  were 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       93 

commonly  known  as  the  Omnibus  Bill.  It  is  charged  that 
the  indemnity  of  $10,000,000,  the  payment  of  which  raised 
the  market  value  of  Texas  securities  from  twenty  or  thirty 
to  nearly  par,  was  not  without  influence  in  the  passage  of 
the  bill.  The  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  passed  in  1854,  vir- 
tually repealed  this  compromise. 

Compromises  of  the  Constitution.  On  three  points  did 
the  convention  of  1787,  framing  the  Constitution,  come  to 
a  stage  at  which  further  progress  seemed  impossible.  From 
this  sprang  three  compromises.  The  result  of  the  first  was 
the  present  system  of  a  Senate  containing  two  members 
from  each  State,  regardless  of  size,  and  a  House  whose 
members  are  apportioned  to  the  population.  (See  Appor- 
tionment.) Rhode  Island  was  never  represented  in  the 
convention,  and  New  Hampshire  not  until  after  this  subject 
was  disposed  of.  There  were  therefore  eleven  States,  and 
these  were  divided  as  follows:  Virginia,  Massachusetts, 
Pennsylvania,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and  Georgia, 
six,  known  as  the  "large  States/'  against  New  York,  Mary- 
land, Connecticut,  New  Jersey  and  Delaware,  five,  known 
as  the  "small  States."  The  former  desired  representation 
according  to  population,  the  national  system,  the  latter  by 
States,  or  the  federative  system.  A  compromise  was  ef- 
fected, the  present  system  being  the  result.  One  of  the 
most  serious  evils  of  the  Confederation  was  the  powerless- 
ness  of  Congress  to  regulate  commerce.  The  commercial 
States  were  all  in  favor  of  giving  to  Congress  complete  con- 
trol of  this  subject,  nor  were  the  other  States  generally  op- 
posed to  this,  except  in  this,  that  the  Southern  States,  whose 
industries  consisted  almost  exclusively  in  the  cultivation 
of  rice,  tobacco  and  a  few  other  articles,  objected  strenu- 
ously to  any  possibility  by  which  an  export  tax  could  at  any 
time  be  imposed  on  these  articles,  as  any  such  proceeding 
would  tend  to  cripple  the  entire  State.  The  second  compro- 
mise was  accordingly  made,  complete  control  over  com- 
merce being  given  to  Congress,  except  that  a  tax  on  exports 
was  prohibited.  (Article  1,  section  4,  clause  5.)  The  third 
compromise  was  on  the  question  of  slavery.  Georgia  and 
South  Carolina  refused  to  enter  the  Union  if  the  slave  trade 
were  to  be  prohibited  or  discriminated  against.  It  was  then 
that  Article  1,  section  9,  clause  1,  was  agreed  on,  forbidding 


94       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Congress  to  prohibit  the  slave  trade  prior  to  the  year  1808, 
but  permitting  the  imposition  of  a  tax  thereon  not  to  ex- 
ceed ten  dollars  a  head.  The  other  concessions  to  the  slave 
States  were  Article  4,  section  2,  clause  2,  concerning  the 
return  of  fugitive  slaves,  and  Article  1,  section  2,  clause  3, 
giving  representation  in  Congress  to  the  number  of  inhabit- 
ants plus  three-fifths  of  the  slaves.  The  consideration  for 
these  concessions  was  the  elimination  of  the  following  sec- 
tion :  "No  Navigation  Act  shall  be  passed  without  the  as- 
sent of  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  in  either  House." 

Compromise  Tariff.  A  Tariff  Act  introduced  by  Henry 
Clay  in  1833.  (See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.) 

Concord  Mob.  In  August,  1835,  a  time  when  the  anti- 
slavery  leaders  were  decried  and  insulted  even  in  New  Eng- 
land, John  Greenleaf  Whittier  accompanied  George  Thomp- 
son, an  English  orator,  to  Concord,  New  Hampshire,  to 
make  arrangements  for  an  anti-slavery  meeting.  A  mob  of 
several  hundred  gathered,  assailed  Whittier  with  sticks  and 
stones,  injured  him  and  drove  him  into  the  house  of  an  hon- 
orable man,  though  not  an  Abolitionist.  Meanwhile  the 
house  which  held  Thompson  was  also  attacked.  Whittier 
managed  to  join  him.  A  cannon  was  actually  brought  to 
bombard  the  house,  but  finally  the  rioters  dispersed  with- 
out doing  serious  damage,  and  Whittier  and  Thompson  es- 
caped from  the  town. 

Confederation,  Articles  of.  (See  Articles  of  Confedera- 
tion. In  appendix.) 

Confederate  States,  The.  The  name  adopted  by  the 
States  that  seceded  in  1861.  Delegates  from  six  of  these 
States  met  at  Montgomery,  Alabama,  February  4,  1861, 
and  formed  a  provisional  government  under  the  above  name. 
The  delegates  to  the  convention  had  been  appointed  by  the 
different  State  conventions,  and  not  elected  by  the  people. 
The  government  thus  established  adopted  provisionally  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  making  in  it  such 
changes  as  suited  their  purpose,  and  declared  all  the  laws 
of  the  United  States  in  force  until  repealed.  The  legisla- 
tion of  the  provisional  Congress  (consisting  of  one  House 
only)  dealt  with  the  carrying  on  of  the  war,  the  raising  of 
money  and  the  adoption  of  a  permanent  constitution.  In 
February,  1862,  this  constitution  having  been  adopted  by 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       95 

all  the  States,  an  election  was  held  under  it,  and  Jefferson 
Davis  and  Alexander  H.  Stephens  (the  provisional  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President)  were  chosen.  They  were  in- 
augurated Febrary  22,  1862.  The  capital  had  been  re- 
moved to  Richmond,  Virginia,  and  there  it  remained  dur- 
ing the  war.  The  influence  of  Congress  on  the  course  of 
events  was  but  small,  all  the  real  power  being  in  the  hands 
of  the  President,  who  made  his  influence  felt  in  every  de- 
partment. The  surrender  of  Lee  in  1865  put  an  end  to  the 
Civil  War,  and  at  the  same  time  to  the  Confederacy.  Most 
of  the  changes  that  were  made  in  the  Constitution  were 
made  for  the  purpose  of  securing  explicit  recognition  of 
slavery  and  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  States.  A  point  of 
interest  to  us  is  a  prohibition  on  laying  any  duties  on  im- 
ports "to  promote  or  foster  any  branch  of  industry." 

Confirmation  by  the  Senate.  (See  Term  and  Tenure  of 
Office.) 

Congress.  All  legislative  powers  granted  by  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  United  States  are  vested  in  Congress,  which  con- 
sists of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
powers  of  Congress  are  enumerated  in  Article  1,  section  8, 
of  the  Constitution,  and  all  powers  not  granted  to  Congress, 
or  prohibited  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States  or  to 
the  people;  but  the  power  of  Congress  is  absolute  within 
the  scope  of  its  authority.  The  Senate  is  composed  of  two 
members  from  every  State,  regardless  of  size  or  population ; 
the  members  of  the  House  are  apportioned  on  the  basis  of 
population.  Thus,  while  in  the  House  the  influence  of 
the  people  is  felt  directly,  according  to  their  numbers,  the 
Senate  provides  the  means  of  defending  the  smaller  States 
from  the  possible  encroachments  of  the  larger;  and  to  as- 
sure the  safety  of  the  smaller  States,  the  Constitution, 
Article  5,  provides  that  "no  State  without  its  consent  shall 
be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate."  Bills  that 
have  passed  both  Houses  are  sent  to  the  President,  who  may 
either  sign  or  veto  them,  or  do  neither,  in  which  case  the 
bill  becomes  a  law  after  ten  days  unless  Congress  has  pre- 
viously adjourned.  (See  Veto.)  The  veto  of  the  President 
is  the  only  check  upon  the  power  of  Congress  to  legislate 
within  the  scope  of  its  authority.  Legislation  exceeding  the 
constitutional  power  of  Congress  will  be  declared  uncon- 


96       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

stitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court,  if  that  body  is  appealed 
to  by  either  party  to  any  controversy  arising  in  an  attempt 
to  enforce  such  laws.  Each  House  is,  by  the  Constitution, 
"the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns  and  qualifications  of  its 
own  members." 

Congressman.  (See  House  of  Representatives;  Congress' 
man-at-Large.) 

Congressman-at-Large.  The  Act  of  February  25,  1882, 
provided  for  the  reapportionment  of  Representatives.  (See 
Apportionment.)  In  cases  where  the  number  assigned  to  a 
State  was  increased  and  the  Legislature  of  that  State  did 
not  provide  for  rearrangement  of  the  districts,  the  addi- 
tional members  were  to  be  elected  on  a  general  ticket  by  the 
whole  State,  the  old  districts  each  electing  one  member  as 
before.  Where  the  representation  of  a  State  was  diminished 
and  a  corresponding  change  of  district  was  not  made,  the 
whole  number  of  members  was  to  be  elected  on  a  general 
ticket. 

Conkling,  Roscoe,  was  born  at  Albany,  New  York,  Oc- 
tober 30,  1829.  From  1859  to  1863  and  1865  to  1867  he 
served  in  the  House,  and  from  1867  to  1881  in  the  United 
States  Senate.  In  1881  he  resigned.  (See  Stalwarts.) 
Subsequently  he  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  his  profes- 
sion of  the  law,  in  which  he  held  prominent  rank.  He  died 
at  New  York,  April  18,  1888. 

Connecticut  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
It  had  two  capitals,  Hartford  and  New  Haven,  up  to  1873, 
when  the  former  was  made  the  sole  seat  of  government.  It 
takes  its  name  from  its  principal  river,  which  means  in 
the  Indian  tongue,  "long  river."  Popularly  it  is  variously 
known  as  the  Freestone,  Nutmeg,  or  Wooden  Nutmeg  State, 
or  the  Land  of  Steady  Habits. 

Conscience  Whigs.  In  1850  the  Whigs  in  Congress  had 
taken  the  position  that  the  slavery  question,  which  they  re- 
garded as  settled  by  the  Compromise  of  1850,  should  not  be 
reopened.  This  policy  was  approved  by  President  Fillmore. 
Their  attitude  led  to  dissensions  in  the  party  in  many  of 
the  States.  In  Massachusetts  those  opposed  to  the  stand 
thus  taken  by  the  leaders  were  known  as  Conscience  Whigs ; 
those  that  aryproved  it  as  Cotton  Whigs.  The  reason  of  th< 
name  is  obvious.  In  New  York,  Fillmore's  State,  the  su] 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       97 

porters  of  his  view  were  known  as  Silver  Grays,  a  name 
given  to  them  because  they  were  mostly  the  older  members. 
They  were  also  called  Snuff-takers.  Those  opposing  it, 
headed  by  William  H.  Seward,  were  called  Woolly  Heads, 
or  Seward  Whigs. 

Conscription  Bill.      (See  Drafts.) 

Conservatives.  A  name  assumed  by  certain  political  par- 
ties in  many  nations.  These  parties  are  sometimes  actually, 
and  always  avowedly,  opposed  to  changes  from  old  and  es- 
tablished forms  and  practices.  In  United  States  history 
these  names  have  never  been  in  general  use,  but  in  Van 
Buren's  administration  the  name  was  applied  to  those 
Democrats  that  at  the  special  session  of  Congress,  of  Sep- 
tember, 1837,  opposed  the  establishment  of  the  sub-treasury 
system.  In  the  Congress  that  met  December,  1839,  they 
had  practically  disappeared.  The  name  was  also  assumed 
by  Southern  whites  during  the  reconstruction  period  fol- 
lowing the  Civil  War,  to  show  their  adherence  to  the  old 
State  governments,  the  abolition  of  which  by  Congress  they 
opposed.  In  Virginia  the  name  was  in  use  until  1872.  The 
aame  was  also  used  at  the  North  during  this  period.  The 
Democrats  applied  it  to  themselves  to  draw  moderate  Re- 
publican  votes. 

Constitution,  The,  is  a  Covenant  with  Death  and  an 
Agreement  with  Hell.  One  of  the  mottoes  of  the  Aboli- 
tionist newspaper,  The  Liberator.  (See  Abolitionists.) 

Constitutional  Convention.     (See  Convention  of  1787.) 

Constitutional  Union  Party.  This  name  was  adopted  at 
i  convention  in  Baltimore,  in  May,  1860,  of  those  Whigs 
that  had  not,  on  the  dissolution  of  their  party,  joined  either 
the  Republicans  or  Democrats.  In  1856  they  had  consti- 
tuted a  portion  of  the  American  party.  They  denounced 
the  platforms  of  existing  parties  as  tending  "to  widen  polit- 
ical divisions,"  and  declared  their  principle  to  be  "the  Con- 
stitution of  the  Country,  the  union  of  the  States,  and  the 
mforcement  of  the  la.ws."  John  Bell,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Edward  Everett,  of  Massachusetts,  were  respectively  nom- 
inated for  President  and  Vice-President.  This  ticket  car- 
ried Virginia,  Kentucky  and  Tennesee,  receiving  thirty- 
nine  electoral  votes.  In  several  of  the  States  "fusion" 
tickets  of  electors  had  been  named,  and  in  these  the  popular 


98       A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

vote  for  each  ticket  can  only  be  estimated.  Bell's  total 
popular  vote  is  variously  estimated  from  about  590,000  to 
1550,000,  of  which  the  former  is  probably  more  nearly  cor- 
rect. This  party  disappeared  at  the  beginning  of  the  Civil 
War. 

Constitution  of  the  Country,  The,  the  Union  of  the 
States,  and  the  Enforcement  of  the  Laws.  This  phrase  is 
from  the  platform  of  the  Constitutional  Union  Party, 
adopted  at  its  convention  in  Baltimore,  May  19,  1860. 

Constitution  of  the  United  States.  The  history  of  the 
formation  of  our  Constitution  is  given  under  the  heading 
of  Convention  of  1787  (which  see).  It  was  signed,  as  in- 
dicated below,  by  all  the  delegates  to  that  convention  except 
Gerry,  of  Massachusetts,  and  Mason  and  Eandolph,  of  Vir- 
ginia. Having  been  transmitted  to  Congress,  that  body, 
on  September  .28,  1787,  ordered  it  to  be  submitted  to  con- 
ventions chosen  in  the  separate  States  by  the  people  thereof. 
Such  conventions  were  chosen,  and  through  them  eleven 
States  ratified  the  Constitution  on  the  following  dates: 
Delaware,  December  7,  1787;  Pennsylvania,  December  12, 
1787;  New  Jersey,  December  18,  1787;  Georgia,  January 
2,  1788;  Connecticut,  January  9,  1788;  Massachusetts,  Feb- 
ruary 6,  1788;  Maryland,  April  28,  1788;  South  Carolina, 
May  23,  1788;  New  Hampshire,  June  21,  1788;  Virginia, 
June  26,  1788;  New  York,  July  26,  1788.  As  the  seventh 
article  provided  that  the  ratification  of  nine  States  should 
be  sufficient,  it  was  therefore  adopted.  March  4,  1789,  was 
the  day  set  for  the  operations  of  the  new  government  to 
commence.  Subsequently  it  was  ratified  by  the  two  remain- 
ing States — by  North  Carolina,  on  November  21,  1789,  and 
by  Rhode  Island,  on  May  29, 1790.  The  text  of  the  various 
amendments  is  given  in  the  appendix  with  the  body  of  the 
Constitution.  The  dates  of  the  adoption  of  the  amendments 
are  given  under  the  heading  Amendments  to  the  Constitu- 
tion (which  see  in  appendix). 

Construction  of  the  Constitution.  The  interpretation  of 
a  law  by  a  tribunal  is  the  declaration  by  that  tribunal  of 
the  meaning  of  the  law  as  derived  from  its  terms  merely. 
When  the  mere  words  are  not  sufficient  to  yield  this  mean- 
ing, recourse  is  had  to  "construction"  of  the  law,  the  inten- 
tion of  the  law-makers  and  the  circumstances  under  which 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       W 

it  was  passed  being  taken  into  consideration.  Construction 
begins  where  interpretation  ends.  It  is  evident  that  the 
construction  of  general  provisions  of  the  United  States  Con- 
stitution, applying  them  to  particular  cases,  offers  ground 
for  wide  differences  of  opinion  as  to  powers  granted  or  acts 
permitted.  The  view  that  the  strict  letter  of  the  Constitu- 
tion must  be  adhered  to  in  all  cases  is  called  the  strict  con- 
struction theory.  The  view  that  the  Constitution  should  be 
liberally  construed,  thus  giving  to  the  Federal  Government 
much  power  denied  to  it  under  the  other  view,  is  called  the 
broad  or  loose  construction  theory.  The  tendency  of  this 
construction  is  to  centralization  by  strengthening  the  hands 
of  the  Federal  Government.  It  is  plain  that  a  political 
party  espousing  the  former  view  would  shift  its  position  but 
little  with  time,  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  being  its 
sheet-anchor,  while  the  body  supporting  the  latter  view 
would  appear  in  forms  varying  with  the  particular  cause 
advocated  by  them,  their  contention  being  of  necessity  for  a 
particular  reform  asserted  by  them  to  come  within  the 
scope  of  the  Constitution.  And  so  it  has  been.  The  Dem- 
ocratic-Republican party  has  been  the  strict  construction 
party,  and  it  has  had  the  Federal,  the  Whig,  and  the  Re- 
publican parties  successively  opposed  to  it,  as  advocates  of 
the  establishment  of  a  United  States  bank,  of  excise  laws,  of 
a  navy,  in  the  first  case ;  of  a  protective  tariff  and  of  inter- 
nal improvements  in  the  second;  and  of  the  power  of  the 
Federal  Government  to  control  slavery  outside  of  the  States, 
and  subsequently  of  emancipation  and  of  reconstruction,  in 
the  third.  But  the  Democratic-Republican  party  does  not 
now  favor  strict  construction  in  the  same  way  as  in  1790. 
Changes  made  by  the  opposition  have  proved  beneficial  and 
have  been  permanent,  and  the  strict  construction  view  of 
each  period  has  acknowledge  accomplished  facts  of  the 
past.  Moreover,  even  the  Democratic-Republican  party, 
when  in  power,  favors  broader  construction  than  when  in 
opposition,  and  the  broad-constructionists  are  apt  to  insist 
on  rather  strict  construction  when  their  opponents  are  in 
power.  The  Civil  War  and  the  reconstruction  period  fol- 
lowing it,  led  to  the  passage  of  many  Acts  by  Congress  based 
on  principles  of  the  loosest  construction,  and  while  many 
of  these,  as  the  Ku-Klux  Acts  (except  the  conspiracy  sec- 


100     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion),  have  been  declared  constitutional  by  the  Supreme 
Court,  others,  as  the  Civil  Eights  Bill,  have  been  declared 
unconstitutional.  In  several  recent  cases  the  Supreme 
Court  has  shown  a  tendency  to  decide  cases  by  a  rather 
strict  construction  of  the  Constitution.  (See  Civil  Rights 
Bill) 

Consul.    (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Contested  Elections.  The  history  of  Disputed  Presiden- 
tial or  Vice-Presidential  Elections  is  given  under  that  head. 
The  courts  of  every  State  decide  as  to  the  validity  of  the 
votes  cast,  and  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  see  that  this 
vote  is  authenticated  in  accordance  with  the  laws.  Each 
House  of  Congress  is  the  sole  judge  as  to  its  own  members, 
and  any  contest  as  to  a  seat  in  either  House  is  decided  by 
that  House.  The  testimony  is  taken  by  the  appropriate 
committee,  and  after  its  report  the  House  decides.  Con- 
testant and  contestee  are  each  allowed  a  sum,  not  to  ex- 
ceed $2,000,  for  expenses  actually  incurred  in  the  contest 
and  properly  vouched  for,  and  special  appropriations  for 
compensation  to  contestants  are  frequently  made. 

Continental  Currency.  The  bill  authorizing  the  issue  of 
Continental  currency  passed  the  Continental  Congress  June 
22,  1775,  the  day  on  which  Congress  received  the  news  of 
the  battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  amount  to  be  issued  was 
not  to  exceed  $2,000,000,  for  whose  redemption  the  twelve 
Confederate  Colonies — Georgia  not  being  then  represented 
— were  pledged.  The  plates  of  the  bills  were  engravd  by 
Paul  Eevere,  of  Boston.  The  size  of  the  bills  averaged  3| 
inches  by  2f  inches,  and  they  were  printed  on  thick  paper. 
New  issues  of  this  currency  were  made  from  time  to  time, 
until  the  close  of  1779,  when  the  aggregate  amount  was 
$242,000,000,  and  the  bills  had  so  much  depreciated  in 
value  that  $100  in  specie  would  purchase  $2,600  in  paper 
money.  In  1781  the  same  amount  in  specie  would  buy 
$7,500  in  paper.  Strenuous  efforts  were  made  by  Congress 
to  keep  up  the  credit  of  this  currency,  but  as  a  pledge  from 
the  States  to  redeem  it  in  specie  could  not  be  obtained,  and 
as  that  was  the  one  essential  to  save  it,  the  money  was 
bound  to  go  down.  Early  in  1777  a  convention  of  the  rep- 
resentatives of  the  New  England  States  agreed  upon  a  scale 
of  prices  for  all  goods.  This  was  strongly  opposed  by  mer- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     101 

hants,  but  the  new  States  soon  after  enacted  it  into  a  law, 
.nd  a  similar  law  was  adopted  soon  after  by  the  Middle 
>tates,  including  Maryland  and  Virginia.  This  scheme 
ras  approved  of  by  Congress,  who  passed  a  resolution  de- 
laring  that  the  bills  of  credit  ought  to  pass  current  in  all 
)ayments,  trades  and  dealings,  and  be  deemed  equal  in 
ralue  to  the  same  nominal  sum  in  Spanish  dollars ;  and  it 
urther  resolved  that  all  persons  refusing  to  take  them 
Should  be  considered  enemies  of  the  United  States,"  on 
rhom  "forfeitures  and  other  penalties"  ought  to  be  in- 
Licted  by  the  local  authorities.  The  depreciation  of  the 
noney,  however,  was  not  checked,  but  as  it  was  gradual  it 
iperated  as  a  tax,  and  undue  suffering  was  thus  prevented. 

Contraband  of  War.  Articles  carried  by  neutrals  in  ves- 
els  or  otherwise,  which  are  for  the  assistance  of  an  enemy 
n  carrying  on  war,  are  said  to  be  contraband  of  war.  The 
erm  embraces  arms,  ammunition,  materials  for  manufac- 
uring  gunpowder,  armed  vessels,  provisions  intended  for 
he  military  forces,  and  the  like.  According  to  interna- 
ional  law,  these  are  liable  to  seizure  and  to  confiscation  by 
»rder  of  a  prize  court.  No  recompense  is  made  to  the 
leutral  except  in  the  case  of  provisions.  During  the  Civil 
»Var  the  phrase  "contraband  of  war"  was  applied  to  negro 
ilaves  who  came  within  the  Union  lines.  This  use  of  it 
>riginated  with  General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  who,  being 
n  command  of  the  Department  of  Eastern  Virginia  in 
[861,  refused  to  return  fugitive  slaves,  declaring  that  they 
vere  contraband  of  war.  His  position  was  disaffirmed  by 
;he  government. 

Contracts,  Impairing  the  Obligation  of.  Article  1,  sec- 
ion  10,  clause  1,  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
Drovides  that  "no  State  shall  .  .  .  pass  any  .  .  .  law 
impairing  the  obligation  of  contracts."  It  will  be  noticed 
;hat  this  restriction  applies  only  to  the  States,  and  that 
Congress  is  under  no  restraint  in  this  respect.  The  de- 
cision in  the  Dartmouth  College  case  (which  see)  is  the 
most  important  in  the  interpretation  of  this  clause  of  the 
Constitution. 

Convention  of  1787.  The  government  of  this  country 
under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  had  been  a  failure,  and 
the  remedy  suggested  by  many  was  by  means  of  a  conven- 


102     A'  ^ICTIO&A&Y •&$  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  of  tlie  States.  This  was  proposed  in  1781  in  a  pamph- 
let by  Pelatiah  Webster,  and  within  the  next  few  years  the 
Legislatures  of  New  York  and  of  Massachusetts  adopted 
resolutions  of  similar  tenor.  In  1786  a  resolution  of  the 
Virginia  Legislature,  growing  out  of  a  desire  to  regulate 
commerce  on  Chesapeake  Bay  and  the  connected  waters,  was 
passed,  appointing  commissioners  to  meet  representatives 
of  the  other  States  for  the  purpose  of  considering  the  com- 
mercial condition  of  the  United  States.  This  commission, 
to  which  only  five  States  sent  delegates,  reported  the  fault 
to  be  with  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  and  recommended 
a  convention  of  all  the  States  to  amend  them,  without  which 
step  they  despaired  of  any  improvement  in  the  condition 
of  trade.  Their  report  was  approved  by  Congress,  and  on 
May  25,  1787,  the  representatives  of  seven  States  met  and 
elected  as  their  president  George  Washington,  the  delegate 
of  Virginia.  All  the  States  except  Rhode  Island  were  ulti- 
mately represented  in  the  convention.  The  first  plan  pro- 
posed was  that  of  Edmund  Randolph,  of  Virginia,  known  as 
the  Virginia  Plan.  It  consisted  of  fifteen  resolutions  and 
provided  for  two  Houses,  one  elected  by  the  people,  the 
other  elected  by  the  first  House  from  nominations  made  by 
the  State  Legislatures.  Congress  was  to  have  a  veto  power 
on  State  laws  and  power  to  coerce  delinquent  States ;  it  was 
also  to  choose  the  executive.  These  are  the  salient  features 
in  which  the  plan  differed  from  the  Constitution  as  ulti- 
mately adopted.  Charles  Pinckney,  of  South  Carolina,  in- 
troduced a  plan,  the  original  of  which  has  been  lost  and  the 
only  record  of  which,  a  copy  furnished  by  Pinckney  over 
thirty  years  later,  is  not  believed  to  be  entirely  accurate.  In 
its  general  features  it  resembled  the  Virginia  Plan,  but  it 
differed  from  the  latter  in  being  more  nearly  like  the  present 
Constitution.  It  was  known  as  the  South  Carolina  Plan. 
On  June  13th  the  committee  of  the  whole  reported  a  modifi- 
cation of  the  Virginia  Plan  in  nineteen  resolutions,  the 
most  striking  change  being  that  the  power  to  coerce  a  State 
was  not  granted  to  Congress.  June  14th  the  convention  ad- 
journed in  order  to  enable  William  Paterson,  of  New  Jersey, 
to  introduce  what  is  known  as  the  Jersey  Plan,  the  main 
features  of  which  were  as  follows:  Congress  was  to  con- 
tinue as  a  single  House,  but  with  additional  powers ;  it  was 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     103 

o  elect  the  executive;  acts  of  Congress  and  treaties  were 
o  be  paramount  to  State  laws,  and  the  executive  was  to 
lave  power  to  coerce  refractory  individuals  and  States, 
lamilton  suggested  a  plan  whereby,  among  other  provi- 
iions,  the  Senate  and  President  were  to  hold  office  for  life, 
)ut  his  plan  had  no  supporters.  On  July  24th  the  various 
•esolutions  and  plans  were  referred  to  a  committee  of  detail, 
Tom  which,  on  August  6th,  a  draft  of  a  constitution  in 
wenty-three  articles  was  reported.  After  debate  of  more 
;han  a  month,  during  which  the  clause  permitting  the  slave 
;rade  for  twenty  years,  the  fugitive  slave  clause  and  the 
ilectoral  system  clause  were  inserted,  the  draft  was  re- 
?erred  to  a  committee  consisting  of  Gouverneur  Morris, 
fohnson,  Hamilton,  Madison  and  King.  This  committee, 
nost  of  whose  work  was  done  by  Morris,  on  September  13th 
•eported  the  Constitution  in  substantially  its  present  form. 
5ome  trifling  changes  were  made  by  the  convention,  which 
hen  adopted  the  instrument,  and  after  deciding  against  a 
lew  convention  to  consider  amendments  suggested  by  the 
States,  the  convention  adjourned  September  17th.  The 
Constitution,  accompanied  by  a  request  that  it  be  submitted 
;o  the  States  for  ratification,  was  sent  to  Congress,  by 
vhom  copies  were  sent  to  the  State  Legislatures.  The  Con- 
stitution, as  finally  adopted,  was  signed  by  but  thirty-nine 
)ut  of  the  fifty-five  delegates.  The  proceedings  of  the  con- 
tention were  secret.  Its  papers  were  placed  in  Washington's 
justody,  subject  to  the  disposal  of  the  new  Congress,  and  in 
L796  they  were  deposited  with  the  State  Department. 
Convention  of  London.  (See  Fishery  Treaties.) 
Conventions.  (See  Nominating  Conventions.) 
Conway  Cabal.  A  plot  hatched  by  General  Conway 
(hence  the  name),  who  was  a  "foreign  officer  of  great  pre- 
tensions/' Generals  Gates  and  Mifflin,  and  Samuel  Adams, 
'"'with  two  or  three  others  of  the  New  England  delegation 
in  Congress,  and  one  of  the  Virginia  deputies."  to  remove 
Washington  from  chief  command  of  the  Continental  forces. 
Goodies,  The,  were  a  faction  of  the  New  York  Federal- 
ists that  favored  the  War  of  1812.  The  Federalists  gen- 
erally opposed  it.  The  Goodies  opposed  De  Witt  Clinton, 
\vho,  though  a  Democrat,  was  on  good  terms  politically  with 
the  Federalists.  Their  name  arose  from  the  assumed  name, 


104     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Abimalecli  Goody,  adopted  by  their  leader,  Gulian  C.  Ver- 
planck,  in  his  communications  to  the  newspapers. 

Coolie.  As  generally  used  in  this  country,  the  word  coolie 
is  applied  to  Chinese  laborers  of  the  lower  classes  who  come 
to  this  country.  It  has  obtained  this  broad  meaning  dur- 
ing the  discussion  of  the  Chinese  question :  strictly,  it  in- 
cludes only  such  laborers  as  have  been  imported  under  con- 
tract or  by  force  or  fraud. 

Co-operation.  In  1861  some  of  the  members  of  the  South 
Carolina  Legislature  attempted  to  check  the  impetuosity 
of  those  in  favor  of  immediate  secession,  by  proposing  that 
the  Governor  be  empowered  to  assemble  a  secession  conven- 
tion "as  soon  as  any  one  of  the  other  Southern  States  shall, 
in  his  judgment,  give  satisfactory  assurance  or  evidence  of 
her  determination  to  withdraw  from  the  Union/'  This 
course  was  called  co-operation.  It  was  voted  down. 

Copperhead.  A  name  applied  during  the  Civil  War  to 
Northern  sympathizers  with  the  South.  It  is  also  the  name 
of  a  snake  that  "prefers  dark  and  moist  places,"  and  is  said 
"to  sting  from  behind."  The  allusion  is  obvious. 

Coote,  Richard.  First  Earl  of  Bellamont.  Colonial  Gov- 
ernor of  New  England,  1695,  with  a  special  mission  to 
suppress  piracy.  He  it  was  who  outfitted  Captain  Kidd. 
Born  1636 ;  died  at  New  York  City,  March  5,  1701. 

Corea,  Difficulty  with.  In  1871  Admiral  Rodgers,  with 
several  United  States  vessels,  was  surveying  one  of  the  riv- 
ers of  Corea,  when,  without  warning,  the  vessels  were  fired 
on  from  the  Corean  forts.  Though  little  damage  had  been 
inflicted,  some  retaliation  was  necessary  to  support  the 
dignity  of  our  flag,  and  on  June  llth  several  of  the  forti- 
fications were  captured  and  destroyed  by  the  Americans 
with  a  loss  of  three  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Corean 
government  refused  to  be  communicated  with  as  to  the 
prisoners  we  had  taken,  so  they  were  released  and  the  squad- 
ron sailed  away. 

Corn-Crackers.  A  name  given  to  the  inhabitants  of 
Kentucky. 

Corner-Stone  Speech.  By  this  name  is  known  the  speech 
made  by  Alexander  H.  Stephens,  at  Savannah,  immediately 
after  his  election  to  the  vice-presidency  of  the  Confederate 
States.  He  spoke  of  the  United  States  Government  as 


A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     105 

founded  on  the  "fundamentally  wrong  assumption  of  the 
equality  of  races,"  and  continued  as  follows:  "Our  new 
government  is  founded  upon  exactly  opposite  ideas.  Its 
foundations  are  laid,  its  corner-stone  rests,  upon  the  great 
truth  that  the  negro  is  not  equal  to  the  white  man;  that 
slaver}'',  subordination  to  the  superior  ra.ce,  is  his  natural 
and  normal  condition." 

Corporal's  Guard.  The  few  supporters  of  President 
Tyler's  administration  were  so  called. 

Corps  de  Belgique.    (See  American  Knights.) 

Corwin,  Thomas,  was  born  in  Kentucky,  July  29,  1794. 
He  was  a  lawyer  by  profession.  He  served  in  the  Ohio  Leg- 
islature, in  the  House  of  Representatives  and  the  Senate, 
and  as  Governor  of  his  State.  In  1844  he  was  a  Presiden- 
tial elector.  Under  President  Fillmore  he  was  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury.  In  1861  he  was  appointed  Minister  to 
Mexico.  He  died  December  18,  1865. 

Cotton  Whigs.    (See  Conscience  Whigs.) 

Council  of  Appointment.  The  New  York  State  Constitu- 
tion of  1777  placed  in  a  Council  of  Appointment  the  power 
to  appoint  chancellors,  judges  of  the  supreme  court,  all 
State  officers  except  State  treasurer,  all  mayors,  recorders, 
sheriffs,  clerks,  justices  of  the  peace;  in  fact,  nearly  all 
civil  and  military  officers  except  aldermen,  constables,  As- 
semblymen and  Senators.  The  council  consisted  of  the 
Governor  and  four  Senators  chosen  by  the  Assembly.  The 
Governor  at  first  nominated,  and  the  council  confirmed  or 
rejected  the  nominations,  but  in  time  the  other  members 
of  the  council  claimed  the  right  also  to  nominate,  and  in 
1801  a  convention,  assembled  for  the  purpose,  declared  this 
latter  view  of  the  Constitution  correct,  thus  placing  the 
Governor  on  the  same  footing  as  the  other  members.  The 
enormous  influence  wielded  by  this  body  was  vigorously 
used  as  a  political  weapon.  The  Constitution  adopted  in 
1822  abolished  the  council. 

Council  of  Revision.  A  body  created  by  the  State  Con- 
stitution of  New  York,  adopted  in  1777  and  abolished  by 
the  Constitution  adopted  in  1822.  It  had  the  power  of 
negativing  any  action  of  the  Legislature  unless  passed  by  a 
two-thirds  vote  of  each  House. 


106    A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Counting  in  the  Alternative.  This  phrase  is  applied  to 
a  method  of  counting  the  electoral  vote  of  a  State  before 
Congress,  sometimes  adopted  in  cases  where  objections  are 
raised  to  their  reception.  The  first  case  of  this  kind  was  in 
1821.  Objection  having  been  made  to  the  reception  of  the 
vote  of  Missouri,,  the  Houses  directed  the  President  of  the 
Senate  to  declare  that  "if  the  votes  of  Missouri  were  to  be 
counted  the  result  would  be  for  A.  B.  —  votes;  if  not 
counted,  for  A.  B.  —  votes;  but  in  either  event  A.  B.  was 
elected."  In  1837  the  votes  of  Michigan,  and  in  1869  and 
in  1881  the  votes  of  Georgia  were  so  counted. 

Counting  Out.  It  sometimes  happens  that  the  political 
candidate  that  has  received  the  largest  number  of  votes  is, 
by  fraud  in  the  canvass,  deprived  of  the  office  to  which  he 
has  been  elected,  the  vote  of  his  opponent  being  made  to 
appear  larger  than  his.  He  is  then  said  to  have  been 
counted  out. 

Courtesy  of  the  Senate.  In  considering  the  nomination 
made  by  the  President  for  a  federal  office  in  any  State,  the 
Senate  is  almost  invariably  guided  by  the  wishes  of  the 
Senators  from  that  State.  If  only  one  of  these  Senators  is 
of  the  party  in  the  majority,  his  sole  desire  is  followed.  This 
practice  is  called  the  courtesy  of  the  Senate.  It  is  plainly 
a  violation  by  the  Senate  of  the  trust  imposed  upon  it  by 
the  Constitution  regarding  the  confirmation  of  nominees. 
This  practical  control  of  federal  nominations  in  the  State 
gives  the  Senators  great  local  influence.  Since  the  consent 
of  the  Senators  of  a  State  is  practically  necessary  to  an 
appointment,  it  has  become  customary  for  the  President  to 
consult  Senators  before  making  appointments.  The  failure 
of  President  Garfield  to  consult  the  wishes  of  Senators 
Conkling  and  Platt,  of  New  York,  in  the  appointment  of  a 
Collector  of  the  Port  of  New  York  in  1881,  led  to  their 
resignation.  They  at  once  sought  re-election,  but  after  a 
protracted  fight  in  the  Legislature  they  were  not  returned. 
(See  Senate?)  The  term,  "Courtesy  of  the  Senate,"  is  also 
applied  in  a  general  way  to  a  number  of  customs  governing 
that  body  which  have  all  the  force  of  regularly  adopted 
rules. 

Courts.    (See  Judiciary.) 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     107 

Cowboy  President.  Applied  in  a  friendly,  affectionate 
manner  to  Theodore  Roosevelt. 

Cradle  of  Liberty.  A  name  by  which  Faneuil  Hall  in 
Boston  is  known.  During  the  Revolution  it  was  the  favorite 
meeting  place  of  the  Americans.  The  name  is  also  some- 
times applied  to  the  city  of  Boston. 

Credit  Mobilier.  This  was  the  name  of  a  corporation 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  building  the  Union  Pacific  Rail- 
road. One  of  the  most  extensive  scandals  in  the  history  of 
this  country  centered  around  this  corporation  and  took  its 
name  from  it.  The  Credit  Mobilier  of  America  was  a  cor- 
poration chartered  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  originally 
under  the  name  of  the  Pennsylvania  Fiscal  Agency.  The 
control  of  this  corporation  passed  to  parties  interested  in 
the  building  of  the  Union  Pacific,  among  whom  were  Oakes 
Ames  and  Oliver  Ames,  of  Massachusetts.  In  August, 
1867,  the  Credit  Mobilier,  through  Oakes  Ames,  contracted 
with  the  Union  Pacific  Railroad  to  build  for  it  637  miles  of 
road  at  prices  aggregating  $47,000,000.  The  value  of  the 
Credit  Mobilier  shares,  estimated  on  the  advantages  to  be 
derived  from  this  contract,  was  200  per  cent,  in  December, 
1867,  and  300  or  400  per  cent,  in  February,  1868.  Oakes 
Ames  was  at  that  time  a  member  of  Congress,  and  fearing 
legislation  adverse  to  the  Union  Pacific,  he  undertook  to 
place  the  stock  "where  it  will  do  most  good  to  us,"  as  he 
put  it.  Accordingly,  in  December,  1867,  he  entered  into 
contracts  with  various  members  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives to  sell  to  them  stock  of  the  Credit  Mobilier  at  par, 
merely  stating  that  it  was  a  good  investment,  and  in  some 
cases,  in  answer  to  a  direct  question,  asserting  that  no  em- 
barrassment to  them  could  flow  from  it,  as  the  Union  Pa- 
cific had  received  all  the  aid  that  it  wanted  from  the  gov- 
ernment. Some  of  the  members  that  thus  bought  stock 
paid  for  it;  for  others  Ames  advanced  the  money,  agreeing 
to  apply  the  dividends  of  the  stock  to  the  payment  of  the 
indebtedness.  Two  dividends  received  in  1868  sufficed  to 
pay  for  the  entire  stock  of  the  latter  class  of  members  and 
left  a  small  balance  due  to  them.  Among  these  members 
was  James  A.  Garfield,  of  Ohio,  and  in  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1880  his  connection  with  this  matter  was 
brought  up  against  him.  The  amount  of  money  that  he  had 


108     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMEEICAN  POLITICS 

thus  received  was  $329,,  and  the  cry  of  "329"  was  a  common 
one  on  the  part  of  the  Democrats  in  that  campaign.  Charges 
based  on  the  Credit  Mobilier  affair  had  been  circulated  dur- 
ing the  campaign  of  1872,  and  on  the  assembling  of  Con- 
gress a  committee  of  investigation  was  ordered  by  the  House 
on  the  motion  of  the  Speaker,  James  G.  Elaine.    The  com- 
mittee was  appointed  by  a  Democrat  temporarily  acting  as 
Speaker,  and  consisted  of  two  Democrats,  two  Republicans 
and  one  Liberal  Republican.    The  committee  recommendec 
the  expulsion  of  Oakes  Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  and  o: 
James  Brooks,  of  New  York,  the  former  for  having  at- 
tempted to  bribe  members  by  sales  of  stock  below  its  value 
the  latter  for  having  received  stock  from  the  Credit  Mo 
bilier  much  below  its  value,  knowing  that  it  was  intendec 
to  influence  his  action  as  a  congressman  and  as  governmen 
director  in  the  Union  Pacific.    Moreover,  as  a  director  he 
must  have  known  that  the  Credit  Mobilier  was  to  receive 
payments  in  securities  of  the  Union  Pacific,  a  fact  of  which 
the  other  members,  so  the  committee  found,  were  in  igno 
ranee.     The  House  did  not  expel  Ames  and  Brooks,  bu 
subjected    them   to   the    "absolute   condemnation    of   the 
House."    Though  these  were  the  only  members  punished 
the  innocence  of  some  of  the  others  was  at  least  open  to 
doubt. 

Creek  Wars.  (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Creole  Case,  The.  The  Act  of  Congress  of  March  2, 
1807,  had  allowed  coastwise  trade  in  slaves.  In  October, 
1841,  the  brig  Creole  sailed  from  Hampton  Roads  for  New 
Orleans  with  a  cargo  of  130  slaves.  On  the  passage  seven- 
teen of  the  slaves  mutinied,  killed  one  of  the  owners,  took 
possession  of  the  vessel  and  put  into  Nassau,  where  the  Brit- 
ish authorities  set  free  all  the  slaves  that  had  not  partici- 
pated in  the  murder.  The  United  States  demanded  their 
return,  claiming  that  having  remained  under  the  United 
States  flag  they  had  in  effect  remained  on  United  States 
soil,  and  were  therefore  still  slaves.  Our  claim  was  not  ad- 
mitted, and  was  finally  disposed  of  during  the  negotiations 
for  the  extradition  treaty  of  August  9,  1842.  (See  Old- 
dings'  Resolution.) 

Crime  Against  Kansas  is  the  name  by  which  the  speech 
of  Charles  Sumner,  delivered  in  the  Senate  May  19  and  20, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     109 

1856,  is  known.  It  was  directed  against  the  acts  of  the 
slavery  faction  in  the  United  States  in  its  endeavors  to  se- 
cure the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  slave  State.  (See  Bor- 
der War;  Brown,  John;  Lecompton  Constitution.)  Sena- 
tor Butler  had  attacked  Sumner  in  debate  and  in  this 
speech  Sumner  retorted.  For  this  he  was  brutally  assaulted 
by  Butler's  nephew.  (See  Brooks,  Preston  S.) 

Crittenden  Compromise.  In  1860,  when  secession  of  the 
Southern  States  was  threatening,  John  J.  Crittenden,  of 
Kentucky,  offered  a  resolution  that  the  Constitution  be 
amended  as  follows:  In  all  territory  north  of  thirty-six 
degrees  thirty  minutes  slavery  was  to  be  prohibited ;  in  all 
territory  south  of  that  line  it  was  to  be  protected.  New 
States  in  either  section  were  to  determine  for  themselves. 
The  resolution  further  declared  that  Congress  had  no  power 
to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  as  long  as  it 
existed  in  either  Virginia  or  Maryland,  nor  without  the 
consent  of  the  inhabitants  and  compensation  to  non-assent- 
ing owners.  Further  provisions  concerned  slaves  held  by 
federal  officers  in  the  District,  and  damages  for  slaves  freed 
by  violence,  while  still  others  prohibited  Congress  from 
abolishing  the  inter-State  slave  trade  and  forbade  future 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  changing  any  of  these  pro- 
visions, or  Article  1,  section  2,  clause  3,  and  Article  4,  sec- 
tion 2,  clause  3,  of  the  Constitution,  or  abolishing  slavery 
in  any  State.  Then  followed  resolutions  which  declared  the 
fugitive  slave  laws  to  be  constitutional,  recommending  some 
slight  changes  in  them,  and  requesting  the  State  Legislature 
to  repeal  or  modify  the  "personal  liberty  laws,"  and  con- 
cluded by  a  denunciation  of  the  African  slave  trade.  It 
was  not  adopted. 

Cuba.  The  importance  to  the  United  States  of  this  isl- 
and, called  by  the  Spaniards  "the  Pearl  of  the  Antilles," 
has  long  been  recognized,  and  repeated  attempts  have  been 
made  to  purchase  it  from  the  Spanish  government.  In  the 
nineteenth  century  the  cruelty  and  tyranny  of  the  Spanish 
administration  of  the  island  aroused  a  widespread  indigna- 
tion among  the  people  of  the  United  States.  The  Spanish 
atrocities  were  reported  in  the  daily  papers,  and  there  was 
no  concealment  of  the  popular  sympathy  with  the  Cuban 
revolutionists.  There  was  an  uprising  in  1868  which  was 


110     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

not  subdued  for  ten  years.  Another  revolt  occurred  in 
1895.  Spain  was  in  friendly  relations  with  this  country  at 
that  time,  despite  the  intense  popular  feeling  in  both  coun- 
tries. But  on  February  15,  1898,  the  U.  S.  S.  Maine  was 
blown  up,  presumably  by  Spanish  officials,  in  the  harbor 
of  Havana,  That  brought  about  the  Spanish-American 
War,  which  resulted  (December  10,  1898)  in  the  liberation 
of  Cuba  from  the  Spanish  oppression  which  had  lasted 
nearly  four  hundred  years.  The  United  States  took  tem- 
porary possession  of  the  island,  and,  through  the  War 
Department,  administered  its  affairs  while  effecting  the 
most  necessary  and  urgent  improvements.  After  the  people 
of  the  island  adopted  a  constitution  and  elected  a  govern- 
ment, the  United  States  on  May  20,  1902,  formally  with- 
drew. (See  Spanish- American  War.) 

Cumberland  Road  is  a  public  road  originally  projected 
from  Cumberland,  in  Maryland,  to  the  Ohio  River,  but 
ultimately  carried  as  far  as  Illinois.  The  first  act  in  regard 
to  it  was  passed  by  Congress,  March  29,  1806.  It  appro- 
priated $30,000  for  the  expenses  of  three  commissioners,  to 
be  appointed  by  the  President,  for  the  purpose  of  laying 
out  the  road.  There  was  much  opposition  to  every  succes- 
sive bill  appropriating  money  for  the  road  on  the  ground 
of  the  unconstitutionally  of  any  act  of  Congress  providing 
for  internal  improvements.  On  this  ground  President 
Monroe  vetoed  the  bill  on  May  4,  1822,  providing  for  its 
repair.  Sixty  bills  in  all  were  passed  appropriating  money 
for  the  establishment,  extension  and  repair  of  this  road, 
the  last  being  that  of  May  25,  1838.  The  rise  of  railroads 
put  a  stop  to  its  further  extension.  The  total  amount  ap- 
propriated was  $6,821,246. 

Currency.  Strictly  speaking,  any  medium  of  exchange 
that  is  current,  or  everywhere  received,  is  currency,  whether 
it  be  coin  or  paper  money.  The  term  has,  however,  come  to 
be  applied  exclusively  to  paper  money.  The  paper  money 
of  this  country  is  of  four  kinds :  first,  legal  tender  notes ; 
second,  national  bank  notes ;  third,  gold  certificates ;  fourth, 
silver  certificates.  The  legal  tender  notes  of  the  United 
States  are  bills  issued  merely  on  the  credit  of  the  govern- 
ment. (See  Fiat  Money.)  The  acts  of  1875  and  1882, 
however,  direct  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States  to  hold 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     111 

$100,000,000  as  a  reserve  for  their  redemption.  There  were 
outstanding  on  September  1,  1865  (when  the  national  debt 
was  at  its  maximum),  $432,553,000  of  legal  tender  notes. 
This  was  reduced  to  $346,681,016  by  January  1,  1879,  at 
which  amount  it  has  since  remained.  These  notes  are  is- 
sued in  denominations  of  one,  two,  five,  ten,  twenty,  fifty, 
one  hundred,  five  hundred,  one  thousand,  five  thousand  and 
ten  thousand  dollars.  Previous  to  1879  (when  specie  pay- 
ments were  resumed)  bills  for  fractions  of  a  dollar,  frac- 
tional currency  as  it  was  called,  were  issued.  The  legal 
tender  notes  were  issued  by  the  government  during  the  war 
as  a  means  of  raising  revenue,  and  the  issue  was  generally 
regarded  merely  as  a  war  measure,  but  the  Supreme  Court 
has  declared  their  issue  constitutional  and  legal,  though  is- 
sued in  time  of  peace.  The  national  bank  notes  are  issued 
by  the  national  banks  and  guaranteed  by  the  government, 
the  banks  depositing  United  States  bonds  as  security.  (See 
National  Banking  System.)  Gold  and  silver  certificates 
are  issued  by  the  government  against  deposits  of  gold  and 
silver  coin,  and  are  exchangeable  for  the  coin  on  demand. 
The  treasury  holds  the  coin  so  deposited  as  a  trust  fund. 
The  certificates  represent  the  coin  and  are  used  in  prefer- 
ence to  it  merely  because  of  greater  convenience  in  handling. 

Curtis,  George  William,  was  born  in  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  February  24,  1824;  died  on  Staten  Island,  New 
York,  August  31,  1892.  He  was  a  man  of  letters,  and  as 
such  won  a  wide  reputation.  He  was  at  one  time  connected 
with  the  New  York  Tribune  and  with  Putnam's  Monthly. 
After  1867  he  was  editor  of  Harper's  Weekly,  and  con- 
nected with  Harper's  Monthly.  In  1871  he  was  one  of  the 
committee  appointed  by  President  Grant  to  draw  up  rules 
for  the  Civil  Service,  in  the  reform  of  which  he  took  a 
deep  interest.  In  1868  he  was  one  of  the  members  of  the 
Constitutional  Convention  of  his  adopted  State,  New  York. 
In  1864  he  was  made  one  of  the  Regents  of  the  University 
of  that  State.  He  was  a  Republican,  but  in  1884  became 
one  of  the  leaders  of  the  revolt  in  that  party.  (See  Inde- 
pendents.) 

Custer  Massacre.    (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Customs  Duties  are  indirect  taxes  levied  on  goods  im- 
ported into,  or  exported  from,  a  country.  Duties  on  ex- 


112     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ports  are  forbidden  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  Article  1,  section  9,  clause  5.  Customs  duties  are  of 
five  kinds,  namely,  discriminating,  minimum,  compound, 
ad  valorem,  and  specific.  Discriminating  duties  are  addi- 
tions to  the  usual  rate,  levied  on  goods  imported  from  cer- 
tain countries  or  portions  of  the  world,  or  imported  in 
vessels  of  certain  nations.  In  the  case  of  so-called  mini- 
mum duties,  goods  that  have  cost  less  than  a  certain  sum 
are  taxed  as  if  they  had  cost  that  sum.  Such  duties  were 
first  levied  in  1816,  and  the  principle  is  still  retained, 
though  no  wide  application  is  made  of  it  in  the  present 
tariff.  Compound  duties  are  a  mixture  of  specific  and  ad 
valorem  duties  and  are  applied  to  manufactured  articles, 
the  raw  materials  of  which  are  dutiable.  The  specific  part 
of  the  duty  is  intended  to  equal  the  rate  that  would  have 
been  imposed  on  the  raw  materials  if  they  had  been  im- 
ported before  manufacture,  and  thus  to  put  the  domestic 
manufacturer  on  as  equal  a  footing  with  the  foreign  maker 
as  if  the  raw  material  had  been  imported  free  of  duty,  while, 
at  the  same  time,  the  domestic  producer  of  the  raw  material 
has  his  industry  protected.  The  ad  valorem  part  of  the 
duty  is  levied  for  the  purpose  of  protecting  the  manufac- 
turer. Such  duties  have  been  common  since  1860,  and  ap- 
pear prominently  in  the  law  of  1883.  Ad  valorem  duties 
are  a  tax  of  a  certain  percentage  of  the  value  of  the  mer- 
chandise. Specific  duties  are  a  tax  of  a  certain  specified 
sum  for  each  pound,  or  yard,  or  other  unit  of  measure  of 
the  merchandise,  usually  irrespective  of  its  quality  or  value, 
though  sometimes  it  is  provided  that  they  shall  vary  with 
variations  between  specified  limits  of  the  quality  or  value 
of  the  goods.  Both  specific  and  ad  valorem  rates  have  been 
imposed  by  all  the  general  tariff  acts  of  the  United  States, 
with  the  exception,  it  is  believed,  of  the  law  of  1846,  which 
levied  ad  valorem  rates  only.  Whether  specific  or  ad  va- 
lorem duties  are  the  best,  all  things  considered,  is  a  dis- 
puted point.  The  latter  are  evidently  the  fairer,  but  they 
give  a  much  wider  field  for  defrauding  the  government  by 
undervaluation.  They  also  occasion  much  more  trouble  to 
the  merchant,  and  by  levying  duty  on  the  market  value  of 
goods  prevent  him  from  fully  enjoying  the  possible  benefits 
of  his  shrewdness  in  buying  under  the  market  price.  Th 


A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     113 

also  necessitate  a  higher  and  better-paid  class  of  govern- 
ment officials,  and  there  is  danger  that  a  competitive  leni- 
ency will  be  exercised  in  the  various  ports  to  attract  trade. 
The  objection  to  specific  duties  is  chiefly  that  as  they  im- 
pose a  relatively  higher  duty  on  poorer  qualities  of  mer- 
chandise they  encourage  the  home  production  of  inferior 
goods.  Their  advantages  are  ease  in  levying  duties,  less 
chance  of  fraud,  that  they  do  not  necessitate  such  high- 
salaried  officials,  and  that  the  revenue  can,  therefore,  be 
collected  at  a  less  cost.  Foreign  nations  have  been  tending 
in  the  direction  of  specific  duties  and  such  is  the  present 
tendency  of  opinion  in  the  United  States.  The  first  ninety 
years  of  our  government  show  that  over  fifty-seven  per  cent, 
of  all  its  revenues  have  been  derived  from  customs  duties. 
In  the  earlier  years  of  this  period  the  proportion  was  much 
larger  than  this.  (See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States;  Ex- 
ports and  Imports.) 

Dakota's  Massacre.     (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Dakota  was  formerly  a  territory,  but  on  November  3, 
1889  it  was  divided  into  North  and  South  Dakota,  and 
under  these  names  admitted  to  the  Union  as  States.  It 
was  part  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  (see  Annexation)  as  a 
territory  it  was  organized  by  Act  of  March  2,  1861,  and  at 
that  time  was  made  to  include  the  larger  part  of  what  are 
now  Wyoming  and  Montana.  Bismarck  is  the  capital  of 
North  Dakota,  and  Pierre  of  South  Dakota. 

Dallas,  George  Mifflin,was  born  at  Philadelphia,  Penn- 
sylvania, July  10,  1792,  and  died  December  31,  1864.  He 
was  a  lawyer  and  had  graduated  at  Princeton.  He  was  a 
United  States  Senator  from  1831  to  1833 ;  Minister  to  Kus- 
sia,  1837  to  1839;  Vice-President  of  the  United  States, 
1844  to  1848,  and  Minister  to  Great  Britain  from  Febru- 
ary 4  to  May  16,  1861.  He  was  a  Democrat. 

Dark  and  Bloody  Ground.  Said  to  be  the  translation  of 
the  Indian  word  Kentucky,  and  a  name  oftentimes  given  to 
that  State. 

Dark  Horse  is  a  political  phrase.  When  nominating  con- 
ventions name  an  individual  that  was  not  prominently 
considered  as  a  candidate  before  the  meeting  of  the  con- 
vention, or  during  its  earlier  ballots,  he  is  called  a  dark 


114     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

horse.  An  instance  is  the  case  of  James  A.  Garfield  in  the 
Eepublican  National  Convention  of  1880. 

Dartmoor  Massacre.  During  the  war  of  1812  many  of 
the  American  prisoners  captured  by  the  British  were  con- 
fined in  a  prison  at  Dartmoor,  Devonshire.  At  the  close 
of  the  war  there  were  several  thousands  of  these,  besides 
twenty-five  hundred  impressed  sailors  who  claimed  to  be 
American  seamen  and  refused  to  fight  in  the  British  navy 
against  the  United  States.  Some  of  these  seamen  had  been 
imprisoned  for  years  before  the  war  broke  out.  The  prison- 
ers, not  being  released  immediately  on  their  hearing  of  the 
treaty  of  peace,  grew  impatient.  Eigorous  discipline  and 
lack  of  satisfactory  food  further  excited  them,  and  there 
were  signs  of  insubordination.  On  April  6,  1815,  the  guard 
fired  on  them,  killing  several  and  wounding  more.  This 
occurrence  was  probably  the  result  of  a  mistake,  but  when 
the  news  of  it  reached  this  country  it  was  called  the  "Dart- 
moor Massacre,"  and  excited  bitter  feelings  against 
England. 

Dartmouth  College  Case.  A  controversy  arose  in  1815-18 
between  the  Legislature  of  New  Hampshire  and  the  corpo- 
ration of  Dartmouth  College,  caused  chiefly  by  the  removal 
of  the  president  of  that  institution  by  the  trustees  in  con- 
sequence of  a  local  religious  dispute.  The  Legislature  in 
1816  passed  acts  changing  the  name  of  Dartmouth  College 
to  Dartmouth  University,  and  creating  a  new  corporation, 
to  which  its  property  was  transferred.  The  old  trustees 
began  suit  for  the  recovery  of  the  property,  and  in  the  high- 
est court  of  the  State  were  defeated.  The  case  (The  Trus- 
tees of  Dartmouth  College  vs.  Woodward)  was  then  taken 
on  writ  of  error  to  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  Dan- 
iel Webster  made  a  great  argument,  claiming  that  the  acts 
of  the  Legislature  violated  Article  1,  section  10,  clause  1  of 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  provides  that 
"No  State  shall  .  .  .  pass  any  .  .  .  law  impairing  the 
obligation  of  contracts,"  and  that  these  acts  were  therefore 
unconstitutional  and  void.  The  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  rendered  in  1819,  upheld  this  view.  It  settled  the 
law  that  a  charter  granted  to  a  private  corporation  was  a 
contract  which  could  not  be  altered  in  a  material  point 
without  the  consent  of  those  who  held  it,  unless  the  power 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     115 

of  revision  is  reserved  to  the  Legislature  by  a  clause  in  the 
charter  or  a  general  law  of  the  State.  This  decision  is  one 
of  the  most  important  ever  rendered  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

Daughters  of  the  American  Revolution.  A  society  or- 
ganized at  Washington,  D.  C.,  Oct.  11,  1890,  composed  of 
female  descendants  of  any  person  who  gave  material  aid 
to  the  Colonists  during  the  Revolution. 

Daughters  of  Liberty.  An  association  of  about  an  hun- 
dred young  women,  formed  in  Boston  for  the  purpose  of 
animating  the  young  men  of  Massachusetts  colony  to  rise 
in  rebellion  against  the  English  king.  It  was  really  an 
adjunct  to  the  association  known  as  the  "Sons  of  Liberty" 
(which  see). 

Daughters  of  the  Revolution.  A  society  organized  at 
New  York  City,  August  20,  1890,  and  restricted  to  the 
lineal  female  descendants  of  any  soldier  or  sailor  serving 
in  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  or  of  any  official  who,  by 
aiding  the  Colonists,  became  liable  to  conviction  of  treason 
against  Great  Britain. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  was  born  in  Christian  County,  Ken- 
tucky, June  3,  1808.  He  graduated  at  West  Point.  In 
politics  he  was  a  Democrat,  and  as  such  served  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  as  member  from  Mississippi  from  1845 
to  1846.  From  1847  to  1851,  and  from  1857  to  1861  he 
was  in  the  Senate.  Under  Pierce  he  was  Secretary  of  War. 
He  was  one  of  the  group  of  Southern  Senators  that  was 
chiefly  instrumental  in  bringing  about  secession.  He  was 
chosen  President  of  the  Confederacy  by  the  provisional  Con- 
gress and  inaugurated.  He  was  again  chosen  by  a  popular 
vote  and  inaugurated  a  second  time,  February  22,  1862. 
After  the  war  he  was  imprisoned  for  two  years  and  then 
released  on  bail.  He  was  never  restored  to  citizenship. 
While  President  of  the  Confederacy  he  was  constantly  inter- 
fering with  his  generals,  his  own  estimate  of  his  military 
attainments  being  very  high,  and  many  of  the  Southern  dis- 
asters are  laid  at  his  door.  He  died  December  6,  1889. 

Davis,  John.  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury,  1795;  judge 
of  the  United  States  District  Court  in  Massachusetts,  1801. 
The  youngest  member  in  the  convention,  of  1789  which 
adopted  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  out-lived  all  the 
other  members.  Born  at  Plymouth,  Massachusetts,  Janu- 


116     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ary  25,  1761;  died  at  Boston,  Massachusetts,  January  14, 
1847. 

Davis-Wade  Manifesto.  In  May,  1864,  a  bill  was  intro- 
duced in  Congress  by  Henry  Winter  Davis,  providing  for  a 
scheme  of  reconstruction  for  States  in  rebellion  (see  Recon- 
struction). This  bill  was  carried  in  both  Houses,  and  one 
hour  before  the  adjournment  of  Congress  it  was  placed 
before  the  President,  who  refused  to  sign  it,  thus  prevent- 
ing its  becoming  a  law.  On  July  8th  the  President  issued 
a  proclamation,  having  attached  to  it  a  copy  of  the  bill, 
in  which  he  recited  these  facts,  and  while  declaring  that  he 
was  not  prepared  to  commit  himself  to  any  one  plan  of  re- 
construction, nor  to  set  aside  the  new  governments  of  Ar- 
kansas and  Louisiana,  nor  "to  declare  a  constitutional  com- 
petency in  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  States"  (though 
hoping  for  its  abolition  by  a  constitutional  amendment), 
he  yet  was  satisfied  with  the  scheme  of  the  bill  "as  one  very 
proper  plan  for  the  loyal  people  of  any  State  choosing  to 
adopt  it,"  and  to  such  he  promised  all  aid  in  carrying  it  out. 
Thereupon  Davis  and  Benjamin  F.  Wade  (who  had  aided 
in  preparing  the  bill)  issued  a  manifesto  impugning  Presi- 
dent Lincoln's  motives,  which  they  declared  to  be  a  desire 
to  aid  his  own  re-election  by  means  of  the  votes  of  Louis- 
iana and  Arkansas,  asserting  that  the  substance  of  the  bill 
had  been  before  the  country  a  year  and  that  he  was  there- 
fore familiar  with  it,  but  that  he  himself  had  schemed  to 
delay  it,  that  "he  discards  the  authority  of  the  Supreme 
Court  and  strides  headlong  toward  the  anarchy"  he  had 
inaugurated.  The  influence  of  the  manifesto  in  the  elec- 
tion was  small.  The  bill  was  introduced  at  the  next  session 
of  Congress,  but  it  was  laid  on  the  table. 

Deadhead  in  the  Enterprise.  (See  I  do  not  Feel  that  I 
Shall  Prove  a  Deadhead  in  the  Enterprise  if  I  once  Embark 
in  It.) 

Deadlock  is  the  state  of  affairs  in  which  the  business  of  a 
legislative  assembly  is  blocked  through  the  obstructions  of 
a  minority,  or  where  in  an  election  for  officers  by  a  legis- 
lative assembly  neither  party  has  sufficient  votes  to  elect 
its  candidate  and  neither  will  yield  nor  compromise;  as 
where  more  than  a  majority  vote  is  required  to  elect,  or 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     117 

there  is  a  tie  or  a  majority  of  the  members  (present  or  not 
present)  is  requisite  and  all  cannot  be  induced  to  attend. 
The  term  is  also  applied  to  a  stoppage  of  legislative  business 
by  reason  of  the  refusal  of  either  of  the  Houses  to  yield  on 
a  question  on  which  there  is  a  difference  of  opinion  between 
them. 

Deane,  Silas.  A  delegate  from  Connecticut  to  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  1774-76;  sent  to  France  as  a  secret 
financial  and  political  agent,  1776,  but  was  recalled,  1777. 
Born  at  Groton,  Connecticut,  December  24,  1737;  died  at 
Deal,  England,  August  23,  1789. 

Dearborn,  Henry  A.  S.  Son  of  Henry.  Collector  of  the 
Port  of  Boston,  1812-29;  member  of  the  Massachusetts 
Legislature,  1829;  State  Senator,  1830;  member  of  Con- 
gress, 1831-33;  adjutant-general  of  Massachusetts,  1833- 
43,  from  which  position  he  was  removed  for  having  fur- 
nished arms  to  Ehode  Island  during  Door's  Rebellion 
(which  see).  Born  at  Exeter,  New  Hampshire,  March  3, 
1783 ;  died  at  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  July  29,  1851. 

Debt  of  the  United  States.  The  debt  of  the  United 
States,  as  reported  to  the  first  Congress  at  its  second  ses- 
sion, 1790-1791;  by  Alexander  Hamilton,  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  consisted  of  the  foreign  debt,  domestic  debt  and 
State  debts.  The  Secretary  recommended  that  these  latter 
be  assumed  by  the  general  government,  and  after  consid- 
erable discussion  this  was  agreed  to.  The  debt  then  stood : 

Domestic  debt. $42,414,085 

Foreign  debt 11,710,378 

State  debts  (as  finally  assumed) 18,271,786 

Total $72,396,249 

The  foreign  debt  consisted  of  money  due  in  France,  Hol- 
land and  Spain,  for  loans  made  to  us  during  the  Revolution. 

In  1836  the  treasury  had  on  hand  a  surplus  of  over 
$40,000,000,  all  but  $5,000,000  of  which  was  ordered  by 
Congress  to  be  distributed  among  the  States,  on  certain 
conditions  and  in  four  installments.  Three  of  these  were 
paid,  but  the  turn  taken  by  financial  affairs  rendered  the 
payment  of  the  fourth  inexpedient.  The  increase  between 


118     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

1847  and  1849  was  due  to  the  Mexican  War.  Between  1852 
and  1857  over  $53,000,000  of  the  debt  was  purchased  in 
the  market  by  the  government,  about  $8,000,000  being  paid 
as  premium.  After  the  panic  of  1857  the  debt  began  to 
increase;  the  sudden  enormous  increase  in  1862  was  caused 
by  the  Civil  War.  During  that  struggle  in  1866  the  debt 
reached  the  highest  point  in  the  history  of  the  country,  and 
since  then  it  has  been  paid  off  so  rapidly  that  the  problem 
now  before  the  country  is  not  how  to  raise  money,  but  to 
keep  down  the  revenues.  (See  Surplus.)  The  total 
amount  of  loans  issued  by  the  government  up  to  the  out- 
break of  the  Civil  War  was  $505,353,591.95;  between  that 
time  and  July  1, 1880,  there  was  issued  $10,144,589,408.69 ; 
and  since  then  3J  per  cent,  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $460,- 
461,050,  matured  5  and  6  per  cent,  bonds  extended  being 
at  that  rate,  and  3  per  cent,  bonds  to  the  amount  of  $304,- 
204,350,  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  above-mentioned 
3J  per  cent,  bonds.  (See  Refunding  of  United  States  Debt.) 

The  present  debt  of  the  United  States  may  be  divided 
into  three  parts:  (1)  the  interest-bearing  debt,  consisting 
of  bonds  of  various  denominations;  (2)  the  debt  on  which 
interest  has  ceased  since  maturity,  which  is  a  total  of  over- 
due bonds  outstanding  that  have  never  been  presented  for 
payment;  (3)  debt  bearing  no  interest,  which  includes  old 
demand  notes,  the  legal-tender  notes,  certificates  of  deposit, 
and  gold  and  silver  certificates. 

Debt,  Imprisonment  for.  New  York  was  the  first  State 
in  the  United  States  to  abolish  imprisonment  for  debt.  This 
was  done  in  1831,  and  the  example  was  shortly  followed  by 
the  other  States ;  and  though  there  is  great  difference  in  the 
insolvent  laws  of  the  several  States,  they  all  permit  debtors 
their  freedom — except  in  cases  wherein  dishonesty  or  pecu- 
lation renders  the  debtor  also  amenable  to  the  Penal  Code. 

Decatur,  Stephen,  was  born  at  Sinnepuxent,  Maryland, 
January  5,  1779,  and  entered  the  navy  in  1798.  During 
the  war  with  Tripoli  he  led  a  small  party  which  burned  the 
Philadelphia,  an  American  vessel,  which  had  been  captured 
by,  and  was  in  possession  of  the  enemy.  For  his  bravery 
on  this  occasion  he  was  promoted  to  the  rank  of  captain. 
In  1815  he  led  a  squadron  against  the  Algeraines,  captured 
several  of  their  vessels,  and  compelled  the  Bey  to  seek  peace. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     119 

He  was  killed  by  Commodore  James  Barren,  in  a  duel,  on 
March  22,  1820. 

Decentralization.  Broad  construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion tends  to  the  centralization  of  power  in  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment. Strict  construction  leads  to  decentralization,  giv- 
ing more  power  to  the  States.  (See  Construction  of  the 
Constitution.) 

Declaration  of  Independence.  The  struggle  of  the  Amer- 
ican colonies  against  Great  Britain  was  begun  without  any 
general  idea  of  pushing  the  matter  to  a  separation  from 
the  mother  country.  Though  the  idea  of  forming  an  inde- 
pendent government  was  favored  in  New  England,  it  was 
so  distasteful  to  the  other  colonies  that  Congress  formally 
disavowed  it  July  6,  1775.  However,  the  idea  gained 
ground  largely  during  the  following  year,  and  no  one  thing 
aided  more  in  its  spread  than  the  publication  of  Thomas 
Paine's  pamphlet,  "Common  Sense."  This  struck  the  key- 
note of  the  situation  by  advocating,  with  forcible  logic,  an 
assertion  of  independence  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  and 
the  formation  of  a  republican  government.  The  Pennsyl- 
vania Legislature  so  well  appreciated  the  value  of  Paine's 
pamphlet  that  it  gave  him  a  grant  of  $2,500  in  considera- 
tion of  it.  In  May,  1776,  the  Virginia  Convention  in- 
structed its  delegates  to  propose  a  resolution  for  independ- 
ence. This  was  done  June  7  by  Richard  Henry  Lee.  In 
the  year  1826,  after  all  save  one  of  the  band  of  patriots 
whose  signatures  are  borne  on  the  Declaration  of  IndepeDd- 
ence  had  descended  to  the  tomb,  and  the  venerable  Carroll 
alone  remained  among  the  living,  the  government  of  the 
City  of  New  York  deputed  a  committee  to  wait  on  the  il- 
lustrious survivor.  They  obtained  from  him,  for  deposit  in 
the  public  hall  of  the  city,  a  copy  of  the  Declaration  of  1776 
graced  and  authenticated  anew  with  his  sign-manual. 

On  June  10,  1776,  the  Colonial  Congress  assembled  at 
Philadelphia,  resolved  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed 
to  prepare  a  declaration  "that  the  United  Colonies  are,  and 
of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States."  Such 
action  was  taken  and  the  committee  consisted  of  Thomas 
Jefferson,  John  Adams,  Benjamin  Franklin,  Roger  Sher- 
man and  Robert  R.  Livingston.  A  draft  was  reported  by 
this  committee  on  June  28th.  On  July  2d  a  resolution  was 


120     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

adopted  declaring  the  colonies  free  and  independent  States. 
Finally,  on  July  4th,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was 
agreed  to,  engrossed  on  paper  and  signed  by  John  Hancock, 
President.  It  was  afterward  engrossed  on  parchment  and 
signed  with  the  names  given  below.  The  document  is  al- 
most entirely  from  the  pen  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  few 
changes  having  been  made  in  his  original  draft.  One  of  the 
most  striking  passages  of  the  original  draft,  omitted  in  the 
declaration  as  finally  adopted,  is  the  following:  "He  has 
waged  cruel  war  against  human  nature  itself,  violating  its 
most  sacred  rights  of  life  and  liberty  in  the  persons  of  a 
distant  people,  who  never  offended  him,  captivating  and 
carrying  them  into  slavery  in  another  hemisphere,  or  to 
incur  miserable  death  in  their  transportation  thither.  This 
piratical  warfare,  the  opprobrium  of  infidel  powers,  is  the 
warfare  of  the  CHRISTIAN  King  of  Great  Britain.  Deter- 
mined to  keep  open  a  market  where  MEN  should  be  bought 
and  sold,  he  has  prostituted  his  negative  for  suppressing 
every  legislative  attempt  to  prohibit  or  to  restrain  this 
execrable  commerce;  and  that  this  assemblage  of  horrors 
might  want  no  fact  of  distinguished  dye,  he  is  now  exciting 
those  very  people  to  rise  in  arms  among  us,  and  to  purchase 
that  liberty,  of  which  he  has  deprived  them,  by  murdering 
the  people  upon  whom  he  also  obtruded  them,  thus  paying 
off  former  crimes  committed  against  the  liberties  of  one 
people  with  crimes  which  he  urges  them  to  commit  against 
the  lives  of  another."  The  declaration  as  adopted  is  given 
in  the  appendix. 

Decoration  Day.  The  observance  of  "Decoration  Day" 
has  grown  spontaneously  from  the  tender  remembrance  by 
the  mothers,  sisters,  younger  brothers,  and  all  who  survived 
the  war  for  the  Union,  of  the  heroes  who  perished  that  we 
might  live  to  enjoy  a  united,  free,  and  just  government. 
The  practice  of  setting  aside  a  day  to  visit  the  graves  of 
their  fallen  soldiers,  recall  the  memory  of  their  noble  deeds, 
and  strew  their  tombs  with  flowers,  took  its  rise  early  in 
the  late  war :  first  in  particular  places,  here  a  city,  there  a 
village,  or  it  might  be  a  county.  In  some  places  it  was  on 
one  day,  in  others  on  another.  After  a  time  the  practice 
became  more  general.  In  some  cases  governors  recom- 
mended the  observance  of  a  particular  day;  but  there  was 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     121 

no  wide  extended  agreement.  In  time,  partly  through  the 
influence  of  leading  members  of  the  Christian  commission, 
which  had  done  so  much  for  soldiers  during  the  war,  partly 
through  the  influence  of  the  pulpit  and  press,  and,  finally 
through  the  systematic  efforts  of  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Eepublic  and  various  veteran  soldier  associations,  many 
State  legislatures  were  induced  to  make  a  given  day  a  legal 
holiday  for  this  purpose,  and  the  President  and  Governors 
were  led  to  unite  in  recommending  the  observance  of  the 
same  day,  now  known  as  "Decoration  Day"  in  nearly  every 
State  of  the  Union.  Precisely  when,  or  in  what  community, 
the  first  instance  of  calling  upon  the  citizens  in  general  to 
come  together  for  this  purpose  took  place,  it  seems  to  be 
impossible  at  this  late  day  to  determine.  It  is  claimed  that 
there  were  instances  of  this  kind  as  early  as  the  spring  of 
1863,  some  say  as  early  as  the  summer  of  1862. 

De  Fuca  Explorations.  The  boundary  line  on  the  far 
northwest  had  for  many  years  been  a  serious  question  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain.  That  part  of 
the  Pacific  coast  had  been  visited,  on  behalf  of  Spain,  by 
the  Greek  pilot  De  Fuca  in  1592,  by  Admiral  Fonte  in 
1640,  and  by  subsequent  explorers,  who  had  mapped  a  great 
portion  of  it  as  far  as  the  fifty-fifth  degree  north  latitude. 
The  Nootka  treaty  of  1790,  between  Spain  and  Great  Brit- 
ain, only  gave  the  latter  some  fishing  and  trading  rights  in 
the  vicinity  of  Puget  Sound.  The  discovery  and  explora- 
tion of  Columbia  Eiver  by  Captain  Robert  Gray,  an  Amer- 
ican, who  gave  the  name  of  his  vessel  to  the  river ;  the  pur- 
chase of  Louisiana  and  all  that  belonged  to  it  to  the  Pacific 
from  the  French  in  1803,  their  claim  being  the  best,  next  to 
that  of  Spain ;  the  exploration  of  Columbia  Eiver  from  its 
sources  to  its  mouth  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  by  order  of  the 
United  States,  in  1804-5;  and  the  treaty  of  limits  con- 
cluded between  Spain  and  the  United  States  in  1819,  by 
which  all  the  territory  north  of  forty-two  degrees  north 
latitude  was  expressly  declared  to  belong  to  the  United 
States,  were  held  to  be  sufficient  proofs  of  the  title  of  the 
United  States  to  that  territory.  Still  Great  Britain  laid 
claim  to  a  large  portion  of  the  region.  Captain  Winship,  a 
hardy  New  Englander,  in  1810  built  a  house  on  the  Co- 
lumbia, but  the  floods  came  and  the  winds  blew,  and  it  fell 


122     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  same  year  and  the  settlement  was  abandoned.  The  fort 
and  fur-trading  house  at  Astoria,  established  in  1811  by 
John  Jacob  Astor,  were  given  up  to  the  British,  who  were 
then  engaged  in  the  prosecution  of  the  War  of  1812.  The 
place  was  then  named  Fort  George.  Subsequently  it  passed 
into  the  control  of  the  Hudson  Bay  Company,  and  a  feeble 
attempt  was  made  to  cultivate  the  soil.  In  the  "forties" 
the  immigration  was  large,  and  in  '43  they  formed  a  pro- 
visional government.  For  years  previous  to  these  events 
the  boundary  line  question  had  been  the  subject  of  cor- 
respondence between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
At  times  the  question  became  so  serious  as  to  threaten  the 
peaceful  relations  of  the  two  countries,  and  the  subject  so 
much  absorbed  public  attention  that  the  Democratic  Na- 
tional Convention  of  1844  in  its  platform  declared  for  a 
certain  boundary  line  or  war  as  a  consequence.  (See 
Northwest  Boundary.) 

De  Facto  and  De  Jure.  These  terms  are  generally  used 
in  connection  with  the  holding  of  office.  One  who  has 
actual  possession  of  an  office  and  exercises  its  functions  is 
said  to  be  an  officer  de  facto,  or  in  fact;  one  who  is  entitled 
to  an  office,  but  does  not  actually  fill  it,  is  said  to  be  an 
officer  de  jure,  or  by  right.  A  de  facto  officer  may  hold  his 
office  without  wrongful  intent,  though  without  legal  sanc- 
tion, as  when  there  have  been  technical  irregularities  in  the 
appointment,  or  when  the  law  under  which  he  was  ap- 
pointed is  afterward  declared  unconstitutional  by  the  courts. 
The  acts  of  a  de  facto  incumbent  are  valid  as  respects  third 
persons  and  the  public  generally  if  the  officer  holds  his  po- 
sition by  color  of  right  (that  is,  with  supposed  authority 
based  on  reasonable  grounds),  if  he  holds  it  with  some 
degree  of  notoriety,  if  he  is  actually  in  exercise  of  con- 
tinuous official  acts,  or  if  he  is  in  actual  possession  of  a 
public  office.  For  application  of  these  terms  in  1877  to 
Hayes  and  Tilden,  see  Presidents  De  Facto  and  De  Jure. 

Defender  of  the  Constitution.  A  name  applied  to  Daniel 
Webster,  principally  by  reason  of  his  second  speech  in  reply 
to  Robert  Y.  Hayne  in  the  Senate.  (See  Foot's  Resolution.) 

Deficiency  Bill.    (See  Appropriations.) 

De  Golyer  Contract.  In  1872  the  Board  of  Public  Works 
at  Washington  had  under  advisement  about  forty  different 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     123 

kinds  of  pavement,  one  of  which  it  intended  to  select  for 
use.  James  A.  Garfield  was  retained  by  the  attorney  of 
the  De  Golyer  and  McClellan  patent  to  prepare  a  brief  on 
this  patent  and  to  argue  its  merits  before  the  board,  the 
attorney  himself  having  been  called  away  from  Washington. 
For  these  services  he  received  a  fee  of  $5,000.  It  was 
charged,  and  the  charge  was  revived  during  the  Presidential 
campaign  of  1880,  that  Garfield  had  done  no  work  to  de- 
serve this  fee,  which  had  been  given,  it  was  said,  as  a  bribe 
to  influence  his  action  in  Congress,  and  especially  as  chair- 
man of  the  Appropriations  Committee  of  the  House.  On 
the  other  hand,  it  was  shown  that  he  did  considerable  la- 
borious work  in  connection  with  the  matter,  and  that,  more- 
over, the  money  required  had  already  been  voted,  so  that 
the  alleged  bribe  would  have  been  on  the  rather  remote  con- 
tingency of  a  deficiency  and  a  consequent  additional  ap- 
propriation. Moreover,  the  objections  to  the  whole  trans- 
action were  not  to  the  pavement  itself,  but  to  the  contract 
with  the  company,  and  with  this  Garfield  had  no 
connection. 

Delaware  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
The  capital  is  Dover.  It  took  its  name  from  the  river  and 
bay,  which,  in  turn,  were  named  after  Lord  De  la  Ware, 
one  of  the  early  Governors  of  Virginia,  It  is  familiarly 
known  as  the  Diamond  State  from  its  shape,  and  the  Blue 
Hen  State  from  a  game  breed  of  fighting  cocks  of  which 
the  State  was  proud. 

Democrat.    Thus  did  the  Federalists  call  all  their  oppo- 
nents.    Of  these  only  a  portion  accepted  the  title,  and 
after  1810  Democrat  and  Democratic  may  be  taken  as  sy- 
nonymous.   The  word  as  first  used  was  intended  to  denote 
revolutionary  tendencies.    (See  Democratic  Society.) 
Democratic  Clubs.    (See  Democratic  Society.) 
Democratic  Invincible  Club.    (See  American  Knights.) 
Democratic  Party.    (See  Democratic-Republican  Party.) 
Democratic  Reading-Room.     (See  American  Knights.) 
Democratic-Republican  Party.    This  party,  known  first 
as  the  Republican,  then  as  the  Democratic-Republican,  and 
generally  in  our  own  time,  merely  as  the  Democratic  party, 
has  as  its  fundamental  principles  the  limitation  of  the 
powers  of  the  Federal  Government  to  those  granted  by  the 


124     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

letter  of  the  Constitution  and  the  increase  of  the  direct 
influence  of  the  people  in  the  affairs  of  the  government. 
Though  the  party  has  from  time  to  time  swerved  from 
these  principles,  when  the  exigencies  of  the  political  situa- 
tion seemed  to  demand  it  (and  the  slavery  question  caused 
very  violent  fluctuations  of  this  nature),  yet  to  these  prin- 
ciples it  has  always  returned,  and  while  acting  on  them  its 
greatest  successes  have  been  gained.  The  adoption  of  the 
Constitution  left  the  anti-Federal  party  without  a  cause; 
there  was  no  organized  opposition  to  the  Federal  party,  to 
which  most  of  the  prominent  men  of  the  time  belonged,  and 
from  it  the  Republican  party,  as  the  Democratic-Republican 
party  was  first  called,  was  but  gradually  differentiated.  The 
financial  measures  of  Hamilton  clearly  showed  his  purpose 
of  applying  to  the  Constitution  loose  principles  of  con- 
struction, and  his  proposals  to  assume  the  State  debts,  and 
later  to  incorporate  the  United  States  bank,  and  to  levy  a 
tax  on  distilled  spirits,  were  the  first  measures  that  marked 
a  divergence  in  the  Federal  party.  Madison,  Jefferson  and 
Randolph  opposed  these  measures  as  unconstitutional.  As 
was  natural,  the  following  of  Hamilton  consisted  largely  of 
the  commercial  interests,  while  the  agricultural  interests  as 
naturally  favored  a  view  tending  to  localize  political  power. 
It  was  not  until  1792  that  the  party  thus  segregated,  was 
known  by  the  name  of  Republican.  Those  that  were  then 
known  as  Democrats,  agitating,  loud-mouthed  and  abusive 
partisans  of  France,  in  the  war  she  was  then  engaged  in, 
were  not  acknowledged  by  the  Republicans  as  their  party, 
though  the  two  were  frequently  united  in  action;  in  the 
third  House  the  Republicans  elected  their  candidate  for 
Speaker,  and  the  merging  of  the  two  factions  was  hastened 
by  this  event,  though,  for  some  time  thereafter,  the  line 
between  the  two  was  plainly  visible  within  the  party;  there- 
after it  was  known  as  the  Democratic-Republican  party. 
John  Adams  succeeded  Washington  as  President,  defeating 
Jefferson  by  a  majority  of  but  three  electoral  votes.  The 
alien  and  sedition  laws  aided  in  rendering  Adams'  admin- 
istration extremely  unpopular,  and  in  the  next  Presiden- 
tial contest  the  small  Federalist  majority  was  overcome  and 
Jefferson  was  elected  President  by  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives, into  which  the  election  had  been  thrown  by  a  tie 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     125 

in  the  electoral  college.  The  party  as  now  constituted  aimed 
at  strict  construction,  an  elective  judiciary,  reduction  of  ex- 
penditure (on  this  ground  they  opposed  a  navy),  and,  as  a 
consequence,  thereof,  a  reduction  of  taxation,  and  the  ex- 
tension of  the  suffrage.  The  party  was  so  successful  that 
before  1805  the  State  governments  of  all  but  two  of  the 
States  (Vermont  and  Connecticut)  were  in  their  hands, 
and  they  controlled  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representa- 
tives. The  purchase  of  Louisiana  by  Jefferson,  though 
enthusiastically  commended  everywhere,  was  a  palpable  de- 
viation from  strict  construction,  as  was  also  the  embargo; 
to  this  latter  step  the  party  was  forced  by  its  previous  policy 
of  refusing  to  establish  a  navy.  The  failure  of  the  em- 
bargo occasioned  a  change  in  party  feeling,  and  as  a  result 
war  against  England  was  declared  in  1812.  The  war  in- 
creased the  national  feeling,  the  restriction  of  trade  pre- 
ceding the  war  and  incident  to  it,  had  fostered  manufac- 
tures to  maintain  which  the  party  was  forced  to  adopt  a 
tariff  slightly  protective,  and  the  financial  difficulties  raised 
by  the  war  led  to  the  establishment  of  a  national  bank  in 
1816.  Thus  the  party  had  been  forced  into  a  position 
closely  resembling  that  of  its  former  antagonists.  These 
were  now  politically  dead,  the  few  that  remained  calling 
themselves  Federal-Republicans.  It  was  an  "era  of  good 
feeling,"  but  it  was  not  destined  to  continue  long.  The 
party  was  soon  divided  into  two  wings,  again  on  the  general 
lines  of  strict  and  loose  costruction.  John  Quincy  Adams 
was  an  advocate  of  the  latter,  and  the  oposition  to  him  cul- 
minated in  the  election  of  Andrew  Jackson  as  his  successor. 
During  the  Presidency  of  Adams,  his  followers  gradually 
came  to  be  known  as  National  Republicans,  while  the  others 
first  known  as  "Jackson  men,"  ultimately  took  the  name 
of  Democrats.  The  former  were  the  precursors  of  the 
Whigs.  Jackson  undertook  to  give  form  to  his  party,  using 
the  federal  patronage  as  a  means,  and  he  was  eminently 
successful ;  his  own  leanings  were  to  strict  construction,  and 
the  party  was  once  more  placed  on  that  basis.  A  distinc- 
tively Southern  and  slavery  faction  of  the  party,  under  Cal- 
houn,  carried  their  opposition  to  the  length  of  threatening 
secession,  but  Jackson  firmly  repressed  the  movement.  (See 
Nullification.)  In  practice,  Jackson  was  not  uniformly 


126     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

consistent,  but  he  enforced  his  strict  construction  theories 
in  the  case  of  the  United  States  bank,  and  the  adoption, 
under  Van  Buren,  of  the  sub-treasury  system,  still  more 
firmly  entrenched  the  theory.  The  panic  during  Van  Bu- 
ren's  administration  was  effectively  used  against  him  in  the 
next  campaign,  and  Harrison,  a  Whig,  was  elected.  It  was 
about  this  time  that  the  name  Loco-f oco  was  applied  to  the 
Democratic  party.  Harrison  died  within  a  month  after  his 
inauguration,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Vice-President, 
Tyler,  a  Calhoun  Democrat.  The  ascendency  of  the  Cal- 
houn  faction  committed  the  party,  in  its  convention  of 
1844,  to  the  annexation  of  Texas.  From  this  time  forward, 
it  vibrated  between  strict  and  loose  construction,  as  suited 
its  purpose,  using  the  latter  for  the  purpose  of  spreading 
slavery,  and  the  former  to  secure  it  where  thus  established ; 
the  Calhoun  faction  was  first  and  foremost  a  pro-slavery 
party.  The  election  of  Polk  was  in  great  part  due  to  the 
Liberty  party.  His  successor,  Taylor,  was  a  Whig,  but 
his  election  was  owing  to  local  dissensions  among  the  Demo- 
crats, and  Fillmore,  who  became  President  on  Taylor's 
death,  was  succeeded  by  Pierce,  a  Democrat.  Northern 
Democrats  were  not  in  favor  of  slavery,  but  they  regarded 
it  as  the  policy  of  their  party  to  ignore  the  question ;  South- 
ern Whigs  were  pro-slavery,  and  to  them  the  question  of 
slavery  was  paramount  to  any  party  ties.  Buchanan,  an- 
other Democrat,  succeeded  Pierce,  but  the  power  of  the 
party  was  diminishing,  especially  in  the  West.  When  it  ap- 
peared that  the  Kansas-Nebraska  bill  would  fail  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  State,  the  Southern  section  of  the  party  took 
refuge  in  the  Calhoun  doctrine  of  the  duty  of  government 
to  protect  slavery,  and  the  split  thus  occasioned  ended  in 
dissension  in  the  party  convention  at  Charleston,  in  1860. 
Douglas  led  the  Northern  Democrats,  who  upheld  popular 
sovereignty;  the  Southern  members  had  adopted  the  Cal- 
houn view.  Douglas  triumphed  in  the  convention.  On  this 
the  Southern  wing  withdrew,  to  meet  at  Richmond;  the 
Douglas  wing  adjourned  to  Baltimore,  where  further  dis- 
sensions caused  the  withdrawal  of  many  of  the  border 
States.  These  latter,  aided  by  the  original  seceders,  nom- 
inated John  C.  Breckenridge ;  Douglas  was  named  by  his 
party.  These  conflicts  in  the  party  resulted  in  the  election 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     127 

of  Lincoln,  the  Republican  candidate.  The  Civil  War  fol- 
lowed. During  that  struggle  the  party  was  uniformly 
opposed  to  the  government  measures,  rendered  necessary  by 
the  anomalous  condition  of  the  country.  The  secession 
of  the  Southern  States  had  deprived  them  of  most  of  their 
members  in  Congress,  and  in  the  North  only  New  York  and 
New  Jersey  had  Democratic  Governors.  Their  convention 
of  1864  denounced  the  war  measures  of  the  Republicans,  de- 
clared the  war  a  failure  and  demanded  the  cessation  of 
hostilities.  On  this  issue  they  were  overwhelmingly  de- 
feated. The  reconstruction  measures  of  the  Republicans, 
notably  the  Civil  Rights  bill,  were  strenuously  opposed  by 
the  Democrats,  and  opposition  to  this  was  made  the  most 
prominent  feature  of  the  party  creed,  and  in  its  desire  to 
repress  the  negroes,  the  party  swerved  from  its  old  principle 
of  the  extension  of  suffrage.  In  1872,  the  action  of  the 
Liberal-Republicans  helped  in  clearing  away  these  dogmas, 
which  had  greatly  hampered  the  party,  and  aided  by  the 
financial  depression  of  1873,  and  by  the  disfavor  with  which 
Grant's  second  term  was  regarded,  the  party  made  large 

fains,  carrying  the  State  elections  in  many  of  the  Northern 
tates,  and  getting  a  majority  in  the  House.  Tilden,  the 
Democratic  candidate  for  President  in  1876,  had  a  popular 
majority  over  Hayes,  the  Republican,  but  the  result  of  the 
electoral  vote  was  in  doubt,  and  the  election  was  finally 
awarded  to  Hayes.  (See  Electoral  Commission.)  Their 
next  candidate,  Hancock,  was  likewise  defeated.  The  action 
of  the  party,  after  the  war,  in  opposing  negro  suffrage,  had 
tended  to  consolidate  Southern  whites  in  its  favor,  while 
the  memories  of  the  war  have  been  a  strong  rallying  point 
for  the  Republicans  in  the  North,  so  that,  generally  speak- 
ing, the  latter  has  been  Republican,  the  former  Democratic. 
In  1884,  Cleveland,  a  Democrat,  was  elected  President,  the 
deciding  State  being  New  York,  which  he  carried  by  a 
plurality  of  only  1,047,  in  a  total  vote  of  over  1,100,000. 
His  election  was  partly  owing  to  dissatisfaction  of  many  of 
the  Republicans  with  their  candidate.  The  Democratic 
party  has  generally  been  in  favor  of  a  "tariff  for  revenue 
only,"  but  a  strong  minority  favors  protection,  and  its  plat- 
form has  attempted  to  meet  the  views  of  both  wings ;  the 
President's  message  to  the  Fiftieth  Congress,  dealing  as  it 


128     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

did,  exclusively  with  the  tariff,  and  strongly  advocating  its 
reduction,  probably  tended  to  identify  the  party  more  thor- 
oughly than  before  with  that  view.  It  is  difficult,  as  the 
parties  now  stand,  to  draw  a  sharp  line  between  them ;  the 
Democratic  party  still  stands  as  the  representative  of  stric- 
ter construction  than  the  Republican,  and  the  declaration 
of  a  Supreme  Court,  appointed  by  Republican  Presidents, 
of  the  unconstitutionally  of  the  Civil  Rights  bill,  and  its 
decision  in  the  Virginia  bond  cases,  seems  to  justify  its 
position ;  both  parties  profess  devotion  to  Civil  Service  Re- 
form, and  while  the  Republican  party  has  consistently 
favored  cessation  of  the  coinage  of  depreciated  silver  dol- 
lars, the  Democrats,  owing  to  divided  opinions  within  the 
party,  have  failed  to  act.  But  the  immediate  future  may 
see  great  changes  in  both  parties. 

Democratic  Rooster.  The  emblems  of  the  Democratic 
party  at  the  time  of  Jackson's  administration  were  the  hick- 
ory pole  and  broom.  About  1840,  in  Indiana  there  lived  a 
man  named  Chapman,  a  Democrat,  who  had  a  local  repu- 
tation for  exercising  his  vocal  organs  in  the  way  of  crowing. 
One  story  says  that  in  answer  to  a  desponding  letter  ol 
Chapman's  concerning  the  political  situation,  a  friend  wrote 
an  encouraging  letter  ending  with  the  words,  "Crow,  Chap- 
man, crow!"  Another  account  makes  the  letter  pass  be- 
tween two  friends,  and  close  with  the  words,  "Tell  Chap- 
man to  crow."  The  letter,  whichever  it  was,  was  published, 
and  the  phrase  spread.  In  1842  and  1844,  after  Whig  de- 
feats, the  rooster  came  into  general  use  as  the  Democratic 
emblem  of  victory. 

Democratic  Society.  In  1793,  during  the  war  between 
England  and  France,  while  Citizen  Genet  was  active  here 
on  behalf  of  the  latter,  a  society  on  the  plan  of  the  Jacobin 
clubs  of  France  was  formed  in  Philadelphia,  It  was  founded 
for  the  purpose  of  encouraging  sympathy  for  France,  of 
scrupulously  examining  all  governmental  innovations,  and 
generally  (it  was  asserted)  to  guard  the  rights  of  man. 
The  club  soon  had  branches  everywhere,  the  one  at  Charles- 
ton going  as  far  as  to  seek  and  obtain  recognition  as  a 
branch  of  the  Jacobin  Club  of  Paris.  The  career  of  the 
society  was  marked  by  abuse  of  the  excise  laws  and  of  the 
government.  The  overthrow  of  Robespierre  and  the  sup- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     129 

pression  of  the  Jacobin  clubs  of  France  dealt  it  a  fatal 
blow,  however,  and  it  disappeared  after  the  year  1794. 

Demonetization  of  Silver.  To  demonetize  a  metal  is  to 
take  from  it  its  standard  value  and  thus  make  it  a  commod- 
ity merely.  (See  Silver  Question.) 

Departments  of  the  Government.  (See  Interior,  Depart- 
ment of  the;  Justice,  Department  of;  Navy  Department  of 
the;  Post-Office  Department;  State  Department;  Treasury 
Department;  War  Department.) 

Deposit  Banks.  The  State  banks  in  which  government 
funds  were  deposited  when  President  Jackson  had  them 
removed  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  were  so  called. 
They  were  also  called  Pet  Banks. 

Deposits,  Removal  of.  (See  Removal  of  Government  De- 
posits from  the  United  States  Bank.) 

Deseret.    (See  Mormons.) 

Died  of  an  Attempt  to  Swallow  the  Fugitive  Slave  Law. 
This  was  said  of  the  Whig  party,  the  eighth  resolution  of 
its  platform  of  1852  having  been  an  elaborate  statement 
to  the  effect  that  the  party  recognized  that  law  as  a  portion 
of  the  final  settlement  regarding  slavery,  unless  "evasion" 
or  "the  abuse  of  their  powers"  should  demand  further  steps, 
and  recommending  that  the  agitation  of  the  subject  be 
dropped.  The  party  was  practically  destroyed  in  the  elec- 
tion that  followed. 

Die  in  the  Last  Ditch.  William  of  Orange,  when  the 
destruction  of  the  United  Provinces  appeared  unavoidable, 
exclaimed:  "There  is  one  certain  means  by  which  I  can 
be  sure  never  to  see  my  country's  ruin — I  will  die  in  the 
last  ditch/5  The  phrase  is  often  used  to  indicate  an  inten- 
tion to  persevere  in  a  course  of  action  to  the  last  extremity. 

Diplomatic  Service.  (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Disability  of  Rebels.  (See  Proclamation  of  Amnesty.) 

Disability  of  the  President.  Disability  signifies  lack  of 
qualification ;  inability,  lack  of  power.  A  man  that  is  not 
a  natural-born  citizen  of  this  country  is  disabled  from  oc- 
cupying the  Presidential  chair.  A  President  stricken  with 
insanity  is  unable  to  act  as  President.  The  word  "disabil- 
ity" is  commonly  used  when  "inability"  is  meant.  The 
Constitution,  Article  2,  section  1,  clause  6,  provides  for  the 
succession  in  case  of  the  removal,  death,  resignation  or  in- 


130     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ability  of  the  President.  (See  Presidential  Succession.) 
There  is,  however,  no  provision,  nor  can  there  be  any,  to 
indicate  what  degree  of  inability  shall  shift  the  office  to  the 
Vice-President.  In  the  case,  for  example,  of  the  insanity 
of  the  President,  in  which  it  is  not  probable  that  he  himself 
will  realize  his  condition,  or  give  notice  of  it,  it  must  be 
left  to  the  Vice-President  to  assume  the  office  at  his  dis- 
cretion, leaving  the  determination  of  the  question,  in  case 
of  a  contest,  to  the  courts. 

Disgruntled  is  a  word  of  recent  coinage.  It  is  applied 
to  politicians  that  have  been  disappointed,  and  that  are, 
as  a  consequence,  disaffected.  The  word  to  gruntle  means 
to  sulk,  and  disgruntle  is  probably  a  more  emphatic  form 
of  gruntle. 

Disputed  Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential  Elections. 
The  original  method  of  choosing  the  President  and  Vice- 
President  is  prescribed  in  Article  2,  section  1,  clause  3,  of 
the  Constitution ;  the  twelfth  amendment,  ratified  Septem- 
ber 25,  1804,  altered  that  method  to  its  present  form.  There 
have  been  three  controversies  in  regard  to  the  Presidency 
and  one  in  regard  to  the  Vice-Presidency. 

I.  When  the  electoral  votes  were  counted  in  1801  it  was 
found  that  Jefferson  and  Burr  had  each  received  73,  being 
a  majority  of  all  the  electors,  each  elector  having  two  votes. 
On  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  was  therefore  thrown  the 
task  of  deciding  between  them.  All  but  two  of  the  mem- 
bers were  present ;  one  had  died  and  one  was  ill ;  another, 
though  ill,  was  carried  to  the  House  in  his  bed.  Rules 
were  adopted  as  follows :  The  public  was  to  be  excluded,  the 
Senate  to  be  admitted ;  there  was  to  be  no  adjournment,  and 
no  other  business  was  to  be  considered  until  a  choice  had 
been  arrived  at ;  States  were  to  sit  together ;  duplicate  state- 
ments of  the  vote  of  each  State  were  to  be  prepared  and  to 
be  cast  into  two  different  ballot-boxes,  to  be  passed  around 
by  the  sergeant-at-arms.  The  word  "divided"  was  to  be 
used  in  the  cases  of  States  that  could  not  agree.  The  con- 
tents of  the  two  ballot-boxes  were  then  to  be  counted  by 
tellers,  of  whom  one  was  to  be  appointed  by  each  State.  The 
agreement  of  the  boxes  was  to  be  the  test  of  the  correctness 
of  the  vote.  The  Federalists,  obliged  to  choose  between 
two  Republicans,  at  first  supported  Burr,  though  not  unani- 


s, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     131 

mously.  The  balloting  continued  for  seven  days  with  no 
choice.  At  length,  February  17th,  the  Federalists'  chief, 
James  A.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  having  obtained  from  Jef- 
ferson assurances  that  he  would  maintain  the  navy  and  the 
public  credit,  and  that  he  would  not  remove  Federalist 
office-holders  for  party  causes,  decided  to  end  the  struggle, 
and  on  the  thirty-seventh  ballot  three  members  in  Vermont 
and  Maryland  by  voting  blank  gave  these  States  to  Jeffer- 
son, who  was  thus  elected. 

II.  There  was  practically  but'  one  party  in  1824,  and  the 
contest  in  that  year  was  between  John  Quincy  Adams,  An- 
drew Jackson,  William  Crawford  and  Henry  Clay,  all  Re- 
publicans.   Their  electoral  votes  were,  respectively,  84,  99, 
41,  37.    None  having  a  majority,  the  election  went  to  the 
House,  which  was  obliged  to  choose  from  the  highest  three ; 
Clay  was  thus  excluded,  and  his  strength  went  to  Adams, 
between  whose  views  and  those  of  Clay  there  was  marked 
agreement,    and    Adams,    carrying   thirteen    States,    was 
elected.    Jackson  carried  seven  States  and  Crawford  four. 
The  House  had  adopted  the  rules  of  1801.    Adams  made 
Clay  his  Secretary  of  State,  the  price,  it  was  alleged,  of 
Clay's  support  and  influence  in  the  House. 

III.  The  third  and  latest  Presidential  dispute  differed 
from  the  others.     In  1876  four  States  had  each  sent  in 
several  disagreeing  returns.    The  question  arose  as  to  which 
was  to  be  recognized.     The  Democratic  nominees,  Tilden 
and  Hendricks,  had  indisputably  received  184  votes,  one 
less  than  a  majority.    The  votes  of  South  Carolina,  Florida 
and  Louisiana,  and  one  vote  from  Oregon,  being  twenty  in 
all,  were  in  doubt,  differing  returns  having  been  made, 
owing,  in  the  first  three  States,  to  the  rejection  by  the  Re- 
turning Boards  of  votes  alleged  to  be  fraudulent.    To  settle 
the  matter  the  Electoral   Commission    (which  see)    was 
created.    It  decided  in  favor  of  the  Republican,  Hayes,  and 
as  only  the  concurrent  vote  of  both  Houses  could  overthrow 
the  result,  its  decision  stood ;  the  Republican  Senate  voting 
to  sustain,  the  Democratic  House  to  reject.    One  elector  in 
each  of  five  States  was  objected  to  as  ineligible  because 
holding  federal  office,  but  both  Houses  consented  to  admit 
these  votes. 

IV.  The  only  distinctively  Vice-Presidential  contest  was 


132     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

in  1837,  when  Richard  M.  Johnson  received  147  votes,  to 
147  for  all  the  other  candidates.  The  Senate,  thus  com- 
pelled to  choose  between  the  highest  two,  gave  33  votes  to 
Johnson  and  16  to  Francis  Granger;  Johnson  was  thus 
elected. 

District  Court.      (See  Judiciary.) 

District  of  Columbia,  The,  originally  included  sixty-four 
square  miles  ceded  to  the  national  government  by  Maryland 
in  1788  and  thirty-six  square  miles  ceded  by  Virginia  in 
1789.  The  District  was  organized  by  acts  of  July  16,  1790, 
and  March  3,  1791.  In  1880  the  national  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  removed  to  Washington.  (See  Capital  of  the 
United  States.)  In  1801  Congress  took  complete  control 
of  the  District,  and  the  inhabitants  had  no  representation 
in  that  body  till  1871,  when  it  was  organized  like  the  other 
Territories  of  the  United  States.  By  act  of  June  20,  1874, 
however,  a  government  by  three  commissioners,  appointed 
by  the  President,  was  established.  In  1846  the  portion  west 
of  the  Potomac  was  retroceded  to  Virginia.  The  capital  is 
Washington. 

Dixie.  This  was  the  title  of  a  song  popular  in  the  South 
during  the  Civil  War.  The  original  of  it  was  a  negro 
melody  of  the  time  when  slavery  existed  in  New  York, 
where  a  Mr.  Dixy,  or  Dixie,  owned  many  slaves.  His  estate 
was  known  among  them  as  "Dixie's  Land."  During  the 
war  the  South  was  commonly  spoken  of  as  Dixie,  or  Dixie's 
Land. 

Dollar  of  Our  Dads.    A  nickname  for  the  silver  dollar. 

Dongan  Charter.  A  charter  for  the  City  of  New  York, 
granted  by  Thomas  Dongan,  Lieutenant-Governor  and  vice- 
admiral  of  New  York  under  James  II.  Dated  April  27, 
1686.  It  remained  in  force  until  1730.  A  charter  of  the 
City  of  Albany  was  also  granted  by  Dongan. 

Don't  Fire  Till  You  See  the  Whites  of  Their  Eyes  was 
the  order  given  to  the  Americans  by  Colonel  Prescott  at  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill.  The  Americans  had  but  little  pow- 
der, and  it  was  important  that  none  should  be  wasted. 

Don't  Give  Up  the  Ship.  These  words  were  used  by 
Captain  Lawrence,  of  the  United  States  frigate  Chesapeake, 
as  he  was  being  carried  below,  mortally  wounded,  during 
the  action  between  that  vessel  and  the  British  frigate  Shan- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     133 

non  during  the  War  of  1812.  The  Chesapeake  was  obliged 
to  strike  her  colors.  The  words  were  inscribed  on  the  blue 
pennant  that  Commodore  Oliver  H.  Perry  carried  at  his 
masthead  during  the  battle  of  Lake  Erie  later  in  the  same 
year. 

Doorkeeper.  The  doorkeeper  of  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives  is  elected  by  the  House;  the  doorkeeper  of  the  Sen- 
ate is  appointed  by  the  sergeant-at-arms.  The  doorkeeper 
has  charge  of  the  legislative  chamber  and  its  contents,  and 
superintendence  of  the  document  and  folding-rooms.  He 
enforces  the  rules  relating  to  the  admission  of  persons  not 
members,  and  appoints  the  assistant  doorkeepers  and  the 
pages. 

Dorr,  Thomas  Wilson.  Member  of  the  Assembly  of 
Rhode  Island,  1833-37;  the  leader  of  the  Dorr  Rebellion 
(which  see);  elected  Governor  by  the  "Suffrage  party7'; 
convicted  of  high  treason  and  sentenced  to  life  imprison- 
ment, 1844;  released  under  a  general  amnesty  act,  1847 ;  re- 
stored to  civil  rights,  1851.  Born  at  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  November  5,  1805;  died  at  Providence,  Rhode 
Island,  December  27,  1854. 

Dorr  Rebellion.  In  1840  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island 
were  the  only  States  that  were  still  governed  by  their  co- 
lonial charters.  The  charter  of  the  latter  State,  imposing, 
as  it  did,  a  property  qualification  so  high  as  to  disfranchise 
two-thirds  of  the  citizens,  was  extremely  unpopular.  A 
proposition  of  Thomas  W.  Dorr,  of  Providence,  to  extend 
the  franchise  was  voted  down.  Dorr  then  took  to  agitation, 
and  finally  a  convention  prepared  a  constitution  and  sub- 
mitted it  to  a  popular  vote.  Its  supporters  claimed  a  ma- 
jority for  it,  which  its  opponents,  known  as  the  law  and 
order  party,  denied.  Nevertheless,  in  1842  the  constitution 
was  proclaimed  to  be  in  force.  An  election  was  held  under 
it,  only  the  suffrage  party  participating.  Dorr  was  elected 
Governor.  The  suffrage  Legislature  assembled  at  Provi- 
dence with  Thomas  W.  Dorr  as  Governor ;  the  charter  Leg- 
islature at  Newport,  with  Samuel  W.  King  as  Governor. 
After  transacting  some  business  the  suffrage  Legislature 
adjourned.  The  charter  Legislature  authorized  the  Gov- 
ernor to  take  energetic  steps,  and  an  appeal  for  aid  was 
made  to  the  national  government.  The  suffragists  at- 


134     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tempted  armed  resistance,  but  were  dispersed.  Dorr  fled, 
but  soon  returned  and  gave  himself  up.  He  was  convicted 
of  high  treason  in  1844,  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for 
life,*  but  was  pardoned  in  1847,  and  in  1851  was  restored 
to  his  civil  rights.  The  charter  party  soon  after  the  rebel- 
lion proposed  a  new  constitution,  largely  extending  the  suf- 
frage, which  was  carried  and  went  into  effect  in  May,  1843. 

Dorsey  Combination.      (See  Star  Route  Trials.) 

Double  Standard.  (See  Single  Standard,  and  Bi-Met- 
allism.) 

Dough-face.  On  one  occasion  during  the  discussion  of 
the  Missouri  Bill  in  1820,  eighteen  Northern  members  of 
the  House  of  Representatives  voted  with  the  Southern  mem- 
bers. John  Randolph,,  of  Roanoke,  stigmatized  these  mem- 
bers as  "dough-faces."  The  term  signifies  one  who  is 
easily  molded  by  personal  or  unworthy  motives  to  forsake 
his  principles.  It  was  generally  applied  to  Northern  men 
who  favored  slavery,  but  has  also  occasionally  been  used  in 
referring  to  Southerners  who  did  not  keep  step  with  their 
section  on  the  slavery  question. 

Douglas,  Stephen  Arnold,  was  born  at  Brandon,  Ver- 
mont, April  23,  1813,  and  died  at  Chicago,  Illinois,  June  3, 
1861.  He  was  a  lawyer,  practising  in  Illinois  where  he 
became  judge  of  the  State  Supreme  Court.  He  was  in 
the  House  from  1843  to  1847,  and  in  the  Senate  from  1847 
until  his  death.  He  was  a  Democrat,  but  on  the  question  of 
the  Lecompton  constitution  for  Kansas,  Douglas  separated 
from  the  Southern  Democracy.  Lincoln  was  his  opponent 
for  Senator  in  1858,  and  on  that  occasion  a  series  of  seven 
joint  debates  were  held  between  them,  attracting  much  at- 
tention. 

Draft  Riots.  The  attempt  to  enforce  the  draft  in  1863 
(see  Drafts)  led  to  serious  troubles  in  some  sections  of  the 
country.  Pennsylvania  was  disturbed  in  this  way,  but  New 
York  City  was  the  scene  of  the  greatest  outrages.  On  July 
13th  a  mob  gained  control  of  the  city,  and  was  not  dispersed 
till  four  days  had  elapsed.  The  police  force  was  too  small 
to  cope  with  the  rioters,  but  a  small  force  of  United  States 
regulars  could  be  commanded,  and  the  militia  were  absent 
at  the  seat  of  war.  The  enmity  of  the  mob  was  directed 
especially  against  the  negroes,  several  of  them  being  hanged 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     135 

or  otherwise  killed,  and  the  Colored  Orphan  Asylum  being 
burned.  Finally  the  regulars,  the  police  and  some  militia 
that  had  returned  after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  succeeded 
in  quelling  the  riot.  It  is  estimated  that  about  1,000  per- 
sons lost  their  lives,  and  the  city  was  obliged  to  pay  in- 
demnities for  loss  of  property  amounting  to  over  $1,500,000. 
Drafts,  or  conscriptions  for  obtaining  men  for  the  mili- 
tary forces  of  the  government,  depend  on  the  general  prin- 
ciple that  it  is  the  duty  of  a  citizen  who  enjoys  the 
protection  of  a  government  to  defend  it.  The  State  con- 
stitutions make  citizens  liable  to  military  duty,  and  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  (Article  1,  section  8, 
clause  12)  gives  Congress  power  to  raise  armies,  which  the 
courts  have  held  includes  the  right  of  conscription.  During 
the  War  of  1812  the  necessity  for  troops  led  to  the  intro- 
duction of  a  bill  in  Congress,  known  as  the  "Draft  of  1814," 
providing  for  a  draft  from  the  militia,  but  it  failed  to  pass. 
During  the  Civil  War  the  need  of  soldiers  occasioned  the 
passage  of  the  Conscription  Bill,  which  became  law  on 
March  3,  1863  {afterwards  amended  in  February  and  July, 
1864).  This  bill  provided  for  the  enrollment  of  all  able- 
bodied  citizens  between  18  and  45  years  of  age.  In  default 
of  volunteers  to  fill  the  quota  from  a  congressional  district, 
the  deficiency  was  to  be  supplied  by  drafts  from  the  en- 
rolled citizens.  Provisions  were  made  for  the  acceptance  of 
substitutes  or  a  commutation  of  $300  in  place  of  the  drafted 
individual.  Persons  refusing  obedience  were  to  be  consid- 
ered as  deserters.  A  call  for  300,000  troops  was  made  by 
the  President  in  May,  and  the  application  of  the  draft 
created  serious  riots.  (See  Draft  Riots.)  It  was  alleged 
that  a  disproportionate  number  of  men  had  been  demanded 
from  Democratic  districts;  these  discrepancies  were  cor- 
rected by  the  War  Department.  In  October,  1863,  the 
President  issued  another  call  for  300,000  men,  and  a  draft 
was  ordered  for  the  following  January  to  supply  any  de- 
ficiencies. Other  drafts  were  subsequently  made.  The  op- 
eration of  the  drafts  was  not  satisfactory  in  the  number  of 
men  directly  obtained,  and  desertions  were  frequent  among 
such  as  were  drafted,  but  voluntary  enlistments  were  quick- 
ened. The  Confederate  States  had  very  stringent  conscrip- 
tion laws,  which  were  rigidly  enforced. 


136     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Drawbacks.    (See  Protection.) 

Dred  Scott  Case.  Dred  Scott  was  a  negro  slave  of  Dr. 
Emerson,  United  States  Army.  In  1834  Dr.  Emerson  was 
ordered  from  Missouri  to  Rock  Island,  Illinois,  where  slav- 
ery was  prohibited  by  statute,  and  in  1836  to  Fort  Snelling, 
in  what  is  now  Minnesota,  but  then  a  territory.  Scott  went 
with  him,  and  at  Fort  Snelling  married  Harriet,  another  of 
his  master's  slaves.  In  1838,  after  a  child  had  been  born 
to  them,  they  returned  with  their  master  to  St.  Louis.  In 
1848  Scott  brought  a  suit  in  the  State  courts,  involving  the 
question  of  his  freedom,  and  obtained  a  verdict  in  his  favor, 
which  was,  however,  reversed  by  the  Supreme  Court  of 
Missouri.  Shortly  afterward  he  was  sold  to  J.  F.  A.  Sand- 
ford,  of  New  York,  against  whom  he  at  once  began  a  simi- 
lar suit  in  the  United  States  Courts.  The  case  was  carried 
to  the  United  States  Supreme  Court,  and  on  March  6, 1857, 
Chief-Justice  Roger  Brooke  Taney,  of  Maryland,  announced 
the  decision.  The  court  held  that  Scott  had  no  right  to  sue 
because,  even  if  he  were  free,  no  colored  person  was  re- 
garded by  the  Constitution  as  a  citizen.  He  says  "they  had 
for  more  than  a  century  before  been  regarded  as  ... 
so  far  inferior  that  they  had  no  rights  which  the  white  man 
was  bound  to  respect."  After  deciding  this,  the  question 
at  issue,  the  court  went  out  of  its  way  to  declare  the  Mis- 
souri compromise  void,  and  to  deny  the  right  of  Congress  to 
exclude  slavery  from  any  territory.  Of  the  associate  jus- 
tices six  supported  the  Chief  Justice,  and  two,  McLean  of 
Ohio  and  Curtis  of  Massachusetts,  dissented.  The  opinion 
was  for  a  time  withheld  from  publication,  in  order  not  to 
increase  the  excitement  of  the  Presidential  election  then 
pending. 

Drys.  A  term  used  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  in  Georgia, 
and  applied  to  the  prohibitionists;  opposed  to  "wets." 

Dudes  and  Pharisees.  The  word  "dude"  has  long  been  a 
portion  of  the  slang  of  the  language.  It  means  a  beau,  a 
man  scrupulously  careful  about  and  at  the  same  time  zeal- 
ously subdued  in  his  dress.  The  phrase  Dudes  and  Phari- 
sees was,  in  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1884,  applied  to 
those  Republicans  that  refused  to  vote  for  Elaine.  They 
were  also  called  Mugwumps  (which  see).  The  word  dude 
is  intended  to  represent  the  over-carefulness  and  scrupu- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     137 

lousness  of  these  voters,  while  the  word  pharisees  is  in- 
tended to  represent  the  "holier  than  thou"  spirit  which  is 
attributed  to  them. 

Duties.  For  customs  duties,  ad  valorem,  specific,  com- 
pound, discriminating  and  minimum  duties,  see  Customs 
Duties. 

East  Florida.      (See  Annexations  II.) 

Eaton,  Theophilus.  First  Governor  of  the  colony  of 
New  Haven,  remaining  in  office  from  1639  until  he  died, 
January  7,  1658. 

Edmunds'  Anti-Polygamy  Bill.       (See  Mormons.) 

Edmunds'  Electoral  Bill  was  the  act  creating  the  Elec- 
toral Commission  (which  see).  It  was  introduced  into  the 
Senate  by  George  F.  Edmunds,  of  Vermont,  passed  Con- 
gress and  was  approved  by  the  President,  January  29,  1877. 

Edmunds,  George  F.,  was  born  in  Richmond,  Vermont, 
February  1,  1828.  He  served  five  years  in  the  Legislature, 
acting  as  Speaker  during  three  years,  and  in  the  State 
Senate  two  years,  during  which  he  acted  as  presiding  offi- 
cer. In  1866  he  entered  the  United  States  Senate.  In 
March,  1883,  he  was  elected  President  of  the  Senate  pro 
tern  pore. 

Elastic  Clause.  This  term  has  been  applied  to  Article  1, 
section  8,  clause  18,  of  the  Constitution,  which  reads :  "The 
Congress  shall  have  power  to  make  all  laws  which  shall  be 
necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execution  the  fore- 
going powers,  and  all  the  powers  vested  by  the  Constitu- 
tion in  the  government  of  the  United  States." 

Election  Bets.  New  York  and  Wisconsin  are  the  only 
States  in  the  Union  in  which  a  voter  becomes  disqualified 
by  reason  of  being  interested  in  a  bet  depending  on  the 
election  at  which  he  attempts  to  vote.  Article  2,  section  2, 
of  the  Constitution  of  New  York  State  reads:  "No  per- 
son .  .  .  who  shall  make  or  become  directly  or  indi- 
rectly interested  in  any  bet  or  wager,  depending  upon  the 
result  of  any  election,  shall  vote  at  such  election/'  Then 
follows  directions  as  to  the  challenging  of  the  votes  of 
betters. 

Electoral  College  is  the  name  given  to  the  Presidential 
electors  of  a  State  when  convened  for  the  purpose  of  cast- 
ing their  votes  for  President  and  Vice-President.  The  term 


138     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

came  into  use  about  the  year  1821,  but  it  was  first  officially 
used  in  the  law  of  January  23,  1845. 

Elections,  Contested  or  Disputed.  (See  Contested  Elt 
tions;  Disputed  Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential  Eli 
tions.) 

Electoral  Commission,  The.    In  the  Presidential  electioi 
in  1876,  four  States  each  sent  in  different  and  differing  r( 
turns,  each  set  having  some  claims  to  be  considered  regular. 
Aside  from  the  doubtful  votes  the  Democratic  nominees, 
Tilden  and  Hendricks,  lacked  but  one  vote  to  a  majority. 
The  twenty-second  joint  rule  of  the  houses,  ordering  the  re- 
jection of  any  electoral  votes  to  which  objection  should  be 
made,  unless   accepted   by  the   concurrent  vote  of  both 
Houses,  had  been  repealed  by  the  Eepublican  Senate  in 
January,  1876;  its  application  would  have  elected  Tilden. 
To  pass  upon  the  conflicting  returns  the  Electoral  Commis- 
sion was  created  by  act  of  Congress  approved  January  29, 
1877.    Four  justices  of  the  Supreme  Court  (those  assigned 
to  certain  circuits  specified  in  the  bill)  were  made  mem- 
bers of  the  commission;  these  four  were  to  select  a  fifth 
justice;  with  these  five  were  to  sit  five  members  of  the 
Senate  and  five  of  the  House,  each  House  to  elect  its  own 
representatives.  To  this  commission  was  delegated  the  power 
in  the  premises  of  "the  two  Houses  acting  separately  or 
together/'  and  its  decisions  were  to  be  reversed  only  by 
the  concurrent  action  of  both  Houses.     The  commission 
was  constituted  as  follows  (Democrats  in  Italic,  Republi- 
cans in  Roman) :    Senators — George  F.  Edmunds,  Ver- 
mont; Oliver  P.  Morton,  Indiana;  Frederick  T.  Freling- 
huysen,  New  Jersey;  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  Delaware;  Allen 
G.  Thurman,  Ohio  (the  latter  having  become  ill  Francis 
Kernan,  New  York,  was  substituted).     Representatives — 
Henry  B.  Payne,  Ohio ;  Eppa  Hunton,  Virginia ;  Josiah  G. 
Abbott,  Massachusetts;  James  A.  Garfield,  Ohio;  George  F.  - 
Hoar,  Massachusetts.     Supreme  Court — Nathan  Clifford, 
President  of  the  Commission;  William  Strong,  Samuel  F. 
Miller,  Stephen  J.  Field.    These  had  been  designated  by  the 
act ;  the  fifth  selected  by  them  was  Joseph  P.  Bradley.    The 
commission  first  considered  the  Florida  returns.     There 
were  three  sets.    1.  The  votes  of  the  Hayes  electors,  with 
the  certificate  of  Governor  Stearns  attached,  according  to 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     139 

the  decision  of  the  State  Returning  Board  in  throwing  out 
certain  returns.  2.  The  votes  of  the  Tilden  electors,  with 
the  certificate  of  the  Attorney-General  of  the  State  at- 
tached, according  to  the  actual  vote  cast.  3.  Same  as  sec- 
ond, with  the  certificate  of  the  new  Governor  Drew,  accord- 
ing to  a  re-canvass  of  the  votes  as  ordered  by  the  State  law 
of  January  17,  1877.  The  Democratic  counsel  maintained 
that  the  Returning  Board  had  improperly  and  illegally 
thrown  out  votes,  and  that  the  State  Supreme  Court  had  so 
decided,  and  also  that  one  of  the  Hayes  electors,  Hum- 
phreys, when  elected,  held  an  office  under  the  United  States 
and  was  thus  disqualified.  The  Republicans,  on  the  con- 
trary, declared  that  the  commission  had  no  power  to  ex- 
amine into  returns  made  in  due  form ;  that  the  first  return 
was  in  due  form;  that  the  second  had  attached  to  it  the 
certificate  of  an  officer  officially  unknown  to  the  United 
States  in  the  capacity  of  certifying  officer,  and  that  the 
third  set  was  also  irregular,  having  been  prepared  after  the 
electoral  college  had  ceased  in  law  to  exist.  In  Humphreys' 
case  the  Republicans  maintained  that  he  had,  previous  to 
his  election,  sent  a  letter  of  resignation  to  the  officer 
that  had  appointed  him  and  that  the  absence  of  that  officer 
was  the  cause  of  its  not  having  been  received  in  time.  The 
Commission  in  each  case  sustained  the  Republican  view  by 
a  vote  of  8  to  7,  a  strictly  party  vote,  February  8,  1877. 
Louisiana  sent  three  returns ;  the  first  and  third  were  iden- 
tical, being  the  votes  of  the  Hayes  electors,  as  canvassed  by 
the  Returning  Board,  with  the  certificate  of  Governor  Kel- 
logg ;  the  second  contained  the  votes  of  the  Tilden  electors 
based  on  the  votes  as  actually  cast,  with  the  certificate  of 
John  McEnery,  who  claimed  to  be  Governor.  The  Demo- 
crats maintained  that  the  Returning  Board  had  illegally 
cast  out  votes ;  that  two  Hayes  electors  were  United  States 
officers;  that  McEnery  was  the  rightful  Governor,  and  vari- 
ous violations  of  State  election  laws,  all  of  which  they 
offered  to  prove.  The  Republican  claims,  similar  to  those 
in  the  case  of  Florida,  were  again  upheld  by  a  vote  of  8  to 
7,  February  16.  1877.  In  Oregon  one  of  the  three  electors, 
Watts,  was,  when  elected  a  United  States  officer,  being  thus 
disqualified ;  the  Democratic  Governor,  Grover,  had  given  a 
certificate  to  the  other  two  Hayes  electors  and  to  Cronin, 


140     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  highest  Tilden  elector.  The  popular  vote  was  not 
called  in  question.  The  Hayes  electors  refused  to  serve 
with  Cronin  and  elected  a  third  Hayes  elector,  as  they  were 
by  the  law  entitled  to  do,  while  Cronin,  by  reason  of  their 
refusal  to  serve  with  him,  appointed  two  other  electors; 
these  voted  for  Hayes.  There  were  thus  two  returns,  one 
consisting  of  three  Hayes  votes,  attached  to  which  was  a 
statement  of  the  popular  vote  of  the  State,  certified  by 
the  Secretary  of  State,  and  one  consisting  of  two  Hayes 
votes  and  one  Tilden  vote,  with  the  certificate  of  the  Gover- 
nor and  the  Secretary  of  State  attached.  The  Democrats 
contended  that  the  Governor's  certificate  must  be  consid- 
ered final,  to  which  the  Republicans  replied  that  it  was  the 
duty  of  the  Commission  to  see  that  the  Governor  had  cor- 
rectly certified  the  return  of  the  canvassers  of  the  State, 
and  that  behind  these  returns  the  Commission  could  not 
go ;  the  Governor's  certificate  they  could  and  should  review. 
On  February  23d  the  Commission  sustained  this  view  8  to 
7.  From  South  Carolina  there  were  two  returns ;  one,  the 
votes  of  Hayes  electors  based  on  the  canvass  of  the  Return- 
ing Board,  having  Governor  Chamberlain's  certificate  at- 
tached ;  the  other,  the  vote  of  the  Tilden  electors,  with  the 
mere  claim  of  a  popular  election.  The  claim  was  made  of 
military  influence  in  the  election,  but  the  Republican  re- 
turn was  accepted  February  27th,  by  a  vote  of  8  to  7.  The 
commission  adjourned  sine  die  March  2,  1877.  The  House 
voted  to  reject,  the  Senate  to  accept  the  findings  of  the  com- 
mission, and  a  concurrent  vote  being  required  to  reject,  its 
decision  was  enforced  and  Hayes  became  President. 

Electoral  Count.  If  Congress  had  passed  laws  exactly 
prescribing  the  method  of  verification  of  the  votes  of  elec- 
tors for  President  and  Vice-President,  the  operation  of 
counting  them  would  have  been  merely  mechanical,  and 
the  power  to  do  this  would  have  remained  in  the  hands  of 
the  President  of  the  Senate.  As  it  is,  Congress  has  arro- 
gated to  itself  the  power  of  deciding  the  validity  of  returns, 
a  proceeding  not  contemplated  by  the  Constitution  (see 
Electoral  System),  and  it  accomplishes  this  end  by  means 
of  joint  rules  governing  the  action  of  the  Houses  when  as- 
sembled to  see  the  returns  opened.  On  February  3,  1887, 
the  President  approved  an  act  of  Congress  governing  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     141 

electoral  count.  Its  provisions  require  the  electors  to  meet 
in  their  respective  States  on  the  second  Monday  in  Janu- 
ary and  to  cast  their  votes.  Any  contest  regarding  their 
election  must  be  decided  at  least  six  days  before,  as  pro- 
vided by  the  State  laws.  Three  lists  of  the  electors,  certi- 
fied by  the  executive  of  the  State,  are  to  be  prepared  and 
to  be  handed  to  the  electors  to  accompany  their  list  of 
votes.  Congress  is  to  be  in  session  on  the  second  Wednes- 
day in  February  to  be  present  at  the  opening  of  the  cer- 
tificates. Objections  to  the  reception  of  a  return  must  be  in 
writing,  signed  by  one  member  of  each  House.  Where  ob- 
jection is  made  to  the  only  lawful  return  sent  by  a  State, 
that  return  will  be  rejected  only  by  the  concurrent  vote  of 
both  Houses.  Where  the  contest  is  as  to  the  competence  of 
two  or  more  tribunals  within  the  State  to  decide  which  elec- 
tors were  chosen,  a  return  shall  be  accepted  only  by  the  con- 
current vote  of  both  Houses.  If  there  was  no  contest  within 
the  State,  and  two  or  more  returns  are  received,  that  signed 
by  the  executive  shall  be  counted  unless  rejected  by  the  con- 
current vote  of  both  Houses. 

Electoral  System.  In  the  convention  of  1787  there  was 
diversity  of  opinion  regarding  the  mode  of  electing  the 
President.  The  majority  during  the  greater  part  of  the 
time  favored  his  election  by  Congress.  Other  plans  were 
for  an  election  by  the  Governors,  by  a  general  popular  vote, 
by  secondary  electors  chosen  by  electors,  the  last  to  oe 
chosen  by  a"  popular  vote.  The  system  finally  adopted  is 
given  in  the  Constitution,  Article  2,  section  1.  The  twelfth 
amendment  (see  Amendments  to  the  Constitution),  chan- 
ging the  mode  to  its  present  form,  was  proposed  at  the  first 
session  of  the  Eighth  Congress,  and  first  went  into  opera- 
tion in  the  election  of  1804.  The  electors  of  each  State  are 
to  be  appointed  "in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof 
may  direct."  The  power  thus  given  is  not  limited  to  ap- 
pointment by  a  popular  election,  but  includes  any  manner 
whatever,  and,  accordingly,  in  the  earlier  days  of  the  gov- 
ernment, the  electors  of  many  States  were  chosen  by  the 
Legislature,  a  practice  followed  in  South  Carolina  until 
1868.  In  1876  Colorado's  electors  were  so  chosen.  In 
March,  1792,  an  act  was  passed  by  Congress  fixing  the  first 
Wednesday  in  December  as  the  day  on  which  the  electors 


142     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

were  to  meet,  and  they  were  to  be  elected  within  the  thirty- 
four  days  preceding.    This  act  required  the  electors  to  pre- 
pare three  certificates  of  their  votes,  these  certificates  to 
be  certified  by  the  Governor  of  the  State.    Two  were  to  be 
sent  to  the  President  of  the  Senate  at  the  capital,  one  by 
mail  and  one  by  special  messenger,  while  the  third  was  to 
be  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  federal  judge  of  the  district 
in  which  the  electors  voted.     If  neither  of  the  former 
reached  their  destination  by  the  first  Wednesday  in  Janu- 
ary, a  special  messenger  was  to  be  sent  to  the  judge  to  ob- 
tain the  third.    On  the  second  Wednesday  in  February,  the 
President  of  the  Senate  was  to  open  and  count  the  votes. 
In  January,  1845,  an  act  was  passed  fixing  the  Tuesday 
after  the  first  Monday  of  November  as  the  day  on  which 
the  electors  were  to  be  appointed.     It  had  not  heretofore 
been  required  that  these  appointments  be  made  on  the  same 
day  throughout  the  country.    It  also  gave  to  the  States  au- 
thority to  provide  for  filling  vacancies  in  their  electoral 
colleges,  and  to  provide  for  cases  in  which  the  first  elec- 
tions have  resulted  in  no  choice.    The  words  of  the  Con- 
stitution plainly  provide  for  a  count  of  the  votes  by  the 
President  of  the  Senate  in  the  presence  of  the  two  Houses 
of  Congress,  and  this  plain  meaning  was,  during  the  ear- 
lier years  of  the  government,  adhered  to.     Gradual  en- 
croachments by  Congress  on  the  authority  of  the  President 
of  the  Senate  led  to  the  present  condition  in  which  the 
votes  are  canvassed  and  passed  upon  by  the  Houses,  they 
assuming  the  power  to  accept  or  to  reject  any  returns, 
whereas  had  Congress  passed  sufficiently  minute  general 
laws  relative  to  the  authentification  of  the  returns  (as  it 
has  power  to  do),  no  such  questions  could  ever  have  arisen, 
and  the  counting  would  have   been  a  mere  numerical 
operation. 

Electors.  (See  Electoral  System'.) 
Emancipation.  The  Constitution  of  Vermont,  framed  in 
1777,  abolished  slavery,  but  Vermont  did  not  become  a 
State  until  1791.  Massachusetts  abolished  slavery  in  1780, 
while  acts  of  gradual  emancipation  were  passed  by  Penn- 
sylvania in  1780,  New  Hampshire  in  1783,  Ehode  Island  in 
1784,  Connecticut  in  1784,  New  Jersey  in  1804.  New 
York  did  likewise  in  1799,  but  afterward  passed  an  abso- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     143 

lute  emancipation  act,  to  take  effect  July  4,  1827.  The 
remainder  of  the  thirteen  colonies  allowed  slavery,  and  in 
the  case  of  new  States  the  question  was  settled  at  the  time 
of  admission.  During  the  Rebellion  laws  were  successively 
passed,  in  1862,  forbidding  the  return  by  the  army  of  fu- 
gitive slaves,  abolishing  slavery  in  the  territories,  and  free- 
ing the  escaped  slaves  of  persons  in  rebellion.  In  this  year, 
too,  slavery  was  abolished  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  the 
owners  receiving  compensation.  Then  came  the  Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation,  followed  by  the  thirteenth  amendment, 
and  slavery  was  at  an  end  in  1865. 

Emancipation  Proclamation.  The  Civil  War  was  fought 
by  the  North  to  maintain  the  Union,  not  to  free  slaves.  If 
proof  of  this  were  needed,  it  is  furnished  by  the  disavowal 
of  President  Lincoln  of  proclamations  by  Generals  Fre- 
mont and  Hunter,  abolishing  slavery  in  Missouri  and  South 
Carolina,  respectively.  Such  steps  as  freeing  the  escaped 
slaves  of  retJellious  owners  were  taken  as  war  measures 
merely.  On  September  22,  1862,  President  Lincoln  issued 
a  proclamation  giving  notice  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
States  in  rebellion  that,  unless  they  returned  to  their  al- 
legiance by  January  1,  1863,  he  would  declare  their  slaves 
forever  free.  This  was  followed  on  January  1,  1863,  by 
the  Emancipation  Proclamation,  declaring  free  the  slaves 
held  in  all  these  States,  except  in  certain  districts  of  Louis- 
iana and  Virginia  then  occupied  by  United  States  troops. 
It  enjoined  upon  the  freed  slaves  to  abstain  from  violence, 
and  offered  to  receive  them  into  the  military  and  naval 
services.  The  proclamation  declared  that  it  was  issued 
as  an  act  of  "military  necessity"  by  the  President  as  Com- 
mander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and  navy.  The  act  was 
heartily  approved  by  the  North,  and  rendered  certain  what 
had  already  become  probable,  namely,  that  slavery  could 
not  outlive  the  war. 

The  Emancipation  Proclamation,  being  a,  war  measure, 
did  not  affect  the  condition  of  slavery  in  any  portions  of  the 
United  States  not  in  rebellion  against  the  government; 
hence  the  slaves  held  in  certain  parishes  in  Louisiana,  cer- 
tain counties  in  Virginia,  and  in  the  forty-eight  counties 
which  form  West  Virginia,  were  not  freed  until  the  pass- 
age of  the  thirteenth  amendment.  The  parishes  excepted 


144     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

in  Louisiana  were  St.  Bernard,  Plaquemines,  Jefferson,  St. 
John,  St.  Charles,  St.  James,  Ascension,  Assumption,  Terre 
Bonne,  Lafourche,  St.  Mary,  St.  Martin,  and  Orleans,  in- 
cluding the  city  of  New  Orleans.  The  counties  in  Vir- 
ginia were  Berkeley,  Accomack,  Northampton,  Elizabeth 
City,  York,  Princess  Anne  and  Norfolk,  including  the 
cities  of  Norfolk  and  Portsmouth. 

Embargo.  An  embargo  is  a  prohibition  by  government 
authority  of  the  departure  of  ships  or  merchandise  from 
some  or  all  of  its  ports.  It  may  be  issued  as  a  measure  of 
retaliation  to  deprive  other  nations  of  commodities,  or  as  a 
war  measure  as  a  means  of  seizing  hostile  ships  in  port,  or 
to  secure  secrecy  for  an  important  expedition,  or  to  obtain 
ships  for  government  use.  When  the  embargo  affects  com- 
munication with  one  or  certain  specified  nations  only,  it  is 
termed  non-intercourse. 

Embargo  Act.  In  May,  1806,  Great  Britain,  which  was 
at  that  time  engaged  in  a  bitter  war  with  France,  pro- 
claimed a  blockade  of  the  territory  bordering  on  the  Eng- 
lish Channel  and  the  German  Ocean  from  Brest  to  the  Elbe, 
Napoleon  retaliated  in  November  by  his  Berlin  Decree, 
declaring  a  blockade  of  English  ports.  A  year  later  Eng- 
land issued  her  famous  Orders  in  Council,  prohibiting  com- 
merce with  almost  every  country  of  Europe.  The  next 
month,  December,  1807,  Napoleon  replied  with  the  Milan 
Decree,  forbidding  commerce  with  England  or  her  colonies. 
These  and  similar  acts,  although  in  violation  of  the  laws 
of  nations,  were  enforced  by  Prance  and  England  so  far 
as  they  were  able,  and  many  American  vessels  were  seized. 
Moreover,  Great  Britain  revived  an  old  rule  prohibiting 
neutral  vessels  from  trading  with  the  dependencies  of  any 
nation  with  whom  she  was  at  war.  She  also  claimed  and 
exercised  the  right  of  searching  American  vessels  for  those 
whom  she  claimed  to  be  her  subjects  and  impressing  them 
into  her  service.  In  maintaining  this  position,  the  British 
man-of-war  Leopard,  in  June,  1807,  fired  on  the  American 
frigate  Chesapeake.  It  was  in  consequence  of  these  events, 
although  news  of  the  Milan  Decree  had  not  yet  been  re- 
ceived, that  Congress,  on  December  22,  1807,  passed  an 
Embargo  Act  prohibiting  exportations  from  the  United 
States,  hoping  to  force  France  and  England  to  recede  from 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     145 

their  position  by  showing  the  importance  of  our  commer- 
cial relations.  It  had  some  effect  on  these  nations,  but  a 
far  more  ruinous  result  on  our  own  commerce,  the  exports 
for  1808  shrinking  to  one-fifth  of  the  sum  they  had  reached 
in  the  preceding  year.  It  was  a  measure  of  the,  Demo- 
cratic party,  and  was  approved  by  the  agricultural  portions 
of  the  United  States.  New  England  States,  deeply  inter- 
ested in  foreign  commerce,  and  the  Federalists  loudly  con- 
demned it.  Its  opponents,  spelling  the  name  backward, 
called  it  "0  grab  me"  Act,  and  threats  of  secession  were 
heard  from  New  England.  As  a  result,  Congress  fixed 
March  4,  1809,  for  the  termination  of  the  embargo.  The 
first  embargo  in  our  history  was  laid  in  1794  for  a  period 
of  sixty  days,  and  other  minor  acts  of  a  similar  nature 
were  passed  during  the  War  of  1812.  The  plan  of  limiting 
commercial  intercourse  by  embargo,  non-importation  and 
non-intercourse  acts  was  called  the  "restrictive  system." 
(See  Non-importation;  Non-intercourse.) 

Embassadors.     (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Eminent  Domain  is  the  supreme  right  of  property  pos- 
sessed by  a  State  over  the  articles  of  private  ownership. 
The  right  of  eminent  domain  is  the  right  to  take  private 
property  for  public  uses.  In  the  United  States  its  justifi- 
cation is  the  common  welfare,  and  the  fifth  amendment  to 
the  Constitution  provides  that  just  compensation  must  be 
made.  The  right  is  usually  exercised  in  order  to  secure 
land  for  the  construction  of  railroads,  highways  and  canals. 

Enemies  in  War,  in  Peace,  Friends.  These  words  occur 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  which  was  written  by 
Thomas  Jefferson:  "We  must,  therefore,  acquiesce  in  the 
necessity  which  denounces  our  separation,  and  hold  them 
[the  English],  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in 
war,  in  peace,  friends." 

Entangling  Alliances.  Jefferson's  inaugural  address 
contained  the  following  sentence:  "Equal  and  exact  jus- 
tice to  all  men,  of  whatever  state  or  persuasion,  religious  or 
political;  peace,  commerce  and  honest  friendship  with  all 
nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none ;  the  support  of  the 
State  governments  in  all  their  rights,  as  the  most  competent 
administrations  for  our  domestic  concerns  and  the  surest 


146     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

bulwarks  against  anti-republican  tendencies;  the  preser- 
vation of  the  General  Government  in  its  whole  constitu- 
tional vigor,  as  the  sheet-anchor  of  our  peace  at  home  and 
safety  abroad;  .  .  .  freedom  of  religion;  freedom  of 
the  press;  freedom  of  person  under  the  protection  of  ha- 
beas corpus ;  and  trial  by  juries  impartially  selected — these 
principles  form  the  bright  constellation  which  has  gone 
before  us  and  guided  our  steps  through  an  age  of  revolution 
and  reformation." 

Envoy  Extraordinary.  (See  Foreign  Service.) 
Equality  of  States.  In  the  House  of  Representatives  the 
members  are  apportioned  according  to  the  population  of 
the  States,  those  containing  most  inhabitants  thus  obtain- 
ing preponderance  over  the  others.  To  prevent  the  sub- 
jugation and  oppression  of  the  smaller  States  by  the  larger, 
the  device  of  a  Senate  containing  two  members  from  every 
State,  regardless  of  size,  was  resorted  to.  That  the  import- 
ance of ^  this  provision,  as  a  guarantee  of  the  equality  of  the 
States  in  the  Union,  was  recognized  by  the  framers  of  the 
Constitution,  is  shown  by  Article  5  of  that  instrument, 
which  declares  "that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall 
be  deprived  of  its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate." 

Equal  Rights  Party.  This  was  the  name  of  the  New 
York  faction  of  the  Democratic  party  that  subsequently 
became  known  as  the  Loco-foco  party.  (See  Loco-foco.) 
In  the  Presidential  contest  of  1884,  Mrs.  Belva  A.  Lock- 
wood  was  the  candidate  of  an  Equal  Rights  party  (which 
see)  advocating  woman  suffrage.  She  had  practically  no 
following.  Her  vote  in  the  United  States  was  less  than 
2,500  out  of  a  total  of  over  10,000,000. 

Era  of  Good  Feeling.  The  period  from  1817  to  1823  is 
so  called.  The  Federal  party  was  all  but  dead ;  the  admin- 
istration had  done  its  best  to  conciliate  the  minority,  and 
the  latter  was  so  well  satisfied  that  the  name  of  Federal- 
Republican  was  adopted  by  many  to  show  their  sympathy 
with  the  party  in  power.  Monroe  was  re-elected  in  1821 
and  received  all  but  one  of  the  electoral  votes.  After  the 
election  of  John  Quincy  Adams  in  1825,  the  Democratic- 
Republican  party  gradually  split  into  two  parts,  from 
which  the  Democratic  and  Whig  parties  sprung. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     147 

Erie  Canal  (Begun  in  1817;  completed  in  1825;  length, 
!63  miles).  The  following  doggrel  was  published,  and 
sed  politically,  by  the  opponents  of  the  Erie  Canal  scheme, 
i  ridicule  of  De  Witt  Clinton,  the  chief  promoter  of  the 
nterprise : 

"Oh  a  ditch  he  would  dig,  from  the  lakes  to  the  sea, 
The  eighth  of  the  world's  matchless  wonders  to  be. 
Good  land — how  absurd — but  why^ should  you  grin? 
It  will  do  to  bury  its  mad  author  in." 

Essex  Junto,  The.  In  1781  John  Hancock  applied  this 
ame  to  a  number  of  public  men  from  Essex  County,  Massa- 
husetts,  and  their  followers.  The  commercial  classes  were 
taturally  those  that  desired  a  strong  Federal  Government, 
nd  these  men  were  the  ablest  representatives  of  that  class 
,nd  foremost  among  the  advocates  of  the  adoption  of  the 
ponstitution.  After  the  adoption  they  formed  a  part  of  the 
federal  party,  and  were  more  particularly  adherents  of 
lamilton.  They  thus  incurred  the  opposition  of  John 
\.dams,  who  attempted  to  make  them  appear  as  a  "British 
'action''  hostile  to  France.  It  was  he,  also,  that  revived  the 
lame  that  had  fallen  into  disuse.  Subsequently  the  name 
?ame  to  stand  generally  for  the  Federalist  spirit  of  New 
England,  and  the  troubles  in  that  section  during  the  War  of 
812,  as  the  Hartford  Convention,  etc.,  were  attributed  to 
he  Essex  Junto.  Among  its  members  were  Pickering  and 
Fisher  Ames. 

Evarts,  William  M.,  was  born  in  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
n  February,  1818.  He  was  graduated  at  Yale  and  stud- 
ied law  at*  Cambridge.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  in 
New  York.  He  was  of  the  counsel  defending  President 
Johnson  in  his  impeachment,  and  served -as  Attorney-Gen- 
eral in  1868  and  1869.  He  was  one  of  the  lawyers  repre- 
senting the  United  States  before  the  tribunal  for  the  ar- 
bitration of  the  Alabama  Claims  (see  Geneva  Award), 
and  represented  the  Republican  interests  before  the  Elec- 
toral Commission  (which  see).  He  was  Secretary  of  State 
under  Hayes.  He  was  elected  United  States  Senator  for 
New  York  in  1885.  Died  at  New  York  City,  February  28, 
1901. 


148     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Exchange  of  Prisoners.     (See  Cartel.) 

Executive,  The.  The  government  of  the  United  States 
is  divided  into  three  great  departments:  the  executive,  the; 
legislative,  and  the  judicial.  The  first  is  charged  with  the 
execution  of  the  laws,  and  its  head,  the  President,  is  known 
simply  as  the  executive.  The  chief  executive  officers  of  the 
States,  the  Governors,  are  similarly  called  the  executives  of 
the  respective  States.  The  qualifications  of  the  President 
are  given  in  the  Constitution,  Article  2,  section  1.  He 
must  be  a  natural-born  citizen  of  the  United  States,  or 
citizen  at  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  He  must  be 
at  least  thirty-five  years  of  age  and  have  been  fourteen  years 
a  resident  of  the  United  States.  The  powers  of  the  Presi- 
dent are  defined  in  Article  2  of  the  Constitution.  The  ex- 
ecutive is  of  necessity  the  only  means  of  communication  be- 
tween our  government  and  foreign  powers,  and  great  lati- 
tude is  allowed  to  the  President  on  this  subject,  his  action 
being  subject  only  to  the  approval  of  the  Senate  by  a  two- 
thirds  vote  in  case  of  treaties,  and  by  a  majority  vote  in 
cases  of  diplomatic  appointments.  The  President  has 
limited  control  over  Congress,  the  veto  enabling  him  to 
throttle  legislation  to  which  he  is  opposed,  unless  two- 
thirds  of  each  House  concur  in  passing  the  measure  over 
his  veto.  The  appointing  power  of  the  President  is  sub- 
ject to  the  confirmation  of  the  Senate.  The  war  powers 
of  the  President  are  the  powers  vested  in  him  by  virtue  of 
his  position  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 
These  are  never  exercised  except  in  the  case  of  actual  war, 
and  are  even  then  subject  to  the  control  of  Congress,  in 
which  resides  the  power  of  granting  or  withholding  sup- 
plies. During  the  administration  of  Washington  and 
Adams,  the  annual  message  of  the  President  to  Congress 
was  read  by  him  to  the  House,  and  personal  interviews  be- 
tween the  President  and  the  Senate  took  place  on  several 
occasions.  With  Jefferson  these  practices  came  to  an  end, 
and  a  subsequent  attempt  to  revive  the  latter  failed.  All 
communications  between  the  President  and  Congress  now 
take  the  form  of  resolutions  on  the  part  of  Congress,  and 
of  a  message  to  either  or  both  of  the  Houses  on  the  part  of 
the  President.  Resolutions  of  inquiry  directed  to  the  head 
of  any  department  are  answered  by  letters  addressed  to  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     149 

presiding  officer  of  the  House  desiring  the  information. 
The  judiciary  and  the  executive  bear  no  official  relations 
to  each  other  after  the  initial  appointment  of  the  former 
by  the  latter.  The  Supreme  Court  has  time  and  again 
refused  in  any  way  to  interfere  with  the  political  acts  of 
the  executive.  The  President's  term  is  four  years.  He 
is  chosen  by  electors  selected  as  the  Legislatures  of  the 
States  direct,  which  is  now  by  a  popular  vote.  (See  Elec- 
toral System.)  In  1789  the  President's  salary  was  fixed 
a,t  $25,000  per  annum.  The  Act  of  March  3,  1872,  in- 
creased this  amount  to  $'50,000.  At  the  following  session 
an  attempt  was  made  to  repeal  this  increase.  It  passed 
Congress,  was  vetoed  by  Grant,  and  failed  to  pass  over  the 
veto.  In  case  of  inability  on  the  part  of  the  President 
to  perform  the  duties  of  his  office,  it  devolves  on  the  Vice- 
President.  The  further  regulation  of  this  subject  is  left 
to  Congress.  For  the  rules  established  under  this  power 
see  President;  Presidential  Succession. 

Executive  Departments.  (See  Interior,  Department  of 
the;  Justice,  Department  of;  Navy,  Department  of  the; 
Post  Office  Department;  State  Department;  Treasury  De- 
partment; War  Department.) 

Executive  Session  is  the  name  applied  to  sessions  of  the 
Senate  held  for  the  transaction  of  executive  business ;  that 
is,  the  confirmation  of  nominations  of  the  President,  or  the 
ratification  of  treaties.  These  sessions  are  secret.  The 
clerks  that  are  necessarily  present  are  sworn  to  secrecy, 
and  violation  of  the  oath  may  lead  to  dismissal  and  punish- 
ment for  contempt.  The  punishment  of  Senators  for  re- 
vealing the  proceedings  is  expulsion.  Nevertheless,  the 
proceedings  appear  in  the  newspapers  with  considerable 
regularity,  and  to  a  great  extent  the  rule  is  a  dead  letter. 
The  subject  of  making  these  sessions  open  is  being  agitated 
at  present.  Whether  any  part  of  the  proceedings  of  either 
House  is  to  be  public  or  secret  is  a  matter  subject  to  the 
exclusive  control  of  the  House  affected.  The  rules  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  provide  for  secret  sessions  under 
certain  circumstances. 

Exequatur  is  an  official  recognition  of  a  consul  or  com- 
mercial agent  by  the  government  to  which  he  is  sent,  au- 


150     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMEEICAN  POLITICS 

thorizing  him  to  perform  his  duties  in  that  country, 
is  a  Latin  word,  meaning  "let  him  perform." 

Expatriation  means  the  act  or  state  of  banishment  from  1 
one's  native  country,  and  it  also  means  the  voluntary  re-1 
nunciation  of  the  rights  and  liabilities  of  citizenship  in  one 
country  to  become  the  citizen  or  subject  of  another.  It 
is  in  this  latter  sense  that  it  is  used  here.  In  the  early 
part  of  this  century  the  United  States  was  almost 
only  nation  that  claimed  for  individuals  the  right  of  ex- 
patriation without  the  consent  of  the  government  of  which 
they  were  citizens  or  subjects.  The  European  nations,  as 
a  rule,  maintained  that  the  permission  of  the  sovereign  was* 
necessary;  and  the  enforcement  by  England  of  this  claim 
was  one  of  the  causes  of  the  War  of  1812.  Fortunately 
England  did  not  carry  into  practice  the  theoretical  extreme' 
of  her  doctrine,  which  would  have  permitted  her  to  hang, 
as  traitors  all  prisoners  captured  in  that  war  who  had 
once  been  British  subjects.  It  must  be  said,  however,  that' 
notwithstanding  the  position  of  the  United  States  in  re- 
gard to  citizens  or  subjects  of  foreign  powers,  the  right  of 
voluntary  renunciation  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States 
by  one  of  our  citizens  was  unsettled,  so  far  as  legislation 
was  concerned,  until  the  Act  of  Congress  of  July  27,  1868, 
asserted  that  expatriation  "is  a  natural  and  inherent  right 
of  all  people,"  but  the  action  of  the  Department  of  State 
had  previously  seemed  practically  to  admit  the  right.  As 
far  as  foreign  States  are  concerned,  however,  the  United 
States  has  steadily  maintained  its  original  position.  The 
first  formal  recognition  of  its  claims  was  secured  in  an  ex- 
patriation treaty  with  the  North  German  Confederation, 
signed  February  22,  1868.  England  first  recognized  the 
right  of  voluntary  expatriation  by  act  of  parliament  in 
1870,  and  immediately  concluded  an  expatriation  treaty 
with  the  United  States.  All  the  leading  nations  of  Europe 
now  recognize  the  right,  including  besides  those  just  men- 
tioned, France,  Austria,  Eussia,  Italy  and  Spain.  (See 
Naturalization.) 

Expenditures  and  Eeceipts  of  the  United  States.  Be- 
sides the  annual  expenditure  of  the  government  as  given 
under  the  heading  Appropriations,  there  are  "permanent 
annual  appropriations,"  which  cause  expenditure  by  reason 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     151 

i  of  provisions  in  existing  laws  involving  outlays  which  thus 
j  need  no  especial  appropriations.     These  are :    1.  Specific, 
I  including  (a)  cost  of  collection  of  customs  revenue,  $5,- 
(500,000;    (b)    arming  and  equipping  the  militia  of  the 
United  States,  $200,000;  (c)  interest  at  six  per  cent,  to  the 
Smithsonian  Institute  on  the  bequest  held  by  the  govern- 
ment for  it,  $39,000  per  annum;  and  2.  Indefinite,  includ- 
ing interest  on  the  public  debt,  amount  required  for  sink- 
ing fund,  and  numerous  similar  requirements. 

Exports  and  Imports.  In  the  year  ending  June  30, 
1865,  the  last  year  of  the  Civil  War,  the  total  exports  of 
domestic  and  foreign  merchandise  from  the  United  States 
were  $166,029,303.  From  that  date  there  was  a  steady  in- 
crease every  successive  year  until  1881,  when  the  total 
reached  $902,367,346.  After  this  there  was  a  decline,  and 
the  exports  did  not  again  equal  those  of  that  year  until 
1892,  when  they  were  $1,030,278,148.  In  1901  they 
reached  the  high-water  mark,  being  $1,487,764,991.  For 
the  eight  years  beginning  with  1897  they  have  in  every 
year  passed  the  billion-dollar  mark,  the  total  in  1904  being 
$1,460,868,185.  During  this  period  the  imports  of  foreign 
merchandise  have  also  grown.  In  1865  the  imports  reached 
the  sum  of  $238,745,580,  exceeding  the  exports  by  more 
than  seventy  million  of  dollars.  Not  until  1874  did  the 
exports  exceed  the  imports.  From  that  date  the  exports 
have  exceeded  the  imports  every  year  except  four ;  namely : 
1875,  1889,  1890  and  1894.  The  total  exports  for  the 
year  ending  June  30,  1904.  was  $1,460,868,165.  The 
total  imports  for  the  same  year  was  $991,090,978;  leaving 
a  balance  in  favor  of  exports  of  $469,777,207.  The  differ- 
ence between  the  exports  and  imports  of  specie  has  not 
been  so  great  as  that  of  merchandise,  and  the  balance  has 
generally  been  on  the  side  of  exports.  In  1891  the  excess 
of  the  exports  of  specie  was  no  less  than  $129,421,802.  In 
1904  it  was  only  $4,133,506.  The  recent  development  of 
our  manufactures  has  increased  our  foreign  trade  im- 
mensely. For  five  consecutive  years  the  total  of  exports 
and  imports  has  every  year  exceeded  two  billion  of  dollars, 
and  the  indications  are  that  this  commerce  will  grow 
rapidly  for  many  years  to  come. 


152     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Exposition,  World's  Columbian.  The  World's  Colum- 
bian Exposition  was  created  by  an  act  of  Congress  ap- 
proved April  25,  1890,  entitled,  "An  act  to  provide  for 
celebrating  the  four  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  discov- 
ery of  America  by  Christopher  Columbus,  by  holding  an 
international  exhibition  of  arts,  industries,  manufactures 
and  the  products  of  the  soil,  mine  and  sea,  in  the  city  of 
Chicago,  in  the  State  of  Illinois.  The  act  provided  for  the 
appointment  of  commissioners,  who  should  organize  the 
Exposition,  and  when  these  preliminaries  were  completed, 
the  President  was  required  to  make  a  public  proclamation 
of  the  fact  and  officially  invite  "all  the  nations  of  the 
earth"  to  participate  in  the  Exposition.  This  proclamation 
was  issued  December  24,  1890.  The  funds  for  the  fair 
consisted  of  $10,000,000  raised  by  the  city  of  Chicago; 
about  $3,000,000  miscellaneous  contributions;  $2,500,000 
loan  from  Congress :  $5,000,000  debenture  bonds  issued  by 
the  Exposition  authorities,  making  in  all  about  $20,000,- 
000.  To  this  was  to  be  added  the  sales  of  souvenir  coins 
($2,529,144),  receipts  from  concessionnaires  ($3,384,016), 
gate  receipts,  and  miscellaneous  items.  The  site  included 
666  acres  in  Jackson  Park,  fronting  on  Lake  Michigan, 
and  here  a  hundred  and  fifty  buildings  were  erected.  The 
buildings  were  temporary,  but  the  services  of  the  best  archi- 
tects, sculptors,  and  landscape  gardeners  were  enlisted,  re* 
suiting  in  the  beautiful  "White  City,"  so  called  from  the 
whiteness  of  the  material  (staff)  used  in  its  construction. 
In  addition  to  the  general  buildings,  each  State  had  its 
own  particular  building,  and  the  natural  rivalry  of  the 
States  was  productive  of  excellent  results.  Various  foreign 
nations  also  had  their  own  buildings.  During  the  exposi- 
tion there  were  held  in  the  Memorial  Art  Palace  a  series 
of  international  congresses  grouped  under  twenty  depart- 
ments and  244  general  divisions.  The  opening  of  the  fair 
on  May  1,  1893,  included  addresses  by  Director-General 
George  E.  Davis,  and  President  Grover  Cleveland,  music, 
poems,  etc.  The  attendance,  small  at  first,  increased  regu- 
larly month  by  month  until  the  close.  The  largest  attend- 
ance of  any  one  day  was  716,881,  on  the  anniversary  of  the 
Chicago  fire.  The  grand  total,  including  those  who  held 
passes,  was  27,529,400.  The  total  receipts  were  $33,290,- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     153 

065,  and  the  total  expenses  to  the  close  of  the  fair  were 
$31,117,353.  The  balance  left  on  hand  was  much  reduced 
by  the  expense  of  removing  the  buildings.  In  all,  it  was 
the  most  successful  world's  fair  up  to  that  date. 

Ex  Post  Facto  Laws.  Strictly  speaking,  an  ex  post  facto 
law  is  one  that  takes  effect  retroactively;  that  is,  on  trans- 
actions which  took  place  before  its  passage.  The  provision 
in  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  (Article  1,  sec- 
tion 9,  clause  3),  that  "no  .  .  .  ex  post  facto  law  shall 
be  passed/'  has  been  interpreted  to  refer  only  to  crimes, 
and  in  that  sense  the  words  are  commonly  used.  The  fol- 
lowing have  been  decided  to  come  within  the  scope  of  the 
phrase:  Every  law  that  makes  an  action  done  before  its 
passage,  and  innocent  when  done,  criminal,  and  punishes 
such  action;  every  law  that  aggravates  a  crime,  or  makes 
it  greater  than  when  committed;  every  law  that  changes 
the  nature  of  the  punishment,  or  makes  it  greater  than  at 
the  time  the  act  was  committed;  every  law  that  alters  the 
rules  of  evidence  so  as  to  make  it  easier  to  convict  the 
offender;  every  law  that,  while  not  avowedly  relating  to 
crimes,  in  effect  imposes  a  penalty  or*  the  deprivation  of  a 
right;  every  law  that  deprives  persons  accused  of  crime  of 
some  lawful  protection  to  which  they  have  become  entitled, 
as  a  former  acquittal.  Such  laws  are  therefore  unconsti- 
tutional so  far  as  they  apply  to  acts  committed  before  their 
passage. 

Expounder  of  the  Constitution.  Daniel  Webster  was  so 
called  from  his  exhaustive  discussions  of  the  Constitution. 

Expunging  Resolution,  Benton's.  The  high-handed  man- 
ner in  which  President  Jackson  disposed  of  the  United 
States  Bank — for  a  full  account  of  which  see  elsewhere  in 
this  volume — gave  great  offense  to  Congress.  As  the  Presi- 
dent's friends  in  that  body  were  too  numerous,  however,  to 
make  it  at  all  possible  to  procure  a  vote  for  impeachment, 
the  Senate  determined  to  inflict  an  extra-judicial  con- 
demnation on  the  action  of  the  executive.  Therefore,  after 
an  excited  debate  of  three  months,  it  resolved,  March  28, 
1834,  by  a  vote  of  26  to  20,  "That  the  President,  in  the 
late  executive  proceedings  in  relation  to  the  public  revenue, 
has  assumed  upon  himself  authority  and  power  not  con- 
ferred by  the  Constitution  and  laws,  but  in  derogation  of 


154     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

both."  This  resolution  made  the  President  quite  indig- 
nant, and  in  a  special  message  April  15,  he  protested 
against  it  on  the  ground  that  it  accused  him  of  perjury  in 
his  violating  his  oath  of  office,  and  was  thus  an  indirect 
and  illegal  method  of  impeachment,  a  condemnation 
against  which  he  had  no  opportunity  to  defend  himself. 
The  Senate  refused  to  receive  the  protest  or  place  it  on 
record  on  the  journal.  Senator  Benton,  of  Missouri,  at 
once  gave  notice  that  he  would  bring  forward,  every  year, 
a  resolution  to  expunge  the  vote  of  censure.  After  a 
struggle  of  three  years,  the  friends  of  the  President  carried 
the  expunging  resolution,  and  the  resolution  of  censure 
was  marked  around  on  the  journal  with  broad  black  lines, 
and  the  memorandum  "Expunged  by  order  of  the  Senate, 
this  16th  day  of  January,  1837." 

Exterritoriality.  By  a  fiction  of  international  law  a 
sovereign,  though  temporarily  in  a  foreign  country,  is  con- 
sidered as  being  on  his  own  territory.  By  an  extension  of 
this  principle  diplomatic  agents  that  represent  the  sovereign 
and  also  those  that  represent  the  State  (as  embassadors  of 
republics),  are  said  to  enjoy  the  privilege  of  exterritorial- 
ity, the  privilege  of  living  under  their  own  laws  while  ac- 
credited to  a  foreign  nation.  They  preserve  their  domiciles 
as  if  at  home.  Their  persons,  families,  attendants  and 
property  are  inviolable  except  in  extreme  cases.  In  case 
of  a  crime  committed  by  a  diplomatic  representative,  un- 
less imperative  necessity  demands  his  seizure,  the  govern- 
ment to  which  he  is  accredited  merely  asks  his  recall. 

Extradition  is  the  delivering  up  to  justice  of  fugitive 
criminals  by  one  country  or  State  to  another.  Extradition 
"for  treason,  felony  or  other  crime,"  between  one  State  of 
the  Union  and  another  is  provided  for  by  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  Article  4,  section  2.  An  act  of  Con- 
gress passed  in  1793  prescribed  the  form  of  the  demand  for 
the  fugitive  criminal.  The  usual  course  is  as  follows :  He 
is  indicted  or  a  warrant  issued  for  his  arrest ;  a  copy  of  the 
indictment  or  warrant  is  submitted  to  the  executive  of  the 
State  who  then  makes  a  requisition  for  the  criminal  on  the 
executive  of  the  State  in  which  he  has  taken  refuge;  the 
latter  executive,  if  satisfied  that  the  papers  are  regular  and 
sufficient,  issues  a  warrant  for  the  arrest  and  delivery  of 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     155 

the  fugitive  to  the  agent  of  the  State  demanding  him.  The 
accused  may  have  these  proceedings  reviewed  by  the  court 
under  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  If  the  Governor  on  whom 
the  requisition  is  made  for  any  reason  refuses  to  surrender 
the  criminal  there  is  no  power  that  can  compel  him  to  do 
80.  The  words  "or  other  crime"  in  the  section  of  the  Con- 
stitution referred  to,  have  heen  interpreted  differently,  but 
the  weight  of  opinion  (though  this  has  not  always  con- 
trolled) is  that  they  mean  any  offense  against  the  laws  of 
the  State  making  the  demand.  In  June,  1887,  Governor 
Hill,  of  New  York,  suggested  a  conference  of  Governors 
to  secure  uniform  action  in  inter-State  extradition  cases. 
Several  States  joined  with  New  York  in  a  call  for  such  a 
conference,  and  as  a  consequence  delegates  representing 
the  Governors  of  nineteen  States  met  at  Albany  in  August, 
1887.  A  committee  was  appointed  by  them  to  submit  a  bill 
to  Congress  for  the  purpose  of  making  uniform  in  some 
respects  the  practice  in  these  cases. — Extradition  between 
foreign  nations  is  sometimes  provided  for  by  the  internal 
laws  of  a  State,  and  sometimes  is  a  matter  of  comity,  but 
usually  it  is  provided  for  by  treaty.  The  latter  is  the  case 
as  between  the  United  States  and  foreign  nations,  only  one 
case  in  our  history  having  occurred  (the  surrender  of  Ar- 
guelles  to  Spain  in  1864  by  Secretary  of  State  Seward) 
that  was  done  as  a  matter  of  comity.  Treaties  sometimes 
(those  of  the  United  States  usually)  provide  that  extradi- 
tion shall  not  be  granted  for  acts  previously  committed  nor 
for  political  offenses.  It  is  the  general  practice  that  a  re- 
quest for  extradition  shall  not  be  granted  before  the  courts 
of  the  country  in  which  the  criminal  has  taken  refuge  have 
determined  that  the  evidence  would  warrant  his  arrest  and 
commitment  for  trial  where  he  is  found  if  the  offense  had 
been  committed  there ;  without  this  judicial  determination 
the  President  of  the  United  States  cannot  surrender  a  fu- 
gitive, but  even  when  rendered  he  is  not  thereby  forced  to 
do  so.  The  weight  of  opinion  (though  the  question  is  not 
entirely  settled)  favors  the  view  that  a  person  extradited 
for  one  offense  cannot  be  tried  for  another  until  he  has  had 
an  opportunity  of  leaving  the  country  or  another  request 
for  his  extradition  on  the  new  ground  has  been  granted. 
The  United  States  has  extradition  treaties  or  stipulations 


156     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

with  Great  Britain,  France,  Switzerland,  Germany,  Aus- 
tria, Sweden,  Norway,  Mexico,  Italy,  Spain  and  other 
States.  The  chief  extraditable  crimes  under  these  treaties 
are  murder,  burglary,  robbery,  arson,  forgery,  piracy,  coun- 
terfeiting and  embezzlement;  but  many  other  crimes  axe 
mentioned  in  one  or  another. 

Extra  Sessions.  Article  2,  section  3,  of  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  gives  the  President  power  on  "extra- 
ordinary occasions"  to  convene  either  or  loth  houses  of 
Congress.  A  meeting  in  consequence  of  such  a  call  is 
termed  an  extra  session.  Since  the  formation  of  our  gov- 
ernment but  ten  extra  sessions  have  been  held. 

Fabian  Policy.     (See  American  Fabius.) 

Fairchild,  Charles  S.,  was  born  at  Cazenovia,  Madison 
County,  New  York,  April  30,  1842.  A  lawyer  by  profes- 
sion and  a  graduate  of  Harvard.  He  was  in  1874  ap- 
pointed Deputy  Attorney-General  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  and  subsequently  elected  Attorney-General.  It  was 
during  his  incumbency  that  the  Canal  Ring  suits  were 
finally  disposed  of.  In  1885  he  was  appointed  Assistant 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  on  the  resignation  of  Secre- 
tary Manning  he  was  appointed  to  his  place. 

Fait  Accompli  is  a  French  phrase  meaning  literally  an 
accomplished  fact.  In  political  and  diplomatic  language  it 
means  an  event,  which,  having  taken  place,  is  to  be  accepted 
and  acquiesced  in  as  a  fact,  and  the  effects  of  which  are 
to  be  left  undisturbed.  The  phrase  is  not  often  used  in 
this  country,  but  is  of  continual  recurrence  in  European 
politics. 

Farewell  Addresses.  George  Washington,  under  date  of 
September  17,  1796,  issued  a  farewell  address  to  the  people 
of  the  United  States  in  anticipation  of  his  retirement  from 
public  life  in  March  of  the  next  year.  The  document  is 
chiefly  the  work  of  Washington  and  Hamilton,  though  por- 
tions of  it  were  taken  from  a  draft  prepared  by  Madison 
at  Washington's  request  when  the  latter  had  expected  to 
retire  to  private  life  after  his  first  term.  The  text  of  the 
address  will  be  found  in  the  appendix. 

Farmers'  Alliance.  An  organization  devoted  to  the  in- 
terests of  farmers,  organized  1873.  It  developed  rapidly 
in  the  South  and  West.  In  1890  it  elected  several  Gover- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     157 

nors  and  other  State  officers.  In  1891  it  was  merged,  to- 
gether with  several  other  industrial  organizations,  into 
what  became  known  as  the  People's  party  (which  see). 

Father  Abraham.  An  affectionate  nickname  applied  to 
Lincoln. 

Father  of  His  Country.  A  popular  title  given  to  Wash- 
ington in  recognition  of  his  services  in  establishing  this 
government. 

Father  of  the  Constitution.  This  name  is  applied  to 
James  Madison  because  he  was  the  author  of  the  resolu- 
tion that  led  to  the  invitation  for  the  Convention  of  1787, 
issued  by  the  Virginia  Legislature. 

Father  of  the  Revolution.  A  name  given  to  Samuel 
Adams. 

Federalist.  The  name  of  eighty-five  essays  on  the  Con- 
stitution that  appeared  in  the  Independent  Gazetteer  of 
New  York,  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  public  opinion 
in  its  favor  while  it  was  before  the  people  for  ratification. 
They  were  written  by  Hamilton,  Madison,  Jay  and  William 
Duer.  The  latter  wrote  but  three  numbers.  The  brunt  of 
the  task  fell  on  Hamilton,  and  his  name  is  most  strongly 
associated  with  them.  The  first  papers  were  signed  A  Citi- 
zen of  New  York,  and  the  later  Publius.  The  Federalist  is 
an  authority  on  the  interpretation  of  the  Constitution. 
The  period  of  their  publication  extends  from  October,  1787, 
to  March,  1788. 

Federal  Party.  This  name  was  given  to  those  that  were 
in  favor  of  the  adoption  of  the  United  States  Constitution. 
The  looseness  of  the  Union  under  the  Articles  of  Confeder- 
ation had  unsettled  business,  and  all  citizens  that  were 
injured  by  this  state  of  affairs  were  in  favor  of  a  stronger 
government.  Moreover,  the  feeling  that  thus  only  could  we 
become  a  nation  among  nations  had  much  weight  in  in- 
clining the  more  thoughtful  to  favor  the  Constitution. 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Madison  and  Eandolph  were  all 
Federalists  in  the  earlier  and  wider  meaning  of  the  term. 
The  adoption  of  the  Constitution  left  the  anti-Federalists 
without  a  cause,  and  the  Federal  party  went  into  power 
with  Washington  at  its  head  practically  unopposed.  Dur- 
ing the  first  session  of  Congress  the  departments  of  the 
government  were  organized.  At  the  second  session  Alex- 


158     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ander  Hamilton  introduced  his  financial  measures.  The 
foreign  debt  was  to  be  paid  in  full,  the  continental  debt  was 
to  be  paid  at  par,  and  the  debts  of  the  several  States  were 
to  be  assumed.  To  the  second  of  these  propositions  Madi- 
son dissented^  but  it  was  nevertheless  carried.  The  third 
aroused  enormous  opposition,  and  it  was  hotly  debated  both 
in  and  out  of  Congress.  After  one  defeat  it  was  reintro- 
duced  and  carried  by  means  of  a  bargain.  At  the  third 
session  a  bill  taxing  distilled  spirits  was  passed  and  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States  was  incorporated.  These  meas- 
ures Jefferson  and  Randolph  opposed.  The  party  had  thus 
gradually  strengthened  the  broad  construction  view  of  the 
Constitution  and  had  attained  real  principles  and  party 
life.  It  stood  committed  to  protection  of  manufactures  by 
import  duties,  to  building  up  a  navy  and  an  army,  and  to 
strengthening  the  Federal  Government.  The  opposition 
raised  by  these  centralizing  tendencies  gradually  took  form, 
and  headed  by  Jefferson,  Madison  and  Randolph,  formed 
the  Republican  party,  from  which  sprang  the  Democratic- 
Republican  party.  The  work  of  the  Federalists  was  carried 
on  in  the  Second  Congress.  In  the  third,  the  Senate  was 
theirs  by  but  a  small  nlajority,  while  in  the  House  there 
was  a  small  majority  against  them.  The  assumption  of  the 
State  debts  had  rendered  the  prompt  establishment  of  a 
navy  possible,  and  its  want  now  forbade  the  energetic  as- 
sertion of  our  commercial  rights.  As  a  consequence,  Jay's 
Treaty  was  negotiated.  In  1798  the  party  favored  war  with 
France,  and  the  popularity  of  this  measure  tended  to  give 
it  temporary  prestige,  but  trouble  was  brewing.  John 
Adams  and  his  wing  of  the  party  was  strongly  opposed  by 
Hamilton  and  his  followers.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws 
had  made  the  administration  of  the  former  thoroughly  un- 
popular. Jefferson  and  Burr  had  completely  organized  the 
opposition,  and  the  election  of  1800  bore  heavily  against 
the  Federalists  and  elected  Jefferson.  The  Federalists,  now 
in  the  minority,  resorted  to  obstruction,  and  offered  oppo- 
sition even  to  measures  that  were  in  line  with  those  pre- 
viously advocated  by  themselves.  Their  opposition  to  the 
Louisiana  purchase,  certainly  an  instance  of  broad  con- 
struction, is  a  fair  example  of  these  tactics.  To  the  oppo- 
sition of  this  last  measure  they  were  not,  however,  able  to 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     159 

bring  their  full  strength.  In  1804  Federalist  electors  were 
chosen  from  but  three  States.  The  party  opposed  the  em- 
bargo and  other  restrictive  measures,  and  in  this  they  were 
joined  by  Randolph.  Attempts  to  secure  a  navy,  and  op- 
position to  the  War  of  1812  and  to  the  policy  of  protection 
of  home  manufactures,  now  constituted  its  programme.  It 
had,  in  fact,  gone  so  far  as  to  adopt  the  strict  construction 
theory.  In  the  Presidential  election  of  1812  it  showed  a 
decided  increase  in  strength,  but  this  soon  fell  off  again, 
and  although  it  still  had  influence  in  some  of  the  New 
England  States,  its  national  importance  was  over.  Its  sup- 
porters became  National  Republicans,  and  were  of  the  ele- 
ments that  subsequently  formed  the  Whig  party.  One  of 
the  most  serious  defects  of  the  party  was  that  it  never 
made  any  attempt  to  gain  the  confidence  of  the  people — 
its  leaders  stood  aloof.  Among  the  prominent  members  of 
the  party,  besides  those  mentioned,  were  John  Jay,  Fisher 
Ames,  John  Marshall,  Roger  Sherman,  Rufus  King  and 
James  A.  Bayard. 

Federal-Republican.  In  1820  James  Monroe  was  elected 
President,  receiving  all  but  one  of  the  electoral  votes.  It 
was  an  "era  of  good  feeling/'  and  most  of  the  Federalists 
now  called  themselves  Federal-Republicans,  as  indicating 
their  satisfaction  with  the  party  in  power. 
Female  Suffrage.  (See  Woman  Suffrage.) 
Fenians,  or  Fenian  Brotherhood.  A  political  association 
which  has  aimed  at  the  forcible  separation  of  Ireland  from 
English  rule.  The  name  comes  from  the  ancient  Irish 
warriors,  the  Finna,  Fianna  or  Fionna.  The  brotherhood 
was  founded  in  New  York  in  1857.  John  O'Mahoney,  Wil- 
liam R.  Roberts,  James  Stephens  and  0 'Donovan  Rossa 
were  prominent  leaders,  the  first  two  especially  so  in  this 
country.  Their  importance  in  our  history  arises  from 
their  attempts  to  make  the  United  States  a  base  for  their 
operations  in  Ireland  and  Canada  against  the  English. 
Large  sums  of  money  were  collected  here  from  time  to  time 
to  carry  on  their  work.  Their  first  congress  was  held  at 
Chicago  in  November,  1863.  They  seized  on  the  differences 
which  existed  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain 
during  the  Civil  War  and  afterward,  and  tried  to  widen  the 
breach,  hoping  to  precipitate  these  nations  into  war  and 


160     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

thus  increase  their  chances  for  freeing  Ireland.  Their 
schemes  in  this  direction,  however,  were  not  successful. 
In  1866  they  attempted  to  invade  Canada  from  the  United 
States.  In  the  spring  of  that  year  500  men  gathered  at 
Eastport,  Maine,  but  disbanded  when  the  United  States 
authorities  captured  750  stand  of  arms  that  were  intended 
for  them.  In  May,  government  officials  seized  1,200  stand 
of  arms  at  Rouse's  Point,  New  York,  and  about  1,000  stand 
at  St.  Albans,  Vermont.  On  the  first  of  June,  1,500  Fen- 
ians, commanded  by  Colonel  O'Neill,  crossed  the  Niagara 
River,  at  Buffalo.  After  a  slight  success  they  were  routed, 
and  about  700  were  captured  on  their  return  by  the  United 
States  forces.  A  similar  event  took  place  on  the  Vermont 
line.  Two  of  the  prisoners  who  had  been  captured  by  the 
Canadian  forces  were  sentenced  to  death,  but  were  respited 
largely  through  the  intercession  of  Secretary  of  State 
Seward  and  other  Americans.  Those  who  had  been  cap- 
tured by  the  United  States  authorities  were  released  on 
parole  or  after  a  short  imprisonment.  In  the  spring  of 
1867,  a  brig,  Erin's  Hope,  sailed  from  New  York  for  Ire- 
land with  arms  and  ammunition,  but  was  unable  to  land 
them,  and,  after  losing  by  capture  some  of  her  force,  re- 
turned to  New  York.  In  the  spring  of  1870  another  in- 
vasion of  Canada  was  attempted,  but  General  Meade  was 
sent  to  the  scene  of  operations  and  seized  the  men  and 
arms.  Meanwhile,  Fenian  efforts  in  England  and  Ireland 
had  not  relaxed.  The  account  of  them  is  stirring,  but 
does  not  belong  to  our  history.  The  brotherhood  did  not 
succeed  in  liberating  Ireland,  though  it  was  perhaps  due 
in  some  measure  to  their  agitation  that  reforms  were  soon 
adopted  in  its  government  by  England.  Many  of  the  lead- 
ers were  imprisoned  and  some  sentenced  to  penal  servitude 
for  life. 

Few  Die  and  None  Resign.  (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 
Fiat  Money.  The  word  fiat  means  decree.  Money  that 
is  constituted  money  by  a  mere  decree,  and  that  has  noth- 
ing of  value  on  which  to  rest  as  a  basis,  is  called  fiat  money. 
It  is  also  called  credit  money.  The  only  fiat  money  in  cir- 
culation in  this  country  is  the  legal  tender  notes. 

Fifty-four  Forty  or  Fight.      A  cry  adopted  during  the 
Northwestern  Boundary  discussion  by  those  who  disap- 


MILLARD  FILLMORE. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     161 

proved  of  yielding  our  claims  to  the  territory  short  of  fifty- 
four  degrees  forty  minutes  of  latitude,  between  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Fighting  Joe.  A  name  applied  to  General  Joseph  Hooker 
during  the  Civil  War.  Hooker  was  born  in  1819  and  died 
in  1879.  He  was  at  one  time  commander  of  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac,  but  soon  after  his  defeat  at  Chancellorsville 
he  resigned  his  command.  The  battle  in  connection  with 
which  he  is  best  known  is  Lookout  Mountain,  the  Battle 
Above  the  Clouds. 

Fighting  Parson,  The.  A  nickname  given  to  W.  G. 
Brownlow  (which  see). 

Fight  It  Out  on  This  Line  if  It  Takes  all  Summer.  (See 
I  Propose  to  Fight  it  Out  on  this  Line  if  It  Takes  all 
Summer.) 

Filibusters.  This  word  comes  from  the  Spanish  filibus- 
teros,  who  were  West  Indian  pirates.  Their  name  was 
derived  from  a  small  fast-sailing  vessel  which  they  em- 
ployed, called  a  filibote  (originally  fly-boat),  and  said  to 
have  been  so  styled  from  the  river  Vly  in  Holland.  The 
term  filibusters  came  to  be  applied  to  all  military  adven- 
turers. In  the  United  States  it  has  two  meanings.  First, 
it  is  given  to  the  members  of  the  minority  of  a  legislative 
body  who  seek  to  delay  or  defeat  the  adoption  of  measures 
obnoxious  to  them  by  obstruction  and  dilatory  tactics,  such 
as  constant  motions  to  adjourn,  or  calls  for  yeas  and  nays. 
Secondly,  the  name  filibusters  is  applied  to  the  adventur- 
ers who  organized  expeditions  in  the  United  States  to  gain 
control  of  West  Indian  and  Central  American  regions  with 
the  hope  of  having  them  annexed  to  the  United  States,  and 
thus  extending  the  slave  territory  of  the  nation.  The  first 
of  these  expeditions  was  organized  by  a  Cuban,  Narcisco 
Lopez.  After  making  two  attempts  in  1849  and  1850 
which  proved  failures,  he  sailed  from  New  Orleans  with 
about  500  men  and  landed  in  Cuba  in  August,  1851.  His 
force  was  overpowered  by  the  authorities,  and  he  and  sev- 
eral other  leaders  were  executed.  The  next  filibustering  ex- 
peditions were  undertaken  'by  General  William  Walker. 
In  1853  and  1854  he  attempted  to  conquer  Lower  California 
and  the  State  of  Sonora,  Mexico,  but  failed.  In  1855  he 
went  to  Nicaragua  with  a  few  followers.  Profiting  by 


162     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

internal  dissensions  in  that  country,  he  gained  several  vic- 
tories and  had  himself  elected  President.  He  re-established 
slavery  and  seized  the  property  of  the  Vanderbilt  Steam- 
ship Company.  But  his  arbitrary  acts  created  a  revolution, 
and  early  in  1857  he  surrendered  himself  to  Commander 
Davis,  of  the  United  States  Navy,  who  took  him  to  New 
Orleans.  He  was  released  under  bonds  to  keep  the  peace, 
but  in  November  he  was  found  once  more  in  Nicaragua.  In 
December,  however,  he  surrendered  again,  this  time  to 
Commodore  Pavilding  of  our  navy,  who  carried  him  to 
New  York.  Finding  himself  again  at  liberty,  he  attempted 
to  start  with  a  new  expedition  from  New  Orleans,  but  was 
prevented  by  the  national  authorities.  His  last  expedition 
was  directed  against  Honduras  in  1860.  In  June  of  that 
year  he  landed  with  a  small  force  at  Trujillo,  but  was  cap- 
tured, court-martialed  and,  on  September  12th,  shot.  Since 
then  no  filibustering  expeditions  from  this  country  have 
been  known.  (See  Ostend  Manifesto;  Tripartite  Treaty.) 

Fillmore,  Millard,  was  born  in  Cayuga  County,  New 
York,  January  7,  1800.  He  died  at  Buffalo,  March  8, 
1874.  His  early  education  was  obtained  entirely  by  his 
own  efforts.  He  served  in  Congress  from  1833  to  1835,  and 
from  1837  to  1843,  as  a  Whig.  He  was  of  the  Silver-Gray 
faction  of  the  Whigs.  In  1848  he  was  elected  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  and  on  President  Taylor's  death  he  succeeded  to  the 
Presidency.  The  principal  measure  passed  during  his  ad- 
ministration was  the  Omnibus  Bill. 

Fire  Eater  is  a  term  used  to  denote  a  person  of  extreme 
and  violent  Southern  view. 

First  in  War,  First  in  Peace,  and  First  in  the  Hearts 
of  His  Countrymen.  These  words  are  contained  in  the 
resolutions  prepared  by  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia,  that  were 
passed  by  the  House  of  Representatives  on  the  death  of 
Washington. 

First  President  of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  (See  Col- 
houn,  John  C.) 

Fiscal  Tariff.    (See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.) 

Fish,  Hamilton.  Member  of  Congress  from  New  York, 
1843-45;  State  Senator,  1847;  Governor  of  New  York, 
1848-50;  United  States  Senator  from  New  York,  1851-57; 
Secretary  of  State,  1869-77;  a  member  of  the  Joint  High 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     163 

Commission  which  negotiated  the  Treaty  of  Washington 
(which  see)  between  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain, 
1871.  Born  at  New  York  City,  August  3,  1808;  died  at 
Garrisons,  New  York,  September  7,  1893. 

Fishery  Treaties.  The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States  to  fish  in  the  open  sea  has  never  been  denied,  but 
their  privileges  of  fishing  in  British  waters  or  landing  on 
British  territory  (Canada  and  Newfoundland)  to  dry  or 
cure  their  catch  have  been  limited  by  treaty  at  various 
times.  The  Treaty  of  Paris  of  1783  excluded  our  fishermen 
only  from  drying  fish  on  the  coasts  of  Newfoundland, 
Prince  Edward  Island  and  Cape  Breton.  Our  rights  were 
of  course  suspended  during  the  War  of  1812,  and  the  Treaty 
of  Ghent  (1814)  failed  to  settle  the  question  anew.  Our 
fishing  vessels  were  excluded  from  British  harbors  and 
coasts,  and  several  were  seized.  On  October  20,  1818, 
commissioners  from  both  countries  signed  a  convention  in 
London,  giving  our  fishermen  the  right  to  catch  fish  within 
extensive  prescribed  limits,  and  to  land  on  the  British 
coasts  to  dry  or  cure  their  catches,  denying  their  right  to 
fish  within  three  marine  miles  of  other  British  territory, 
and  giving  them  admission  to  all  British  harbors  for  wood, 
water,  shelter  or  the  repair  of  damages.  On  June  5,  1854, 
a  reciprocity  treaty  was  signed  (confirmed  by  the  Senate, 
August  3d)  which,  besides  providing  for  free  trade  in  cer- 
tain articles  between  Canada  and  the  United  States,  gave 
our  fishermen  full  rights  on  the  Canadian  coasts  and  Brit- 
ish fishermen  similar  rights  on  our  coasts  north  of  Cape 
May,  in  latitude  thirty-six  degrees  north,  each  nation,  how- 
ever, reserving  its  shad  and  salmon  fisheries  and  certain 
rivers  and  mouths  of  rivers.  This  treaty  terminated  on 
March  17,  1867,  in  accordance  with  its  provisions  and  the 
designated  notice  given  by  the  United  States.  The  Con- 
vention of  London  (1818)  now  came  into  operation  once 
more,  though  for  four  years  our  fishermen  could  still  fol- 
low their  business  in  Canadian  waters  on  the  payment  of  a 
formal  license  fee.  In  1870  several  of  our  vessels  were 
seized  and  forfeited  for  not  paying  this  license  fee.  The 
Treaty  of  Washington  (1871)  touched,  among  other  sub- 
jects, on  the  fisheries,  giving  full  rights  to  us  on  the  Cana- 
dian coasts  and  to  British  fishermen  on  our  coasts  north  of 


164     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

latitude  thirty-nine  degrees  north,  except  that  to  each 
nation  were  reserved  its  shell,  shad,  salmon  and  river  fish- 
eries, Free  trade  was  established  in  most  fishery  products, 
and  a  commission  was  appointed  to  decide  on  the  compen- 
sation which  the  United  States  should  pay  for  these  privi- 
leges. (See  Halifax  Fishery  Commission.)  In  1878  a 
difficulty  occurred  under  the  treaty,  for  which  see  Fortune 
Bay  Outrages.  On  June  30,  1885,  the  Treaty  of  Washing- 
ton, so  far  as  it  concerned  the  fisheries,  ceased  to  be  opera- 
tive, owing  to  notice  given  by  the  United  States  in  accord- 
ance with  the  treaty.  The  Canadian  authorities  permitted 
our  vessels  to  finish  out  the  season.  In  May,  1886,  one  of 
our  fishing  schooners,  the  David  J.  Adams,  was  seized  on 
the  charge  of  having  purchased  bait  within  forbidden 
limits.  Several  other  seizures  were  made,  and  much  ex- 
citement was  caused  in  the  United  States  and  Canada. 
The  abrogation  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  revived  the 
provisions  of  the  Convention  of  London,  which  is  not  satis- 
factory to  either  party.  One  point  of  dispute  is  whether 
the  three-mile  limit  runs  from  headland  to  headland,  or 
follows  the  indentations  of  the  coast.  •  The  difficulties  with 
Canada  led  Congress  to  pass  what  is  known  as  the  Retalia- 
tion Act,  approved  March  3,  1887.  This  act  provides  that 
whenever  the  President  shall  be  satisfied  that  our  fish- 
ing vessels  are  illegally,  unjustly  or  vexatiously  restricted 
or  harassed  in  the  exercise  of  their  business,  or  denied  the 
privileges  accorded  to  vessels  of  the  most  favored  nations 
in  respect  to  touching  or  trading,  purchasing  supplies  and 
the  like,  by  the  authorities  of  the  British  North  American 
dominions,  he  shall  have  the  discretionary  power  to  close 
our  ports  and  waters  against  vessels  of  the  British  domin- 
ions of  North  America  with  such  exceptions  as  to  vessels 
in  distress,  etc.,  as  he  may  deem  proper,  and  to  prohibit  the 
importation  of  fish  or  other  products  of  said  dominions. 
The  President  is  to  exercise  this  power  by  proclamation ;  he 
may  make  it  applicable  to  a  part  only  of  Canada,  and  he 
may  revoke,  qualify,  limit  or  renew  it  as  he  sees  fit.  Presi- 
dent Cleveland,  however,  considered  it  the  part  of  wisdom 
not  to  employ  this  weapon  against  Canada,  preferring  to 
reach  an  amicable  settlement  if  possible.  With  this  object 
in  view,  plenipotentiaries  of  each  nation  met  in  Washington 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     165 

in  November,  1887.  On  the  part  of  the  United  States  the 
commissioners  were  Thomas  F.  Bayard,  of  Delaware,  Sec- 
retary of  Stato.  William  L.  Putnam,  of  Maine,  and  James 
B.  Angell,  of  Michigan.  On  the  part  of  Great  Britain  the 
commissioners  were  Right  Hon.  Joseph  Chamberlain,  Mem- 
ber of  Parliament,  Sir  Lionel  Sackville  West,  Minister  to 
the  United  States,  and  Sir  Charles  Tupper,  Minister  of 
Finance  of  the  Dominion  of  Canada.  On  February  15, 
1888,  a  treaty  was  signed  and  immediately  laid  before  the 
governments  concerned  for  their  ratification*  It  provides 
for  a  joint  commission,  two  members  to  be  named  by  Great 
Britain  and  two  by  the  United  States,  to  mark  out  on  charts 
the  waters  within  which  the  United  States  by  the  Conven- 
tion of  London  renounced  the  right  to  take,  dry  or  cure 
fish.  Great  Britain  abandons  the  extreme  of  her  theory 
that  the  three-mile  limit  runs  from  headland  to  headland, 
and,  except  as  specially  mentioned,  in  case  of  bays  more 
than  ten  miles  wide  the  marine  league  is  to  be  measured 
outward  from  a  line  drawn  across  them.  The  United  States 
renounces  the  right  to  fish  in  certain  specified  bays,  etc. 
United  States  fishing  vessels  are  to  have  the  same  rights  in 
Canadian  ports  as  Canadian  fishers  and  ordinary  vessels, 
except  that  the  purchase  of  bait  is  forbidden.  They  must 
procure  licenses,  which  will  be  furnished  without  cost. 
The  treaty,  however,  provides  that  whenever  the  United 
States  shall  remove  its  import  duties  on  the  products  of 
Canadian  fisheries  and  their  coverings  and  packages,  the 
free  right  sha.ll  be  accorded  our  fishermen  of  purchasing 
bait,  ice,  seines,  etc.,  of  transshipping  their  catch  and  of 
shipping  crews.  A  protocol  signed  on  the  same  day  as  the 
treaty  provides  that  pending  the  ratification  of  the  latter, 
for  a  period  not  exceeding  two  years,  these  last  privileges 
shall  be  accorded  to  our  fishermen  on  the  purchase  of  an 
annual  license  of  $1.50  per  ton  of  their  vessels,  and  that 
these  privileges  shall  be  free  if  our  duties  on  the  products 
of  Canadian  fisheries  and  their  coverings  and  packagas 
shall  be  removed.  This  treaty  seems  to  settle  long-disputed 
questions  in  a  way  satisfactory  and  just  to  both  parties,  by 
mutual  concessions. 

Flag  of  the  United  States,     It  is  related  that  the  flag 
which  was  raised  at  Cambridge,  January  2,  1776,  by  Wash- 


166     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ington,  was  composed  of  thirteen  red  and  white  stripes, 
with  the  crosses  of  St.  George  and  St.  Andrew  emblazoned 
on  the  blue  canton  in  place  of  the  stars.  This  flag  was 
also  carried  by  the  fleet  under  command  of  Commander 
Esek  Hopkins  when  it  sailed  from  the  Delaware  Capes, 
February  17,  1776.  In  the  following  year,  June  14,  1777, 
the  Continental  Congress  passed  a  resolution  "That  the  flag 
of  the  United  States  be  thirteen  stripes,  alternate  red  and 
white;  that  the  Union  be  thirteen  stars,  white  on  a  blue 
field,  representing  a  new  constellation."  How  or  by  whom 
the  idea  of  the  star  was  first  suggested  is  uncertain,  al- 
though there  are  some  who  ascribe  it  to  John  Adams,  while 
others  claim  the  entire  flag  was  borrowed  from  the  coat-of- 
arms  of  the  Washington  family.  In  this  flag  the  stars  were 
arranged  in  a  circle,  although  no  form  was  officially  pre- 
scribed. It  is  supposed  that  the  first  display  of  the  Na- 
tional flag  at  a  military  post  was  at  Fort  Schuyler,  on  the 
site  of  the  village  of  Rome,  Oneida  County,  N.  Y.  The 
fort  was  besieged  early  in  the  month  of  August,  1777,  and 
the  garrison  was  without  a  flag.  So  the  men  made  one 
according  to  the  order  of  Congress  by  cutting  up  sheets  to 
form  the  white  stripes,  bits  of  scarlet  cloth  for  the  red 
stripes,  and  the  blue  ground  for  the  stars  was  composed 
of  portions  of  a  cloth  cloak  belonging  to  Captain  Abraham 
Swarthout,  of  Dutchess  County,  New  York,  and  the  flag 
was  unfurled  August  3,  1777.  Paul  Jones,  as  commander 
of  the  Ranger,  to  which  he  was  appointed,  June  14,  1777, 
claimed  that  he  was  the  first  to  display  the  Stars  and 
Stripes  on  a  naval  vessel.  It  is  probable  that  the  flag 
was  first  unfurled  in  battle  on  the  banks  of  the  Brandy- 
wine,  September  11,  1777,  the  first  battle  after  its  adop- 
tion. It  first  appeared  over  a  foreign  stronghold  June  28, 
1778,  when  Captain  Rathbone  of  the  American  sloop-of- 
war  Providence,  captured  Port  Nassau,  New  Providence, 
Bahama  Islands.  John  Singleton  Copley,  the  American 
painter,  claimed  to  be  the  first  to  display  the  flag  in  Great 
Britain.  On  the  day  when  George  III  acknowledge  the 
independence  of  the  United  States  (December  5,  1789),  he 
painted  the  flag  in  the  background  of  a  portrait  of  Elkanah 
Watson.  To  Captain  Mooers,  of  the  whaling  ship  Bedford, 
of  Nantucket,  is  doubtless  due  the  honor  of  first  displaying 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     167 

the  Stars  and  Stripes  in  a  port  of  Great  Britain.  He 
arrived  in  the  Downs  with  it  flying  at  the  fore,  February  3, 
1783.  When  Vermont  and  Kentucky  were  added  to  the 
Union  of  States  the  flag  was  altered,  the  number  of  stripes 
and  stars  being  increased  from  thirteen  to  fifteen.  In 
1818  a  new  flag,  having  thirteen  stripes  and  a  star  for 
every  State,  twenty  at  that  time,  was  devised  by  Captain 
Samuel  C.  Eeed,  and  this  has  remained  the  form  of  the 
United  States  flag. 

Flag,  Presidential.  It  is  usual  in  other  countries  to 
have  a  special  ensign  to  designate  the  presence  on  a  vessel 
of  the  ruler  of  the  nation.  It  was  not  until  lately  that 
the  United  States  had  such  a  flag.  President  Arthur  sug- 
gested it  in  the  early  part  of  1882,  and,  as  his  Cabinet 
concurred  in  his  suggestion,  decided  on  the  design  of  a 
blue  ground  with  the  arms  of  the  United  States  in  the 
center.  The  Navy  Department  ordered  that  this  flag 
should  be  displayed  at  the  mainmast  of  any  vessel  that 
bore  the  President.  Arthur  first  used  it  in  1883. 

Floaters.  Under  the  Ohio  Constitution  of  1851,  a  dis- 
trict or  county  having  a  fraction  of  population  over  and 
above  the  number  of  inhabitants  necessary  to  the  Senators 
or  Representatives  apportioned  to  it,  is  treated  as  follows : 
If  by  multiplying  the  surplus  inhabitants  by  five  the  result 
is  equal  to  or  exceeds  the  number  of  inhabitants  required 
for  one  member,  the  county  receives  a  member  for  the  fifth 
of  the  five  terms  of  two  years  into  which  the  period  between 
reapportionments  is  divided.  If  equal  to  the  number  neces- 
sary to  more  than  one  member,  then  for  the  fifth  and  fourth 
terms,  or  for  as  many  as  required.  These  members  are 
called  floaters.  In  political  slang,  the  word  means  pur- 
chasable voters. 

Florida  was  acquired  by  purchase  from  Spain  in  1821. 
(See  Annexations  II.)  East  and  West  Florida  were  joined 
in  the  territory  of  Florida  in  1822,  and  the  State  was 
admitted  to  the  Union  on  March  3,  1845.  An  ordinance 
of  secession  was  passed  by  a  State  convention  on  January 
10,  1861,  and  the  State  was  readmitted  to  the  Union  by 
Act  of  June  25,  1868.  The  capital  is  Tallahassee.  In 
1876  the  Electoral  Commission  (which  see)  decided  that 
the  Republican  electors  had  been  chosen.  The  name  of  this 


168     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

State  was  originally  applied  to  the  whole  neighboring  re- 
gion in  1512  by  Ponce  de  Leon,  who  discovered  it  on  Easter 
Sunday  (in  Spanish  Pasqua  Florida,  or  the  Feast  of 
Flowers).  It  is  sometimes  popularly  known  as  the  Penin- 
sula State. 

Floyd,  William.  A  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence. Born  in  New  York  State,  December  17,  1734; 
died  at  Western,  New  York,  August  4,  1821. 

Folger,  Charles  J.  Judge  of  the  New  York  Court  of 
Appeals,  1871-81 ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  1881-84.  De- 
feated as  candidate  for  Governor  of  New  York,  in  1882, 
by  Grover  Cleveland,  who  had  a  majority  of  nearly  200,000. 
Born  at  Nantucket,  Massachusetts,  April  16,  1818;  died 
at  Geneva,  New  York,  September  4,  1884. 

Foot's  Resolution.  A  resolution  introduced  in  the  Sen- 
ate in  December,  1829,  by  S.  A.  Foot,  of  Connecticut,  de- 
signed to  limit  the  sale  of  Western  lands.  Its  importance 
lies  in  the  fact  of  its  having  been  seized  on  by  the  South- 
ern members  as  the  text  for  an  attack  on  the  North  and 
the  "centralization"  theory.  The  debate  is  famous  for  the 
speeches  of  Daniel  Webster  and  Eobert  Y.  Hayne. 

Foot,  Samuel  A.  United  States  Senator  from  Connec- 
ticut, 1827-33;  Governor  of  Connecticut,  1834.  (See 
Foot's  Resolution.) 

Force  Bill.  The  following  acts  of  Congress  are  known 
by  this  name:  A  law  passed  by  Congress,  taking  effect 
March  2,  1833.  Its  purpose  was  to  enable  the  President 
to  enforce  the  tariff  in  the  face  of  the  efforts  of  South 
Carolina  to  resist  the  collection  of  duty.  Also,  to  two  laws 
passed  in  1870  and  1871,  both  aimed  at  the  suppression 
of  interference  and  intimidation  in  Southern  elections. 
These  laws  gave  exclusive  jurisdiction  on  this  subject  to 
the  United  States  courts.  The  second  section  of  the  law 
of  1871,  directed  at  conspiracy  against  the  Civil  Eights 
Act,  was  declared  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court 
in  1883.  The  second  bill  declared  conspiracy  of  this  na/« 
ture,  if  abetted  by  the  State  authorities,  to  be  rebellion, 
and  authorized  the  employment  of  the  army  and  navy  and 
the  suspension  of  the  habeas  corpus  to  aid  in  repressing  it. 
The  operation  of  the  habeas  corpus  section  was  not  to  ex- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     169 

tend  beyond  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  Congress.  Ef- 
forts for  a  renewal  thereof  failed.  These  latter  bills  were 
also  known  as  the  Ku-Klux  Acts.  (See  Ku-Klux  Klan.) 

Foreign  Service.  The  officers  of  the  foreign  service 
of  the  United  States  are  divided  into  two  branches,  diplo- 
matic and  consular.  The  former,  called  in  general  diplo- 
hnatic  agents,  includes  envoys  extraordinary,  ministers 
plenipotentiary,  ministers  resident  and  secretaries  of  lega- 
tion. The  first  may  be  appointed  for  special  purposes,  but 
the  title  is  usually  added  to  that  of  ministers  plenipoten- 
tiary. These  ambassadors  have  the  right  to  negotiate 
treaties  and  generally  to  represent  our  government  in  the 
State  to  which  they  are  sent.  They  are  sent  only  to  great 
nations.  Ministers  resident  are  accredited  to  less  impor- 
tant nations,  but  their  powers  are  about  the  same  as  those 
of  ministers  plenipotentiary.  Secretaries  of  legation  are 
appointed  to  assist  principal  ambassadors.  Consular  offi- 
cers include  consuls-general,  consuls  and  commercial  agents. 
Their  chief  duties  and  powers  are  connected  with  our  com- 
mercial interests,  to  protect  ships,  seamen  and  other  Amer- 
icans, to  send  home  destitute  seamen,  and  to  give  certifi- 
cates for  various  purposes.  They  are  sent  to  the  principal 
ports  or  markets  of  a  country.  Some  diplomatic  powers 
also  attach  to  their  office,  and  in  non-Christian  countries 
they  have  sometimes  the  right,  by  treaty,  to  act  in  a  judicial 
capacity  between  citizens  of  the  United  States.  A  consul- 
general  has  jurisdiction  over  several  consuls.  Commercial 
agents  are  accredited  to  smaller  places.  The  various  diplo- 
matic and  consular  officers  are  appointed  by  the  President 
and  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  The  highest  salary  is 
$17,500,  paid  to  ministers  to  great  powers,  as  England,  and 
from  this  figure  the  salaries  run  down  to  a,  very  small 
amount.  Officers  of  the  foreign  service  are  under  the 
control  and  direction  of  the  State  Department. 

Foreign  Valuations.  At  the  present  time  the  dutiable 
value  of  imports  on  which  ad  valorem  rates  of  duty  are 
levied  is  the  market  value  at  the  time  of  exportation  in 
the  principal  markets  of  the  country  whence  the  mer- 
chandise is  exported.  This  is  called  a  foreign  valuation, 
and  has  been  usually  adopted  by  the  tariff  laws  of  this 
country.  The  most  notable  exception  was  Clay's  Com- 


170     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

promise  Bill  of  1833,  which  adopted  the  plan  of  home 
valuations. 

Fortune  Bay  Outrages.  In  January,  1878,  the  rights 
of  our  fishermen  under  the  Treaty  of  Washington  (1871) 
were  infringed  by  the  inhabitants  of  Fortune  Bay,  New- 
foundland, who  attacked  several  Gloucester  vessels  that 
were  taking  in  cargoes  of  frozen  herring,  cut  their  nets  and 
drove  away  the  crews.  A  claim  was  made  that  local  laws 
had  been  violated,  but  the  British  government  took  a  cor- 
rect view  of  the  matter  by  deciding  that  these  could  not 
stand  in  conflict  with  the  treaty.  The  claims  of  the  in- 
jured fishermen  amounted  to  $105,305 :  Great  Britain  paid 
£15,000  (nearly  $73,000)  to  be  divided  among  them  as 
compensation  for  the  damages  inflicted. 

Forty-niners.  A  term  applied  to  those  persons  that 
rushed  to  California  during  the  gold  fever  of  1849,  just 
after  the  discovery  of  gold  in  that  region. 

Franklin,  Benjamin.  Founded  the  Pennsylvania  Ga- 
zette at  Philadelphia,  1729;  founded  the  Philadelphia 
Library,  1731 ;  began  the  publication  of  Poor  Richard's 
Almanack,  1732;  clerk  of  the  Pennsylvania  Assembly, 
1736;  postmaster  of  Philadelphia,  1737;  founded  the 
American  Philosophical  Society  and  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  1743;  demonstrated  that  lightning  is  elec- 
tricity, 1752;  deputy  postmaster-general  for  the  British 
Colonies  in  America,  1753-74;  colonial  agent  for  Pennsyl- 
vania in  England,  1757-62  and  1764-75;  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  1775;  member  of  the  committee  to 
draft  a  Declaration  of  Independence,  1776;  ambassador 
to  France  for  the  Colonies,  1776 ;  one  of  the  agents  to  con- 
clude a  treaty  with  France,  1778;  member  of  the  com- 
mittee which  concluded  the  treaty  of  peace  with  England, 
1783;  president  of  Pennsylvania,  1785-88;  delegate  to  the 
Constitutional  Convention,  1787.  Born  at  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts, January  17,  1706;  died  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsyl- 
vania, April  17,  1790. 

Franklin,  or  Frankland,  State  of.  This  name  was 
adopted  in  1784  by  a  convention  of  the  settlers  of  the  west- 
ern lands  belonging  to  North  Carolina.  The  tract  was  ad- 
mitted as  the  State  of  Tennessee  in  1796.  (See  Tennessee.) 


A  D1CTIONAKY  OF  AMEEICAN  POLITICS     171 

Fraud  of  76.  The  election  of  Hayes  as  President  is 
thus  called  by  the  more  violent  Democrats.  (See  Disputed 
Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential  Elections;  Electoral 
Commission.) 

Free  Coinage.     (See  Coinage;  Bi-Metallism.) 

Free  Democracy,  or  Free  Democratic  party,  is  a  name 
by  which  the  Free  Soil  party  was  sometimes  known.  (See 
that  title.) 

Freedman's  Bank,  The.  It  was  established  in  March, 
1865,  as  a  charitable  enterprise  to  encourage  frugality  and 
thrift  among  the  newly  liberated  slaves.  The  institution 
was  started  at  first  in  Washington,  but  afterward  branch 
banks  to  the  number  of  thirty-four  were  located  in  differ- 
ent parts  of  the  Union.  The  bank  was  not  intended  to  be 
a  money-making  concern,  either  for  bankers  or  for  depos- 
itors, but  as  a  place  of  deposit  for  the  savings  of  negroes, 
which  savings  were  to  be  invested  in  the  stocks,  bonds, 
treasury  notes  and  other  securities  of  the  United  States. 
During  the  existence  of  the  bank,  nine  years,  it  handled 
no  less  than  $50,000,000  of  deposits,  the  negroes  being 
led  to  believe  that  the  safety  of  the  institution  was  guar- 
anteed by  the  government,  which  was  untrue.  The  insti- 
tution was  managed  by  a  number  of  trustees  of  unsavory 
financial  reputation,  and,  as  a  consequence,  at  the  expira- 
tion of  nine  years  it  suspended  payment.  At  the  investi- 
gation which  was  made  by  a  committee  appointed  by  Con- 
gress a  most  scandalous  condition  of  affairs  was  discov- 
vered.  The  regulations  of  the  charter  had  been  completely 
ignored,  and  the  funds  had  been  dissipated  by  loans  made 
upon  inadequate  securities.  By  law  the  investments  of  the 
bank  were  confined  to  government  securities  alone.  Unim- 
proved real  estate,  unsalable  stocks,  and  personal  notes 
were  among  the  assets  of  the  bank.  Deficits  and  embezzle- 
ments at  the  branch  banks  also  produced  many  losses.  The 
unsecured  debts  owed  to  the  depositors  amounted  to  $2,000,- 
000,  and  the  assets  yielded  about  $1,700,000.  For  some 
years  three  bank  commissioners  were  employed,  at  a  salary 
of  $3,000  each,  to  wind  up  the  affairs  of  the  institution. 
After  $475,000  had  been  expended  in  this  "winding-up" 
process  the  affairs  of  the  bank  were  all  turned  over  to  the 


172     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Comptroller  of  the  Currency.  Dividends  were  paid  at 
various  times;  but  many  small  depositors,  through  igno- 
rance and  despair,  forfeited  their  dividends  by  not  calling 
for  them.  In  all  77,000  dividends,  amounting  to  $112,000, 
were  thus  forfeited. 

Freedman's  Bureau.  The  number  of  slaves  freed  by  the 
end  of  1864  is  estimated  at  3,000,000.  Of  this  number 
at  least  one-third  was  not  only  destitute,  but  absolutely 
helpless.  Attempts  to  make  them  self-supporting  by  em- 
ploying them  on  abandoned  plantations  had  failed  through 
the  mismanagement  of  the  government's  agents,  and  they 
were  now  overrunning  and  encumbering  the  army.  They 
were  therefore  gathered  into  camps,  where  they  were  easier 
to  manage  and  could  be  forced  to  do  at  least  some  work. 
In  1864  the  management  of  these  refugees  was  transferred 
to  the  Treasury  Department.  In  March,  1865,  after  re- 
peated failures,  a  Freedmen's  Bureau  Bill  was  passed.  To 
this  bureau,  under  the  control  of  the  War  Department, 
was  given  the  control  of  "refugees,  freedmen  and  aban- 
doned lands."  It  had  power  to  assign  not  more  than  forty 
acres  of  abandoned  or  confiscated  land  to  each  refugee, 
for  three  years,  and  generally  to  regulate  and  supervise 
the  refugees  and  their  concerns.  This  law  created  the 
bureau  for  a  term  of  one  year.  In  1866  a  bill  was  passed 
by  Congress  continuing  the  bureau  indefinitely  and  much 
enlarging  its  powers.  It  also  gave  the  President  military 
jurisdiction  of  attempts  to  abridge  the  civil  rights  of  the 
freedmen.  It  was  vetoed,  and  so  failed  to  pass.  In  July  a 
new  bill,  differing  from  the  February  act  only  in  that  it 
extended  the  bureau  for  but  two  years,  was  passed,  and 
being  vetoed  was  repassed  over  the  veto.  In  June,  1868, 
it  was  further  extended  for  one  year.  The  chief  commis- 
sioner was  General  0.  0.  Howard.  A  law  passed  in  Au- 
gust, 1868,  made  him  irremovable,  and  provided  for  the 
cessation  of  all  but  the  educational  functions  of  the  bureau's 
work  on  January  1,  1869.  These  latter  did  not  cease  until 
July  1,  1870. 

Free  Rum.  Prohibitionists  are  fond  of  using  the  phrase 
"free  rum"  to  indicate  the  ease  with  which  liquor  can  be 
procured  under  a  license  system  in  distinction  from  the 
difficulty  of  obtaining  it  under  prohibitory  laws. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     173 

Free  Soil  Democracy.  A  name  by  which  the  Free  Soil 
party  was  sometimes  known.  (See  Free  Soil  Party.) 

Free  Soil,  Free  Speech,  Free  Men  and  Fremont.  A  cam- 
paign cry  of  the  supporters  of  Fremont  for  President  in 
1856. 

Free  Soil  Party.  The  Southern  leaders  of  the  Democratic 
party  had  determined  to  prevent  the  nomination  of  Martin 
Van  Buren  for  the  Presidency  in  the  convention  of  1844. 
This  was  accomplished  by  declaring  the  vote  of  two-thirds 
of  the  convention  necessary  to  nominate.  This  rule  once 
adopted,  Van  Buren's  defeat  followed  naturally.  These 
tactics  caused,  a  split  in  the  Democratic  ranks,  especially 
in  Van  Buren's  State,  New  York.  Van  Buren's  faction 
was  there  known  as  the  "Barn-burners,"  the  other  as  the 
"Hunkers."  In  1848  both  factions  sent  delegations  to  the 
national  convention,  which  determined  to  give  one-half 
of  the  State  vote  to  each.  Both  sections  withdrew  dis- 
satisfied. Van  Buren's  faction,  joining  with  the  remnants 
of  the  Liberty  party,  formed  the  Free  Soil  party,  by  which 
Van  Buren  and  Charles  Francis  Adams  were  nominated. 
Their  platform  was  a  strong  and  frank  protest  against  the 
extension  of  slavery,  and  contained  such  ringing  phrases 
as  "A  free  soil  to  a  free  people,"  and  "Congress  has  no  more 
power  to  make  a  slave  than  to  make  a  king."  Van  Buren 
and  Adams  received  no  electoral  votes,  but  their  popular 
vote  was  291,342,  against  1,219,962  for  Cass  and  1,360,752 
for  Taylor.  In  1852  the  party  nominated  John  P.  Hale, 
of  New  York,  and  again  received  no  electoral  votes.  Dur- 
ing its  existence  it  always  had  from  fifteen  to  twenty  repre- 
sentatives in  Congress,  among  them  Charles  Sumner, 
Salmon  P.  Chase,  and  David  Wilmot.  It  opposed  the  Kan- 
sas-Nebraska Bill,  and  was  finally  swallowed  up  in  the 
Republican  party. 

Free  Soil  to  a  Free  People.  This  sentence  was  con- 
tained in  the  declaration  of  principles  of  the  Free  Soil 
party. 

Free  Trade  is  the  doctrine  of  political  economy  main- 
tained by  those  who  hold  that  trade  should  be  unrestricted 
by  governmental  regulations  or  interference.  The  term  is 
generally  used  with  reference  to  governmental  exactions 
on  importations.  Theoretically,  free  traders  hold  that  our 


174     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

commerce  with  other  nations  should  be  as  unrestricted  as 
commerce  between  the  various  States  of  the  Union,  but 
practically  they  admit  that  duties  on  imports  are  a  con- 
venient way  of  raising  a  revenue;  so  that,  as  the  term  is 
generally  used  in  this  country,  a  free  trader  is  one  who 
believes  in  so  regulating  the  tariff  as  to  raise  the  necessary 
revenue  with  the  least  restrictions  on  foreign  commerce, 
and  with  absolutely  no  attempt  to  protect  home  industries. 
He  believes  strictly  in  a  tariff  for  revenue  only,  or  a  fiscal 
tariff,  as  it  is  sometimes  called.  A  brief  outline  of  some 
of  the  most  important  propositions  on  which  the  free  trade 
argument  rests  may  be  given  as  follows:  Every  man  has 
a  natural  right  to  buy  in  the  cheapest  market  and  to  sell 
in  the  dearest ;  all  attempts  to  check  this  right  on  the  part 
of  the  government  result  sooner  or  later  in  an  artificial 
commercial  condition  and  consequent  financial  disaster; 
labor,  production,  manufacture  and  commerce,  being  gov- 
erned by  natural  laws,  will  regulate  themselves  best  if  not 
interfered  with;  a  nation  should  devote  itself  to  indus- 
tries which  are  natural  to  it;  to  attempt  to  force  others 
to  growth  is  an  artificial  stimulus  and  a  waste  of  energy; 
if  other  nations  can  produce  articles  cheaper  than  we  can, 
it  is  an  unnecessary  national  extravagance  to  waste,  in 
making  them  at  home,  strength  that  could  more  profitably 
be  devoted  to  other  pursuits;  protection  benefits  only  a 
minority  of  the  nation  at  the  expense  of  the  large  majority ; 
the  advantages  which  have  resulted  from  free  trade  be- 
tween the  several  States  of  the  Union  prove  that  similar 
advantages  would  follow  from  free  trade  with  foreign 
nations.  In  answer  to  some  of  the  arguments  of  the  pro- 
tectionists, free  traders  say  that  it  is  ridiculous  and  untrue 
to  insist  that  protective  duties  compel  foreigners  to  pay 
part  of  our  taxes ;  that  diversified  industries  are  proven  by 
history  not  to  be  necessary  for  a  nation,  since  with  wealth 
all  things  can  be  purchased  in  these  days,  and  the  nation 
will  gain  wealth  more  rapidly  if  it  devotes  itself  to  natural 
pursuits  and  avoids  wasting  its  energy  in  unnatural  ones; 
that  high  wages  in  the  United  States  are  due  to  our  natu- 
ral advantages,  not  to  protection;  that,  in  any  case,  with 
free  trade  the  workman's  necessaries  would  cost  much  less 
and  his  wages  would  go  as  far  as  before;  that  it  is  unjust 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     175 

to  tax  the  whole  country  to  pay  large  profits  on  invested 
capital  which  could  be  equally  well  employed  in  other  chan- 
nels. A  large  majority  of  the  Democratic  party  are  free 
traders  in  the  sense  in  which  the  term  is  used  here — of 
favoring  a  tariff  for  revenue  only ;  but  a  minority,  powerful 
in  influence  if  not  in  numbers,  is  protectionist.  (See 
Protection.) 

Free  Trade  and  Sailors'  Rights.  A  cry  used  before  and 
during  the  War  of  1812  by  those  that  resented  British  in- 
terference with  our  commerce  and  the  right  England  main- 
tained of  searching  American  vessels  for  seamen  whom  she 
claimed  to  be  British  subjects,  and  impressing  them  into 
her  service.  (See  Embargo  Act;  War  of  1812.) 

Fremont,  John  Charles,  was  born  at  Savannah,  Georgia, 
January  21,  1813.  He  graduated  at  Charleston  College, 
and  entered  the  army  as  second  lieutenant.  He  rendered 
distinguished  service  in  the  Mexican  War,  and  his  ex- 
plorations of  the  Rocky  Mountains  gained  the  title  of  Path- 
finder for  him.  From  185  fr  to  185S|he  was  United  States 
Senator  from  California.  He  was  a  Free  Soiler.  In  1856 
he  was  the  Republican  candidate  for  President.  In  1864 
the  "radical  men"  of  the  Republicans  nominated  him,  but 
he  declined  in  favor  of  Lincoln.  He  died  at  New  York 
City,  July  13,  1890. 

French  Spoliation  Claims.  During  the  Revolutionary 
War  France  and  the  United  States  made  common  cause  as 
the  result  of  the  Treaty  of  1778,  by  which,  among  other 
things,  each  government  agreed  to  permit  the  other  to  carry 
on  trade  with  an  enemy,  and  even  to  carry  the  enemy's 
goods,  provided  these  were  not  contraband.  After  our 
treaty  of  peace  in  1783  with  Great  Britain,  France  found 
herself  once  more  engaged  in  war  with  that  nation.  France 
maintained  that  by  the  Treaty  of  1778  we  were  bound  to 
assist  her,  but  as  our  government  did  not  admit  this  and 
maintained  a  neutral  position,  France  seized  many  cargoes 
of  American  vessels  trading  with  England.  The  United 
States  overlooked  these  acts  for  the  time  being,  but  in  1797 
and  in  1799  the  claims  of  those  who  had  lost  property  by 
these  "French  spoliations"  were  presented  to  France  by 
our  commissioners.  France,  however,  would  not  recognize 
these  unless  the  United  States  should  admit  the  compensa- 


176     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  which  France  claimed  it  owed  to  her  for  breaking  th 
Treaty  of  1778.  As  the  French  position  could  not  b 
changed  by  argument,  our  representatives  finally  agreed  t 
allow  one  claim  to  offset  the  other,  being  desirous  of  effect 
ing  an  agreement  on  other  matters.  The  spoliation  claim 
ants  now  requested  Congress  to  pay  their  claims,  arguin; 
that  it  was  unfair  for  the  Federal  Government  to  secur 
the  cancellation  of  a  public  debt  at  the  expense  of  it 
individual  citizens,  and  that  having  received  an  equivalent 
it  was  bound  to  pay  their  claims.  For  four-score  years  re 
newals  of  this  petition  came  before  Congress  before  th 
claimants  secured  any  measure  of  justice.  Twice  an  ap 
propriation  for  their  relief  has  passed  Congress,  but  th 
first  time  it  was  vetoed  by  Polk  (on  which  occasion  but  on 
vote  was  wanting  in  the  Senate  to  override  the  veto)  an< 
the  second  time  by  Pierce.  Finally,  a  bill  passed  Congres 
and  was  approved  by  President  Arthur  on  January  2C 
1885,  ordering  the  Court  of  Claims  to  investigate  am 
report  to  Congress  upon  the  French  spoliation  claims;  it 
decision  awarded  about  $4,800,000  to  the  petitioners. 

Fugitive  Slave  Laws.  Under  the  colonial  government 
as  well  as  under  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  sur 
render  of  slaves  that  had  escaped  to  another  State  was  : 
matter  of  comity  merely.  The  Constitution  of  the  Unite< 
States  contains  a  clause  in  Article  4  directing  the  return  o 
escaped  slaves  to  their  masters.  The  word  "slave"  is  not 
however,  used.  The  first  law  under  this  provision  wa 
passed  in  1793,  and  it  provided  for  the  return  of  escapee 
slaves  and  criminals.  One  of  its  provisions,  imposing  01 
magistrates  of  the  States  duties  under  federal  statutes 
led  to  some  complications,  but  an  attempt  in  1818  to  amenc 
it  failed.  The  Compromise  of  1850  provided  a  new  anc 
more  stringent  law,  under  which  the  refusal  of  a  marsha 
to  execute  writs  under  the  act  subjected  him  to  fine.  Hi 
was  also  liable  for  the  value  of  slaves  escaping  from  hi; 
custody.  All  good  citizens  were  required  to  aid  the  mar 
shal,  and  a  fine  together  with  imprisonment  was  the  punish 
ment  for  obstructing  an  arrest  or  attempting  a  rescue 
Moreover,  the  testimony  of  the  person  claimed  as  slave  wai 
never  to  be  taken.  The  fee  of  the  commissioner  was  tei 
dollars  if  the  prisoner  was  adjudged  a  slave,  but  only  fivt 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     177 

dollars  if  he  was  declared  free.  Under  this  law  the  kid- 
napping of  free  blacks  at  the  North  became  more  frequent, 
and  many  cases  of  revolting,  inhuman  and  almost  incredible 
cruelty  occurred.  The  North  never  heartily  supported  the 
law,  many  States  passing  "personal  liberty  laws"  to  coun- 
teract its  effect,  and  the  South  considered  this  course  a 
breach  of  faith.  The  gulf  between  them  grew  still  wider, 
the  Civil  War  followed,  but  it  was  not  until  1864  that  the 
fugitive  slave  laws  were  repealed. 

Fusion.  Where  a  number  of  officers  are  elected  on  a 
general  ticket,  it  will  sometimes  happen  when  more  than 
two  parties  are  in  the  field,  that  several  of  the  parties  will 
agree  on  a  joint  ticket.  Such  a  ticket  is  called  a  fusion 
ticket.  In  the  Presidential  election  of  1880,  the  Democrats 
and  the  Greenbaekers  in  Maine  nominated  such  an  electoral 
ticket.  Had  this  ticket  been  elected,  it  would  have  cast 
three  votes  for  the  Democratic  and  four  for  the  Greenback 
candidate. 

Gadsden,  James.  Minister  to  Mexico,  where  he  nego- 
tiated the  "Gaclsden  Purchase"  (which  see),  1853.  Born 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  May  15,  1788;  died  at 
Charleston,  South  Carolina,  December  26,  1858. 

Gadsden  Purchase.      (See  Annexations  V.) 

Gag  Laws.  On  February  5,  1836,  Henry  L.  Pinckney, 
of  South  Carolina,  introduced  a  resolution  into  the  House 
of  Representatives  providing  that  all  memorials  praying 
for  the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia  be 
referred  to  a  select  committee  with  instructions  to  report 
that  Congress  had  no  power  to  interfere  with  slavery  in 
the  States,  and  that,  in  the  opinion  of  the  House,  it  would 
be  a  violation  of  public  faith  to  interfere  with  the  institu- 
tion in  the  District.  This  was  adopted.  This  committee 
recommended  that  all  petitions  or  papers  relating  to  slav- 
ery or  its  abolition  "shall,  without  either  being  printed  or 
referred,  be  laid  upon  the  table."  Similar  resolutions  were 
adopted  at  following  sessions  in  January,  and,  on  motion  of 
John  M.  Patton,  of  Virginia,  in  December,  1837.  On  De- 
cember 11,  1838,  Charles  G.  Atherton,  of  New  Hampshire, 
introduced  a  set  of  resolutions  declaring  that  Congress  can- 
not interfere  with  slavery  in  the  States,  that  agitation  of 
the  subject  in  the  District  "was  part  of  the  plan  of  opera- 


178     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tions  to  affect  the  institution  ...  in  the  several  States/' 
that  Congress  has  no  right  to  do  indirectly  what  it  cannot 
do  directly,  or  to  discriminate  against  or  in  favor  of  the 
institutions  of  any  section,  "that  all  attempts  on  the  part 
of  Congress  to  abolish  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia 
or  the  Territories,  or  to  prohibit  the  removal  of  slaves  from 
State  to  State,"  is  unconstitutional,  and  that  all  papers  or 
memorials  in  any  way  affecting  the  subject  "be  laid  on  the 
table  without  being  debated,  printed  or  referred."  This 
was  adopted.  Once  more,  in  1840,  a  similar  resolution  was 
adopted  on  motion  of  William  Cost  Johnson,  of  Maryland, 
declaring  that  the  reception  of  any  such  petitions  shall  be 
considered  as  objected  to  and  the  question  laid  on  the  table. 
This  last  was  adopted  as  the  twenty-first  rule  of  the  House. 
John  Quincy  Adams  was  the  mouthpiece  of  the  petitioners, 
and  at  length  in  December,  1844,  his  annual  motion  to  re- 
scind the  rule  was  carried. 

Gallatin,  Albert,  was  born  at  Geneva,,  Switzerland,  Janu- 
ary 29,  1761,  and  died  at  Astoria,  New  York,  August  12, 
1849.  He  was  graduated  at  the  University  of  Geneva.  In 
this  country  he  was  instructor  at  Harvard  University.  In 
1785  he  settled  in  Western  Pennsylvania  where  he  took 
part  in  the  Whisky  Insurrection.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Eepresentatives  from  1795  to  1801.  From  1802 
to  1814  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  In  1814  he  ne- 
gotiated the  Treaty  of  Ghent;  in  1815  he  became  minister 
to  France,  and  in  1826  minister  to  Great  Britain.  In  1827 
he  settled  in  New  York  City,  becoming  president  of  a  bank. 

G.  A.  R.  An  abbreviation  for  the  Grand  Army  of  the 
Republic  (which  see). 

Garden  of  the  West.  A  name  sometimes  applied  to  the 
State  of  Kansas. 

Garfield,  James  Abram,  was  born  at  Orange,  Cuyahoga 
County,  Ohio,  November  19,  1831,  and  died  at  Elberon, 
New  Jersey,  September  19,  1881.  At  an  early  age  he  was 
obliged  to  work  for  a  living,  but  by  strenuous  efforts  he 
managed  to  get  an  education;  he  graduated  at  Williams 
College,  and  subsequently  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In 
1859  and  1860  he  served  in  the  Ohio  Senate.  In  1861  he 
enlisted  in  the  Civil  War  and  rose  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general.  In  1862  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  in  which  he 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     17$ 

served  until  1881.  In  1880  he  was  elected  Senator,  but 
before  he  could  assume  the  position  he  was  nominated  for 
President  by  the  Republicans  and  elected.  He  did  not 
long  enjoy  the  position ;  a  disappointed  office-seeker  named 
Guiteau  revenged  himself  by  shooting  him  July  2,  1881, 
and  after  lingering  over  two  months  he  died. 

Garrisonians.  A  name  applied  to  those  abolitionists  that 
adhered  to  William  Lloyd  Garrison,  when  in  1838  a  large 
portion  of  that  body  seceded  from  his  leadership.  They 
were  the  radical  wing,  and  went  so  far  as  to  consider  even 
voting  a  compromise  with  crime,  inasmuch  as  the  Constitu- 
tion (as  they  claimed)  supported  slavery.  They  stood 
squarely  on  the  right  of  every  innocent  human  being  to 
equal  freedom  with  every  other,  and  refused  to  support 
any  other  view,  even  by  implication.  At  the  South  their 
lives  were  in  danger ;  at  the  North  odium  was  heaped  upon 
them,  and  even  there  they  were  not  always  safe. 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd,  was  born"  at  Newburyport, 
Massachusetts,  December,  1804.  His  parents  were  poor  and 
his  education  was  obtained  by  his  own  efforts.  Having 
successively  tried  and  abandoned  shoe-making  and  cabinet- 
making,  he  became  a  printer,  and  finally  started  a  news- 
paper, The  Free  Press,  in  his  native  town.  Moving  to  Bos- 
ton, he  was  the  editor  of  a  temperance  journal,  The  Na- 
tional Philanthropist,  until  in  1828  he  moved  to  Benning- 
ton,  Vermont,  to  take  charge  of  The  Journal  of  the  Times. 
Though  ably  edited,  this  journal  was  not  a  success,  and  in 
1829  Garrison,  at  the  instance  of  Benjamin  Lundy,  went  to 
Baltimore  as  editor  of  The  Genius  of  Universal  Emanci- 
pation. Here  his  frank  utterances  caused  him  to  be  fined 
and  imprisoned.  Arthur  Tappan,  of  New  York,  paid  his 
fine,  anticipating  Henry  Clay,  who  had  determined  to  do  the 
same,  and  soon  afterward  Garrison  left  for  Boston,  where, 
in  1831,  he  began  the  publication  of  The  Liberator.  This 
journal  was  the  organ  of  the  abolitionists,  and  its  outspoken 
views  subjected  the  editor  to  much  odium  and  abuse.  The 
paper  was  published  until  1865,  when,  slavery  having  dis- 
appeared, its  object  was  accomplished.  Garrison  died  May 
24,  1879.  (See  Garrisonians.) 

Geary,  John  W.  The  first  postmaster  in  San  Francisco, 
California,  1849;  the  first  Mayor  of  San  Francisco,  1850; 


180     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMEKICAN  POLITICS 

appointed  Territorial  Governor  of  Kansas,  1856.  Served 
in  the  Union. Army  during  the  Civil  War;  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  1867-73.  Born  at  Mount  Pleasant,  Pennsyl- 
vania, December  30,  1819;  died  at  Harrisburg,  Pennsyl- 
vania, February  8,  1873. 

General  of  the  Army,  once  the  highest  grade  in  the  ser- 
vice. It  had  been  held  by  Washington  for  a  short  time  in 
1799,  and  then  lapsed.  It  was  revived  for  General  U.  S. 
Grant,  who  was  appointed  thereto  July  25,  1866.  On  his 
election  to  the  Presidency,  General  W.  T.  Sherman  was 
nominated  to  succeed  him.  It  was  decreed  by  Congress  that 
this  grade  and  of  Lieutenant-General  were  to  lapse  after 
the  retirement  of  Generals  Sherman  and  Sheridan.  The 
rank  of  Lieutenant-General  is,  however,  still  maintained, 
but  the  grade  of  General  is  now  non-existent. 

General  Taylor  Never  Surrenders,  was  the  reply  of  Mr. 
Crittenden,  who  had  gone  to  Santa  Anna's  headquarters, 
to  an  offer  of  protection  to  General  Zachary  Taylor  if  the 
latter  would  surrender.  This  was  at  the  battle  of  Buena 
Vista,  in  the  Mexican  War. 

Genet,  Citizen,  was  the  name  commonly  given  to  Ed- 
mond  Charles  Genet,  who  arrived  at  Charleston,  South 
Carolina,  in  April,  1793,  as  ambassador  from  France  to 
the  United  States.  This  was  during  the  French  Revolu- 
tion. Monarchy  had  been  overthrown  and  the  king  be- 
headed. A  reign  of  terror  ensued  and  France  was  at  war 
with  England  and  other  European  nations.  Genet's  object 
was  to  secure  the  active  assistance  of  the  United  States, 
and  he  relied  largely  on  the  Treaty  of  1778  between  our 
country  and  France.  After  consultation  with  his  Cabinet, 
and  by  their  unanimous  advice,  Washington,  on  April  22, 
1793,  issued  a  proclamation  declaring  the  complete  neu- 
trality of  the  United  States.  Genet,  trusting  to  the  sym- 
pathy of  the  people  for  the  country  that  had  rendered  so 
much  assistance  in  the  Revolution,  and  to  their  hatred 
for  England,  used  violent  language  to  our  executive  gov- 
ernment, organized  secret  political  societies,  enlisted  men 
for  expeditions  against  Florida  and  New  Orleans  (then 
Spanish  possessions),  and  fitted  out  privateers  from  our 
ports.  His  defiance  of  the  government  and  his  efforts  to 


JAMES  A.  GARFIELD. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     181 

discredit*  the  administration  in  the  eyes  of  the  American 
people  finally  alienated  their  support  of  his  course,  and  led 
President  Washington  to  ask  his  recall  by  the  French 
government.  In  January,  1794,  Washington  was  able  to 
announce  that  this  request  had  been  complied  with.  Genet 
passed  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  New  York,  where  he  was 
married  and  naturalized. 

Geneva  Award.  The  settlement  of  the  Alabama  Claims 
was  referred  by  the  Treaty  of  Washington  to  five  arbitra- 
tors, to  be  appointed  by  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
the  Queen  of  Great  Britain,  the  King  of  Italy,  the  Presi- 
dent of  the  Swiss  Confederation  and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil. 
These  rulers,  in  the  above  order,  named  as  arbitrators 
Charles  Francis  Adams,  Lord  Chief  Justice  Sir  Alexander 
Cockburn,  Count  Federigo  Sclopis,  Mr.  Jaques  Staemp- 
fli  and  Baron  Itajuba.  J.  C.  Bancroft  Davis  and  Lord 
Tenterden,  respectively,  represented  as  agents  the  United 
States  and  Great  Britain.  The  tribunal  met  at  Geneva, 
Switzerland,  on  December  15,  1871,  and  Count  Sclopis  was 
made  president.  Each  government  submitted  its  proofs 
and  arguments,  which  were  carefully  considered  by  the  ar- 
bitrators. The  United  States  claimed  damages  both  for 
direct  and  for  indirect  losses,  and  for  injuries  occasioned 
by  thirteen  vessels.  The  tribunal  decided  to  allow  only 
direct  losses  caused  by  the  Florida  and  the  Alabama,  with 
their  tenders,  and  by  the  Shenandoah  during  part  of  her 
cruise.  Various  rules  of  international  law  were  laid  down 
which  supported  most  of  the  contentions  of  our  govern- 
ment. It  was  decided  that  the  expenses  incurred  in  pur- 
suing the  cruisers  and  the  prospective  earnings  of  the  de- 
stroyed merchant  vessels  should  not  be  included  in  the 
award ;  that  net,  and  not  gross,  freights  should  be  allowed, 
and  that  reasonable  interest  should  be  included.  Finally,  on 
the  14th  of  September,  1872,  the  tribunal  "awarded  to  the 
United  States  a  sum  of  $15,500,000  in  gold  as  the  indem- 
nity to  be  paid  by  Great  Britain  to  the  United  States  as 
the  satisfaction  of  all  the  claims  referred  to  the  considera- 
tion of  the  tribunal."  The  English  representative  cast  the 
only  dissenting  vote,  but  Great  Britain  accepted  the  de- 
cision and  paid  the  award  within  a  year. 

Geneva  Tribunal.      (See  Geneva  Award.) 


182     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Gentleman  George.  A  name  applied  to  George  H.  Pen- 
dleton,  of  Ohio.  Pendleton  was  born  in  Ohio  in  1825.  In 
1879  he  was  elected  United  States  Senator,  and  was.  in 
1885,  appointed  United  States  Minister  to  Germany.  He 
was  a  Democrat.  Died  November  24,  1889. 

George,  Henry,  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  September  2, 
1839.  While  very  young  he  went  to  sea;  ultimately  he 
settled  in  California  where  he  became  a  journalist.  In 
1879  his  book,  "Progress  and  Poverty,"  was  published.  In 
this  he  states  his  well-known  theory  that  the  rise  of  land 
values  is  the  cause  of  want,  and  that  the  remedy  lies  in 
taxing  land  to  its  full  rent  value.  In  1886  he  was  nom- 
inated as  mayor  of  the  city  of  New  York  by  the  United 
Labor  party,  receiving  68,110  votes  to  90,552  cast  for  the 
Democratic  and  60,435  for  the  Republican  candidate.  He 
subsequently  founded  the  Standard,  a  weekly  newspaper 
devoted  to  labor  interests.  He  died  at  New  York  City, 
October  29,  1897. 

Georgia  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
On  January  19,  1861,  a  State  convention  passed  an  ordi- 
nance of  secession,  and  Georgia  was  re-admitted  to  the 
Union  by  act  of  June  25,  1868;  but  the  State  was  con- 
sidered by  Congress  to  have  failed  in  complying  with  its 
reconstruction  policy  and  the  re-admission  was  not  com- 
plete till  made  so  by  act  of  July  15,  1870.  The  capital 
is  Atlanta.  It  was  named  as  a  colony  in  honor  of  George 
II,  King  of  England,  and  is  called  popularly  the  Empire 
State  of  the  South.  (See  Cherokee  Case;  Territories; 
Yazoo  Fraud.) 

Gerry,  Elbridge,  was  born  at  Marblehead,  Massachu- 
setts, July  17,  1744,  and  died  November  23,  1814.  He 
was  a  graduate  of  Harvard.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress  from  1776  to  1780  and  1783  to  1785. 
He  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  of  1787.  He  was  in 
Congress  from  1789  to  1793,  and  was  a  commissioner  to 
France.  (See  X.  Y.  Z.  Mission.)  He  was  elected  Vice- 
President  in  1812  on  the  Republican  (Democratic-Repub- 
lican) ticket,  and  died  in  office. 

Gerrymander.  Gerrymandering  is  the  process  of  so  ar- 
ranging electoral  districts  as  to  give  a  majority  of  Con- 
gressmen, or  State  legislators,  as  the  case  may  be,  to  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     183 

party  having  the  minority  in  the  total  popular  vote  of  the 
State.  This  is  accomplished  by  combining  a  community 
having  a  large  majority  in  favor  of  the  manipulating 
party,  with  another  in  which  that  party  has  a  minority  a 
little  smaller  than  its  majority  in  the  former;  the  result 
of  the  union  is  a  district  in  which  the  party  has  a  small 
majority.  This  process  has  been  practised  all  over  the 
Union.  Its  name  arose  as  follows:  In  1814  the  Senate  dis- 
tricts of  Massachusetts  were  laid  out  with  the  aim  of 
electing  to  that  body  a  majority  of  Democrats.  The  result 
was  great  irregularity  in  the  shape  of  many  of  the  dis- 
tricts. One  in  particular  was  so  distorted  that  the  Boston 
Centinel  published  a  colored  map  of  it,  to  which  a  few 
artistic  touches  were  added  for  the  purpose  of  giving  it 
resemblance  to  some  monstrous  animal.  This  mythical 
animal  they  named  "gerrymander,"  composed  of  the  sur- 
name of  Elbridge  Gerry,  who,  in  1810-12,  was  Governor 
of  the  State,  and  of  the  termination  of  " salamander." 

Gettysburg  Speech.  A  speech  delivered  by  President 
Lincoln,  on  the  battle-field  of  Gettysburg,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  dedication  of  a  cemetery  for  the  soldiers  that  had 
fallen  in  that  battle.  The  speech  is  given  in  full  under 
Lincoln,  Abraham. 

Ghent,  Treaty  of.     (See  Treaty  of  Ghent.) 

Giddings'  Resolutions.  On  March  21,  1842,  Joshua  R. 
Giddings,  of  Ohio,  offered  a  series  of  nine  resolutions  in 
the  House  of  Eepresentatives  relating  to  the  Creole  Case 
(which  see).  They  were  in  effect  that  the  States  had 
never  delegated  their  jurisdiction  of  the  subject  of  slavery 
to  the  United  States ;  that  slavery,  an  abridgment  of  a  natu- 
ral right,  can  exist  only  by  positive  law,  and  that  a  United 
States  vessel  on  the  high  seas  is  under  United  States,  and 
no  longer  under  State,  jurisdiction;  and,  finally,  bringing 
the  Creole  into  the  above  class  of  ships,  they  declared  that 
no  law  was  violated  by  the  slaves  in  securing  their  freedom, 
and  that  attempts  to  re-enslave  the  escaped  slaves  would  be 
unconstitutional  and  unrepublican.  The  House  at  once 
put  a  stop  to  all  discussion  on  these  resolutions,  and  passed 
a  resolution  censuring  Giddings.  He  resigned  his  seat, 
but  was  at  once  re-elected  by  an  overwhelming  majority, 


184     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

with  instructions  to  present  the  resolutions  again,  a  thing 
which  he  did  not,  however,  succeed  in  doing. 

Gilded  Trap.  A  nickname  applied  to  the  Constitution 
while  it  was  before  the  people  for  ratification. 

Gilmore  Peace  Negotiations.  In  1864  Colonel  J.  F. 
Jaquess,  of  the  Seventy-third  Illinois  Infantry,  believing 
himself  inspired  by  the  Almighty  to  make  peace  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  appealed  to  the  President,  through 
Mr.  James  E.  Gilmore,  for  authority  to  visit  Richmond  and 
begin  negotiations.  Mr.  Gilmore  was  an  author,  and  a  great 
friend  of  Lincoln.  The  President  positively  declined  to 
appear  openly  in  the  matter,  but  he  rather  wished  Jaquess 
to  go,  in  order  to  find  out  informally  whether  the  Confed- 
erate government  was  disposed  to  treat  for  peace.  Jaquess 
was  not  successful  in  getting  through  the  lines,  but  his 
plan  suggested  to  Mr.  Gilmore  the  idea  that  if  an  offer  of 
terms  of  peace  were  made  to  Jefferson  Davis,  and  rejected 
by  him,  the  publication  of  the  fact  would  count  for  much 
in  the  Presidential  election.  The  Northern  Democrats 
were  then  proposing  to  run  McClellan  on  a  "peace  with 
union"  platform,  and  if  it  could  be  shown  that  the  South 
would  consent  to  nothing  less  than  independence,  the 
continuation  of  the  war  would  appear  inevitable.  Moved 
by  this  argument,  Lincoln  allowed  Gilmore  to  go  to  Rich- 
mond, informally  and  without  diplomatic  authority,  to 
sound  Davis  as  to  his  willingness  to  make  peace  on  certain 
specified  terms.  These  were  briefly:  (1)  the  restoration  of 
the  union,  (2)  the  abolition  of  slavery,  (3)  full  amnesty 
to  all  engaged  in  rebellion,  (4)  $400,000,000  in  United 
States  bonds  to  be  distributed  among  the  States  to  be  used 
in  payment  for  slaves  at  one-half  their  value  in  1860.  The 
Southern  States  were  to  have  immediate  representation  in 
Congress  on  the  basis  of  their  voting  population,  and  a  Na- 
tional Constitutional  Convention  was  to  be  called  to  make 
such  changes  in  the  Constitution  as  might  be  necessary  to 
perpetuate  the  new  order  of  things.  Gilmore  went  to  Rich- 
mond and  had  several  interviews  with  President  Davis, 
but  the  latter  refused  to  negotiate  on  any  basis  except 
that  of  complete  Southern  independence.  Mr.  Gilmore 
then  returned,  and  wished  to  publish  a  full  account  of  his 
mission,  admitting  its  official  character.  President  Lincoln, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     185 

however,  positively  objected,  and  made  Mr.  Gilmore  prom- 
ise not  to  reveal  the  fact  that  he  (Lincoln)  had  sanctioned 
the  mission,  or  make  public  the  terms  offered.  This  was 
not  done  until  1887. 

Give  Me  liberty,  or  Give  Me  Death.  Patrick  Henry  de- 
livered a  speech  in  the  Virginia  Convention,  in  March, 
1775,  favoring  a  resolution  "that  the  colony  be  immediately 
put  in  a  state  of  defense,"  and  concluded  as  follows:  "Is 
life  so  dear,  or  peace  so  sweet,  as  to  be  purchased  at  the 
price  of  chains  and  slavery  ?  Forbid  it,  Almighty  God !  I 
know  not  what  course  others  may  take,  but  as  for  me,  give 
me  liberty,  or  give  me  death !" 

God  Reigns  and  the  Government  at  Washington  Still 
Lives.  These  were  the  closing  words  of  a  brief  address 
made  by  James  A.  Garfield,  then  a  representative  in  Con- 
gress, to  a  large  assemblage  in  Wall  Street,  New  York,  on 
April  15,  1865,  the  morning  after  the  assassination  of 
Lincoln.  The  crowd  were  about  to  move  for  an  attack  on 
the  World  newspaper  office,  which  had  violently  opposed 
Lincoln.  Suddenly  Garfield's  voice  was  heard  to  calm  their 
passions.  He  spoke  briefly  as  follows:  "Fellow-citizens! 
Clouds  and  darkness  are  round  about  Him.  His  pavilion 
is  dark  waters  and  thick  clouds  of  the  skies.  Justice  and 
judgment  are  the  establishment  of  His  throne.  Mercy  and 
truth  shall  go  before  His  face.  Fellow-citizens!  God 
reigns,  and  the  government  at  Washington  still  lives !" 

Gold  Bugs.  Those  that  oppose  the  compulsory  coinage 
of  standard  silver  dollars  are  so  called  by  those  that  favor 
their  compulsory  coinage.  (See  Silver  Question.) 

Gold,  Price  of.  Between  the  years  1861  and  1879  the 
highest  and  lowest  price  of  gold  for  each  year  was  as  fol- 
lows: 1862,  139-101$;  1863,  172^-122^;  1864,  285-151$; 
1865,  234$-128$;  1866,  1674-125$;  1867,  146f-132$; 
1868,  150-132;  1869,  162^-119$;  1870,  123J-110;  1871, 
115f-108i;  1872,  115J-108$;  1873,  1194-1 06  J;  1874, 
114f-109;  1875,  117f-lllf;  1876,  115-107;  1877,  107}- 
102$;  1878,  102J-100.  Specie  payment  was  resumed  Jan- 
uary 1,  1879. 

Gold  and  Silver  Coins:  How  Tested.  (See  How  Gold 
and  Silver  Coins  Are  Tested.) 


186     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Good  Enough  Morgan  Till  After  Election.  Thurlow 
Weed  was  one  of  the  foremost  of  the  anti-Masonic  agitators 
in  New  York  State.  The  disappearance  of  Morgan  and 
the  discovery  of  what  was  supposed  to  he  his  dead  body 
created  intense  excitement.  (See  Anti-Masonic  Party.) 
Weed  took  full  advantage  of  this  feeling,  and  when  doubt 
was  cast  on  the  identity  of  the  body  thus  found,  he  is  said 
to  have  remarked  in  private  that  it  was  a  "good  enough 
Morgan  till  after  election." 

Gotham.  A  name  sometimes  applied  to  New  York  City. 
The  origin  of  the  name  as  thus  applied  is  contained  in  a 
humorous  book  called  "  Salmagundi,"  written  by  Washing- 
ton Irving,  his  brother  William,  and  James  K  Paulding, 
and  is  used  to  signify  that  the  inhabitants  were  given  to 
undue  pretensions  to  wisdom.  This  definition  of  the  word 
is  taken  from  a  story  regarding  the  inhabitants  of  Gotham, 
a  parish  in  Nottinghamshire,  England,  who  were  as  re- 
markable for  their  stupidity  as  their  conceit. 

Government  of  the  People,  by  the  People,  and  for  the 
People,  Shall  Not  Perish  from  the  Earth.  The  last  sen- 
tence of  President  Lincoln's  Gettysburg  speech.  (See  Lin- 
coin,  Abraham.) 

Grand  Army  of  the  Republic.  Soon  after  the  close  of 
the  Civil  War  Dr.  B.  P.  Stephenson,  who  had  been  surgeon 
in  a  volunteer  regiment,  suggested  the  organization  of 
Union  veterans  into  a  national  association  for  mutual  as- 
sistance. In  accordance  with  his  suggestion  and  by  his 
efforts  the  first  post  was  founded  at  Decatur,  Illinois,  April 
6,  1866.  Other  posts  in  that  and  other  States  were  rapidly 
formed.  The  "post"  is  the  local  organization.  The  "de- 
partment" is  the  State  or  territorial  organization.  The 
whole  is  under  a  commander-in-chief  and  a  national  council 
of  administration  consisting  of  one  member  from  each  de- 
partment. Once  a  year  there  takes  place  a  national  con- 
vention or  encampment  at  which  the  commander-in-chief 
is  elected.  A  belief  that  the  organization  was  intended  for 
political  purposes  led  to  a  considerable  decrease  of  mem- 
bership in  1868;  to  remedy  which  a  rule  was  adopted  for- 
bidding any  political  use  to  be  made  of  it.  The  first  Com- 
mander-in-chief was  Stephen  A.  Hurlburt,  elected  at  the 
national  encampment  at  Indianapolis  in  1866. 


ULYSSES  S.  GRANT. 


A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     187 

Grangers,  or  Patrons  of  Husbandry,  as  they  are  properly 
called,  were  organized  December  4,  1867,  by  Mr.  0.  H. 
Kelley  and  Mr.  William  M.  Saunders,  both  of  the  Depart- 
ment of  Agriculture  at  Washington.  Mr.  Kelley  was  com- 
missioned by  President  Johnson,  in  1866,  to  travel  through 
the  Southern  States  and  report  upon  their  agricultural  and 
mineral  resources.  He  found  agriculture  in  a  state  of 
great  depression,  consequent  upon  the  changes  made  by  the 
Civil  War.  There  was  also  at  the  same  time  serious  dis- 
satisfaction among  the  farmers  of  the  West  and  North- 
west in  regard  to  the  alleged  heavy  rate  and  unjust  dis- 
criminations made  by  railroad  companies  in  their  trans- 
portation of  farmers'  products.  It  was  also  claimed  that 
"middlemen"  exacted  exorbitant  prices  for  agricultural 
implements,  etc.  Mr.  Kelley  concluded  that  an  associa- 
tion made  up  of  those  who  were  dissatisfied  might  be  or- 
ganized on  some  such  plan  as  the  Order  of  Odd-Fellows  or 
Masons.  He  and  Mr.  Saunders  devised  a  plan  for  an 
organization  to  be  known  as  the  "Patrons  of  Husbandry," 
and  its  branches  to  be  called  "Granges,"  and  on  December 
4,  1867,  the  National  Grange  was  organized  at  Washing- 
ton. In  the  spring  of  1868  granges  were  founded  at  Har- 
risburg,  Pennsylvania;  at  Fredonia,  New  York;  at  Colum- 
bus, Ohio ;  at  Chicago,  Illinois,  and  six  in  Minnesota.  The 
movement  became  very  popular,  and  granges  were  in  a  few 
years  organized  in  nearly  every  State  in  the  Union. 

Grant,  Ulysses  Simpson,  or  Hiram  Ulysses  Grant,  was 
born  at  Point  Pleasant,  Clermont  County,  Ohio,  April  27, 
1822,  and  died  at  Mt.  McGregor,  near  Saratoga,  New  York, 
July  23, 1885.  His  name  was  Hiram  Ulysses,  but  an  error 
on  the  part  of  the  Congressman  that  named  him  for  West 
Point  caused  his  name  to  be  entered  there  as  Ulysses  S., 
and  by  that  name  he  has  since  gone;  Simpson  he  adopted, 
it  being  a  name  in  his  mother's  family.  He  graduated  at 
West  Point  in  1843,  and  remained  in  the  army  until  1854, 
serving  in  the  Mexican  War.  In  1854  he  resigned  his 
commission  and  engaged  in  business.  At  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War  he  raised  a  company;  he  was  rapidly  pro- 
moted, and  in  1862  had  risen  to  the  rank  of  major-general 
of  volunteers.  He  was  made  major-general  in  the  regular 
army  July  4,  1863,  lieutenant-general  March  2,  1864,  and 


188     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

finally  general  of  the  army  July  25,  1866.  He  was  for  a 
short  time  Secretary  of  War,  ad  interim,  under  Johnson. 
The  crowning  event  of  his  military  career  was  the  surrender 
of  Lee  to  him  at  Appomattox,  April  9,  1865.  In  1868  he 
was  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Eepublican  party 
and  elected.  In  1872  he  was  again  elected.  In  1880,  one 
term  having  intervened,  a  strong  effort  to  renominate  him 
was  made,  but  it  failed.  His  second  term  was  marked  by 
various  scandals  like  the  Whisky  King,  but  no  one  ever 
connected  the  President's  name  with  them.  Among  the 
principal  events  of  his  administration  are  the  completion 
of  the  Pacific  Railways  and  the  settlement  of  the  Alabama 
claims.  He  was  a  plain  man,  possessed  of  much  common 
sense;  unskilled  in  public  affairs  and  unfortunate  in  the 
choice  of  his  civil  subordinates;  to  these  latter  he  clung 
even  when  their  guilt  was  clear  to  other  minds,  and  so  made 
himself  the  target  for  much  abuse.  His  world-wide  repu- 
tation is  due  to  his  great  military  achievements. 

Gray-Eyed  Man  of  Destiny.  A  phrase  sometimes  applied 
to  General  William  Walker,  the  filibuster. 

Greasers.  A  name  applied  to  the  Mexicans,  especially 
during  the  Mexican  War. 

Great  Beast  with  the  Great  Belly.  A  name  which  the 
early  Republicans  (Democrats)  applied  to  the  navy  on 
account  of  its  expense. 

Great  Commoner.  A  title  given  to  Thaddeus  Stevens  and 
also  to  Henry  Clay.  The  phrase  was  originally  used  with 
reference  to  William  Pitt,  a  great  leader  in  the  English 
House  of  Commons  in  the  latter  part  of  the  last  century. 

Great  Pacificator.  This  name  is  applied  to  Henry  Clay 
on  account  of  his  propensity  to  suggest  compromises  for 
the  purpose  of  settling  disputes.  (See  Missouri  Compro- 
mise; Compromise  of  1850;  Compromise  Tariff.) 

Greeley,  Horace,  was  born  at  Amherst,  New  Hampshire, 
February  3,  1811,  and  died  near  New  York  City,  November 
29,  1872.  He  was  a  printer  by  trade;  turning  his  atten- 
tion to  journalism  he  founded  the  New  York  Tribune  in 
1841.  In  1848  and  1849  he  sat  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives as  a  Whig,  and  in  1872  he  was  the  Presidential 
nominee  of  the  Liberal  Republicans.  His  newspaper  be- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     189 

came  one  of  the  most  prominent  abolition  papers ;  through 
it  he  also  "advocated  a  protective  tariff  and  internal  im- 
provements. Personally  he  was  very  eccentric,  one  of  his 
peculiarities  being  his  custom  of  wearing  a  white  high  hat 
both  winter  and  summer,  a  style  that  became  known  as 
"Greeley"  hats. 

Greenback-Labor  Party.  The  demand  for  agricultural 
products  on  the  part  of  the  government  during  the  war 
tended  to  render  farmers  prosperous;  their  prosperity  was 
increased  by  the  payment  in  greenbacks  of  debts  previously 
contracted,  and  these  concurrent  circumstances  have  tended 
to  make  agricultural  sections  look  on  the  unlimited  issue 
of  paper  money  as  the  cure  for  all  economic  evils.  A  con- 
vention of  Greenbackers  was  held  in  1874,  and  it  was  re- 
solved that  it  was  desirable  to  have  all  bank  currency  with- 
drawn and  only  national  currency  issued,  and,  moreover, 
to  have  the  principal  of  that  portion  of  the  national  debt 
not  in  terms  made  payable  in  gold,  paid  in  currency.  As 
early  as  1868  this  plan  had  been  known  as  the  Ohio  Idea. 

The  Democratic  party  in  1875  showed  some  leaning  to- 
ward these  views,  but  it  soon  fell  off  from  them.  In  1876 
the  Greenbackers  held  a  national  convention,  and  adopting 
the  name  of  Independent  party  nominated  Peter  Cooper, 
of  New  York,  for  the  Presidency.  The  party  polled  a  total 
of  about  80,000  votes.  Its  strength  lay  mainly  in  the  agri- 
cultural regions,  in  Illinois,  Indiana,  Iowa,  Kansas  and 
Michigan.  In  1877  the  party's  vote  in  the  State  elections 
was  about  185,000.  About  this  time  the  labor  reform  par- 
ties assumed  greater  prominence,  and  in  several  States  the 
labor  and  greenback  parties  united.  In  1878  a  national 
convention  adopted  the  name  of  National  party.  In  that 
year  its  vote  rose  to  1,000,000,  and  a  number  of  National 
representatives  were  elected  usually  by  fusions  with  which- 
ever party  happened  to  be  in  the  minority  in  any  district. 
In  1880  James  B.  Weaver,  of  Iowa,  was  nominated  for 
President,  polling  about  300,000  votes;  in  1884  the  nom- 
inee was  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts,  who  was 
also  the  Anti-Monopoly  candidate,  the  joint  ticket  being 
known  as  the  People's  party,  and  the  vote  about  130,000. 
The  principles  of  the  party  as  constituted  at  that  time  are 
given  under  Party  Platforms. 


190     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Greenbacks.  A  familiar  name  applied  to  the  National 
bank  notes  and  the  Legal  tender  notes  by  reason  of  the 
appearance  of  the  reverse  side. 

Green  Mountain  Boys.  A  name  applied  to  the  male  in- 
habitants of  Vermont,  from  the  chief  range  of  mountains 
in  the  State,  and  used  especially  in  referring  to  regiments 
from  Vermont  in  the  Eevolution  and  the  Civil  War. 

Guano  Statesman.     (See  Peruvian  Guano  Troubles.) 

Guerrilla.  The  name  "guerrilla"  is  from  the  Spanish, 
and  signifies  "a  little  war."  The  term  was  first  used  dur- 
ing the  Peninsular  War,  1808-14,  and  was  applied  to  bands 
of  armed  Spanish  peasants  who  were  at  times  successful 
in  harassing  Napoleon's  armies.  The  name  was  subse- 
quently used  in  Central  America  and  the  United  States. 
During  the  Mexican  War  guerrilla  bands  were  a  source  of 
great  annoyance  in  Mexico  and  Texas.  They  appeared 
again  during  the  Civil  War,  but  were  officially  known  as 
"partizan  rangers."  They  were  commanded  by  officers 
duly  commissioned  by  the  Confederate  President  for  such 
service.  April  12,  1862,  the  Confederate  Congress  passed 
an  act  which  provided  that  these  "partizan  rangers"  should 
be  paid  the  full  pay  of  regular  soldiers,  and  be  paid  the 
full  value  of  all  arms  and  munitions  of  war  captured  by 
thern^  February  15,  1864,  this  act  was  repealed,  and  the 
guerrillas  were  joined  to  the  regular  army. 

Gunboat  System.  President  Jefferson  and  the  Republi- 
cans (see  Democratic-Republican  Party)  opposed  the  for- 
mation of  a  navy  on  the  ground  of  its  cost.  As  an  alterna- 
tive Jefferson  proposed  the  building  of  gunboats  for  de- 
fensive purposes,  and  the  act  of  February  28,  1803,  appro- 
priated $50.000  for  the  purpose.  In  the  following  years 
the  subject  was  further  amplified  and  a  complete  system 
of  coast  defense  on  this  plan  was  adopted  in  1806.  Gun- 
boats to  the  number  of  250  were  to  be  built;  of  these  a 
few  were  to  remain  in  active  service,  the  remainder  to  be 
properly  stored  at  the  principal  seaports,  and  in  case  of  dan- 
ger to  be  manned  by  local  seamen  and  militia  trained  for 
the  purpose.  This  system  of  coast  defense,  moreover,  in- 
cluded heavy  movable  batteries  to  be  placed  at  convenient 
points  on  the  coast ;  these  were  to  be  moved  to  the  spot  at 
which  danger  threatened,  and  to  be  used  against  hostile 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     191 

fleets  attempting  to  land.  During  the  war  of  1812  the 
necessity  of  a  sea-going  fleet  became  apparent,  and  the  gun- 
boat system  was  abandoned. 

Habeas  Corpus  is  a  writ  which  takes  its  name  from  its 
characterizing  Latin  words  ut  habeas  corpus.  There  are 
several  varieties  of  this  writ,  but  the  one  referred  to  in  the 
Constitution  and  generally  meant  is  that  of  habeas  corpus 
ad  subjiciendum,  which  is  issued  by  a  court  directing  that 
the  body  of  a  prisoner  be  produced  before  it,  that  it  may 
inquire  into  the  cause  of  his  detention  and  discharge  him 
if  he  is  unlawfully  restrained.  It  is  granted  as  a  matter 
of  right  on  the  verified  petition  of  the  prisoner  ^or  some 
one  acting  in  his  behalf.  The  right  to  this  writ  was  se- 
cured to  the  English  people  by  Magna  Charta  and  con- 
firmed by  the  Petition  of  Right.  The  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  (Article  1,  section  9,  clause  2)  provides 
that  athe  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not 
be  suspended  unless  when  in  cases  of  rebellion  or  invasion 
the  public  safety  may  require  it."  The  States,  also,  pro- 
vide for  the  issuance  of  the  writ  in  their  several  courts. 
Federal  courts  grant  the  writ  when  the  imprisonment  is 
under  pretense  of  federal  authority  or  federal  rights  are 
involved.  The  power  to  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus 
has  been  held  by  the  Supreme  Court  to  rest  with  Congress 
alone,  though  that  body  may  delegate  its  authority  to  the 
President  by  statute.  In  sudden  emergencies  it  is  some- 
times necessary  for  the  President  to  suspend  the  writ  with- 
out previous  authority,  but  Congress  may  afterward  validate 
his  course.  Previous  to  the  Civil  War  the  Federal  writ  of 
habeas  corpus  had  never  been  suspended.  At  the  com- 
mencement of  that  struggle  Lincoln  found  it  necessary  to 
suspend  it,  and  Congress  subsequently  validated  his  action, 
and  in  March,  1863,  gave  the  President  almost  unlimited 
discretionary  power  to  suspend  the  writ.  This  was  ac- 
cordingly done,  and  many  arbitrary  arrests  were  made  of 
persons  suspected  of  disloyalty,  with  the  result  of  causing 
much  bitter  feeling  in  the  North.  In  October,  1864,  a 
court-martial  in  Indiana  sentenced  several  persons  to  death 
for  treasonable  designs ;  from  the  name  of  the  most  promi- 
nent prisoner  the  affair  was  known  as  the  "Milligan  Case." 
The  United  States  circuit  court  issued  a  writ  of  habeas 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

corpus,  and  being  divided  in  opinion  as  to  releasing  the 
prisoners,  the  case  was  taken  to  the  Supreme  Court.  There 
it  was  held  in  1866  that  the  privilege  of  the  writ  could  not 
be  suspended  in  districts  where  the  action  of  the  civil 
courts  was  not  interrupted,  except  that  military  commis- 
sions might  be  given  jurisdiction  to  try  residents  of  rebel- 
lious States,  prisoners  of  war,  and  persons  in  the  military 
and  naval  services.  In  December,  1865,  President  John- 
son proclaimed  the  restoration  of  the  privilege  of  the  writ 
throughout  most  of  the  North;  in  April,  1866,  every- 
where, except  in  Texas;  and  in  August,  1866,  in  that  State 
also.  The  Ku-Klux  troubles  led  to  an  act  authorizing  the 
local  suspension  of  the  writ  in  1871,  for  which  see  Ku-Klux 
Klan  and  Force  Bill.  One  solitary  instance  has  oc- 
curred of  the  suspension  of  the  privilege  of  this  writ  in 
time  of  peace  and  when  the  public  safety  did  not  seem  to 
demand  it.  In  1865  Mrs.  Mary  E.  Surratt  was  in  custody 
of  the  military  authorities,  having  been  condemned  to 
death  by  a  military  commission  for  conspiring  in  the  mur- 
der of  President  Lincoln.  A  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  pro- 
duce her  and  show  by  what  lawful  authority  she  was  held 
was  issued  by  Judge  Wylie  of  the  District  of  Columbia 
and  served  on  General  Hancock,  the  commander  of  the 
district.  President  Johnson,  fearing  the  defeat  of,  or  a 
delay  in,  the  execution  of  Mrs.  Surratt,  issued  the  follow- 
ing order: 

EXECUTIVE  OFFICE,  July  7,  1865,  10  A.  M. 
To  Major-General  W.  S.  Hancock,  Commanding,  etc.: 

I,  Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the  United  States,  do 
hereby  declare  that  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  has  been  here- 
tofore suspended  in  such  cases  as  this,  and  I  do  hereby  espe- 
cially suspend  this  writ,  and  direct  that  you  proceed  to  ex- 
ecute the  order  heretofore  given  upon  the  judgment  of  the 
Military  Commission,  and  you  will  give  this  order  in  return 
to  this  writ.  ANDREW  JOHNSON,  President. 

Notwithstanding  Johnson's  assertion  to  the  contrary,  his 
action  seems  to  have  been  without  precedent  and  wholly 
unwarranted;  but  it  served  the  purpose  and  Mrs.  Surratt 
was  hanged. 


A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     193 

Hail  Columbia.  The  words  of  this  National  song  were 
written  by  Judge  Joseph  Hopkinson  during  President  John 
Adams'  administration.  The  air  was  composed  by  the 
leader  of  the  orchestra  of  the  only  theatre  in  the  capital, 
in  honor  of  George  Washington.  The  composer,  named 
Pfyles,  Feyles,  or  Fyles,  called  it  the  President's  March, 
but  after  the  words  had  been  written  for  it,  both  air  and 
words  passed  under  the  name  of  Hail  Columbia,  the  open- 
ing words  of  the  song. 

Half -Breeds.     (See  Stalwarts.) 

Halifax  Fishery  Commission.  In  accordance  with  the 
provisions  of  the  Treaty  of  Washington  (see  Fishery  Trea- 
ties; Treaty  of  Washington),  the  joint  commission  to 
determine  the  compensation  which  the  United  States 
should  pay  to  Great  Britain  for  the  privileges  granted  the 
former  by  the  treaty  referred  to,  met  at  Halifax,  Nova 
Scotia,  in  the  summer  of  1877.  It  was  composed  of  Hon. 
Ensign  H.  Kellogg,  appointed  by  the  President;  Sir  Alex- 
ander T.  Gait,  appointed  by  the  Queen,  and  Maurice  Del- 
fosse,  selected  by  the  Austrian  Minister  to  Great  Britain. 
Reliable  statistics  could  not  be  obtained,  but  finally  by  the 
casting  vote  of  Delfosse  it  was  decided,  in  November,  1877, 
that  the  United  States  should  pay  to  Great  Britain  $5,500,- 
000.  The  award  created  general  surprise  and,  in  the  United 
States,  much  indignation,  but  it  was  duly  paid  the  next 
year. 

Hamilton,  Alexander,  was  born  on  the  Island  of  Nevis, 
West  Indies,  January  11,  1757,  and  died  at  New  York, 
July  12,  1804,  killed  in  a  duel  with  Aaron  Burr.  He  left 
King's  (now  Columbia)  College  and  entered  the  Conti- 
nental Army.  He  was  Washington's  aide  during  the  Revolu- 
tion. He  was  a  member  of  the  Continental  Congress  from 
1782  to  1783,  and  of  the  Convention  of  1787.  From  1789 
to  1795  he  was  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  in  1798, 
when  Washington  was  appointed  lieutenant-general,  the 
actual  command  of  the  army  fell  to  Hamilton.  His  per- 
spicacity and  power  of  thought  were  remarkable.  In  his 
own  day  one  of  the  most  abused  as  well  as  one  of  the  most 
lauded  of  men,  the  correctness  of  his  judgment  has  been 
again  and  again  vindicated  by  events.  He  was  the  undis- 
puted head  of  the  nationalising  element  in  American  poli- 


194     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tics,  the  leader  of  the  Broad  Constructionists.  (See  Whisky 
Insurrection.)  His  skill  as  a  financier  was  well  character- 
ized by  Webster  in  the  words,  "He  smote  the  rock  of  the 
national  resources  and  abundant  streams  of  revenue  gushed 
forth.  He  touched  the  dead  corpse  of  public  credit  and 
it  sprung  upon  its  feet." 

Hamlin,  Hannibal.  A  member  of  Congress  from  Maine, 
1843-47;  United  States  Senator  from  Maine,  1848-57; 
Governor  of  Maine,  1857;  United  States  Senator  from 
Maine,  1857-61;  Vice-President,  1861-65;  United  States 
Senator  from  Maine,  1869-81 ;  minister  to  Spain,  1881-83. 
Born  at  Paris,  Maine,  Aug.  27,  1809;  died  at  Bangor, 
Maine,  July  4,  1891. 

Hampton,  Wade.  A  general  in  the  Confederate  Army; 
Governor  of  South  Carolina,  1876-79 ;  United  States  Sena- 
tor from  South  Carolina,  1879-91.  Born  at  Columbia, 
South  Carolina,  March  28,  1818;  died  April  11,  1902. 

Hancock,  John.  First  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence. President  of  the  Provincial  Congress,  1774- 
75;  President  of  Congress,  1775-77;  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, 1780-85  and  1787-93.  Born  at  Quincy,  Massa- 
chusetts, January  12,  1737;  died  at  Quincy,  Massachusetts, 
October  8,  1793. 

Hancock,  Winfield  Scott,  was  born  February  24,  1824,  in 
Montgomery  County,  Pennsylvania,  A  graduate  of  West 
Point,  he  served  in  the  Civil  War,  rising  to  the  rank  of 
major-general.  After  the  war  he  was  placed  in  command 
of  the  fifth  military  district.  An  order,  issued  by  him  in 
1867  as  commander,  restoring  the  civil  tribunals  of  his  dis- 
trict, caused  him  to  be  severely  criticised  by  Republicans, 
and  made  him  correspondingly  popular  with  Democrats,  to 
whose  party  he  belonged.  He  was  the  Democratic  presiden- 
tial nominee  in  1880.  He  died  February  9,  1886. 

Hard  Cider  Campaign.  In  the  presidential  campaign  of 
1840  the  political  enemies  of  William  Henry  Harrison,  the 
Whig  candidate,  told  stories  of  his  having  lived  in  a  log 
cabin  with  nothing  but  hard  cider  to  drink.  His  frienda 
claimed  that  this  was  rather  to  his  credit  than  otherwise, 
and  log  cabins  were  used  in  the  parades  of  his  adherents. 
"Hard  cider,"  as  well  as  "log  cabin,"  became  party  cries. 
In  fact,  the  whole  campaign  was  based  on  Harrison's  sturdy 


BENJAMIN  HARRISON. 


A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     195 

qualities  and  his  military  reputation.  One  of  his  best-known 
victories  was  at  Tippecanoe  against  the  Shawnee  Indians  in 
1811,  while  he  was  Governor  of  the  Territory  of  Indiana. 
This,  too,  was  turned  to  account,  and  the  cry  of  "Tippe- 
canoe and  Tyler,  too"  figured  prominently  in  the  campaign. 
John  Tyler  was  the  nominee  for  Vice-President. 

Hards  or  Hard  Shells.     (See  Hunkers.) 

Harrison,  Benjamin,  was  born  in  North  Bend,  Ohio, 
August  20,  1833.  He  was  graduated  at  the  Miami  Uni- 
versity, Ohio,  and  moved  to  Indiana,  where  he  practised 
law.  He  served  on  the  Union  side  in  the  Civil  War,  and 
became  a  brigadier-general.  He  was  several  times  elected 
reporter  of  the  State  Supreme  Court.  In  1876  he  was  de- 
feated for  Governor.  In  1880  he  was  elected  United  States 
Senator ;  at  the  expiration  of  his  term  he  retired  to  private 
life.  In  1888  the  Republican  party  elected  him  as  Presi- 
dent. He  was  the  grandson  of  William  Henry  Harrison. 
Died  at  Indianapolis,  Indiana,  March  31,  1901. 

Harrison,  William  Henry,  was  born  in  Charles  County, 
Virginia,  February  9,  1773,  and  died  April  4,  1841.  He 
was  an  officer  of  the  regular  army  and  fought  against  the 
Indians  under  General  Wayne.  In  1801  he  was  appointed 
Governor  of  Indiana  Territory,  having  previously  served  as 
secretary.  As  Governor  he  won  the  famous  battle  of  Tip- 
pecanoe against  the  Indians.  After  the  surrender  of  Hull 
during  the  War  of  1812,  he  was  appointed  to  command  the 
army  in  that  region,  with  the  rank,  first  of  brigadier-gen- 
eral and  subsequently  of  major-general.  He  served  in  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  1816  to  1819,  and  in  the 
Senate  from  1825  to  1828,  representing  the  State  of  Ohio. 
From  1828  to  1829  he  was  Minister  to  Columbia.  In  1836 
he  was  defeated  for  the  Presidency,  but  at  the  next  election, 
1840,  he  was  successful.  He  served  but  one  month,  dying 
in  office.  In  politics  he  was  a  Whig. 

Hartford  Convention.  The  War  of  1812  against  Eng- 
land had  been  entered  into  in  the  face  of  the  protest  of  the 
New  England  and  northern  Middle  States.  These  being 
commercial  in  their  pursuits  had  everything  to  lose  by  war ; 
what  they  demanded  was  a  strong  navy  to  protect  com- 
merce. In  politics  they  were  Federalists.  When  the  Demo- 
cratic majority  in  Congress  had  forced  the  war  on  the 


196     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Democratic  President,  Madison,  and  hostilities  had  actually 
commenced,  these  States  took  no  active  part  in  the  strug- 
gle; they  opposed  the  war;  finally,  in  October,  1814,  Massa- 
chusetts passed  a  resolution  inviting  the  other  New  Eng- 
land States  to  a  convention  having  in  view  an  ultimate  con- 
vention of  all  the  States  for  the  purpose  of  a  revision  of  the 
Constitution.  Connecticut  and  Ehode  Island  and  some 
counties  of  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont  signified  their 
approval  of  this  course,  but  these  resolutions  explicitly  de- 
clared that  the  proposed  action  was  to  be  within  the  limits 
of  the  Constitution.  The  reverses  of  the  war  had  put  the 
Democratic  party  into  no  humor  for  these  proceedings; 
they  were  denounced ;  it  was  charged  that  there  was  a  con- 
spiracy to  establish  a  grand  duchy  under  an  English  prince; 
government  agents  were  sent  all  over  New  England  to  find 
proofs  of  these  facts.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the  convention  of 
twenty-six  representatives  from  Massachusetts,  Connecti- 
cut, Rhode  Island,  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont  met  at 
Hartford,  Connecticut,  December  15,  1814;  this  convention 
disclaimed  any  intention  to  dissolve  the  Union  at  that 
time;  such  dissolution,  it  declared,  must  "be  the  work  of 
peaceable  times  and  deliberate  consent."  Among  the  griev- 
ances it  recited  were  the  "easy  admission  of  naturalized 
foreigners  to  places  of  trust,  honor  and  profit,"  and  the  easy 
formation  of  new  Western  States ;  it  desired  the  defense  of 
every  State  to  be  entrusted  to  the  State  itself,  and  declared 
it  to  be  "  as  much  the  duty  of  the  State  authorities  to  watch 
over  the  rights  reserved,  as  of  the  United  States  to  exercise 
the  powers  which  are  delegated"  It  desired  changes  in  the 
Constitution  as  follows :  Abrogation  of  the  right  of  South- 
ern States  to  representation  for  three-fifths  of  their  slaves ; 
requirement  of  a  two-thirds  vote  of  both  Houses  for  the 
admission  of  new  States  or  the  prohibition  of  commercial 
intercourse  or  to  declare  war  or  to  authorize  hostilities  ex- 
cept in  cases  of  invasion ;  embargoes  to  be  limited  to  sixty 
days ;  foreigners  to  be  disqualified  from  all  civil  offices  un- 
der the  United  States;  Presidents  to  be  ineligible  for  a 
second  term,  and  no  two  successive  Presidents  to  be  from 
the  same  State.  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  sent  com- 
missioners to  Washington  to  attempt  to  carry  out  the  sug- 
gestions of  the  report,  but  the  war  had  in  the  meantime 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     19? 

ended  and  the  commissioners  were  ignored.  The  conven- 
tion did  not  meet  again ;  but  the  odium  attaching  to  it  was 
so  great  that  its  president  placed  a  copy  of  the  proceedings 
in  the  hands  of  the  Massachusetts  Secretary  of  State  in 
order  thus  to  disprove  charges  of  treason. 

Hayes,  Rutherford  Birchard,  was  born  at  Delaware, 
Ohio,  October  4,  1822.  He  was  graduated  at  Kenyon  Col- 
lege ;  by  profession  he  was  a  lawyer.  He  was  at  one  time 
city  solicitor  of  Cincinnati.  He  served  in  the  Civil  War, 
rising  to  the  grade  of  brevet  major-general.  In  1864  he 
was  elected  to  Congress.  In  1867  he  became  Governor  of 
Ohio,  a. post  to  which  he  was  again  elected  in  1875.  In  the 
next  year  he  was  nominated  for  President  by  the  Repub- 
licans, and  after  a  sharp  contest  elected.  (See  Disputed 
Presidential  and  Vice-Presidential  Elections;  Electoral 
Commission.)  The  refunding  of  the  National  debt  and 
the  resumption  of  specie  payments  were  the  most  im- 
portant events  of  his  administration.  Died  at  Fremont, 
Ohio,  January  17,  1893. 

Hay,  John.  Assistant  private  secretary  to  President 
Lincoln,  1861-65 ;  first  secretary  of  legation  at  Paris, 
18C5-67;  charge  d'affaires  at  Vienna,  1867-68;  secretary  of 
legation  at  Madrid,  1868-70 ;  Assistant  Secretary  of  State, 
1879-81 ;  ambassador  to  Great  Britain,  1897-98 ;  Secretary 
of  State,  1898,  until  he  died.  Born  at  Salem,  Indiana, 
October  8,  1838;  died  at  Newbury,  New  Hampshire,  July 
1,  1905. 

Hayne,  Robert  Young,  was  born  in  St.  Paul's  Parish, 
South  Carolina,  1791.  He  was  admitted  to  the  bar  before  he 
was  twenty-one  years  of  age.  He  served  in  the  War  of  1812, 
held  various  offices  in  his  native  State,  and  in  1823  was 
elected  to  the  United  States  Senate;  he  is  principally 
known  for  his  debate  in  that  body  with  Webster  on  Foot's 
.Resolution.  The  scope  of  the  debate  on  this  resolution  con- 
cerning Western  public  land,  took  in  the  topic  of  "State 
Rights,"  which  was  thoroughly  discussed,  and  the  speeches 
on  both  sides  are  splendid  oratorical  efforts. 

Headquarters,  The,  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  will 
be  in  the  Saddle.  This  rather  boastful  order  is  said  to  have 
been  issued  by  General  Pope  on  assuming  command  of  that 
army  during  the  Civil  War,  though  he  has  always  denied  it. 


198     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

He  Could  Not  be  Kicked  Into  a  War.  President  Madi- 
son's extreme  reluctance  to  enter  into  war  with  Great  Brit- 
ain in  1812  led  to  the  above  remark  in  Congress. 

Helderberg  War.    (See  Anti-Renters.) 

Henry  Affair.    (See  Henry  Documents.) 

Henry  Documents.  Sir  James  H.  Craig,  the  Governor 
of  British  North  America,  in  January,  1809,  sent  an  adven- 
turer, John  Henry  by  name,  into  the  New  England  States 
to  report  the  feeling  of  that  section  of  the  country  on  the 
question  of  secession  from  the  Union,  and  possibly  to  in- 
crease the  discontent  already  caused  among  these  people  of 
commercial  interests  by  the  Embargo  Act  and  the  Non-In- 
tercourse system  of  the  government.  Failing  of  the  reward 
he  sought  from  the  British  ministry,  Henry  sold  to  Presi- 
dent Madison  for  $50,000  his  correspondence  with  the  Eng- 
lish officials,  and  these  papers  became  known  as  the  Henry 
documents.  Madison  submitted  the  letters  to  Congress  and 
claimed  that  they  proved  a  design  on  the  part  of  England 
to  annex  the  New  England  States.  They  do  not  make  cer- 
tain, however,  that  the  Eastern  States  entertained  seriously 
the  idea  of  secession.  This  whole  episode  is  often  referred 
to  as  the  Henry  affair. 

Henry,  Patrick.  Member  of  the  Continental  Congress, 
1774;  member  of  the  Virginia  Convention  of  1775;  Gov- 
ernor of  Virginia,  1776-79  and  1784-86;  member  of  the 
Eatifying  Convention,  1788.  Born  at  Studley,  Virginia, 
May  29,  1736;  died  at  Eed  Hill,  Virginia,  June  6,  1799. 

Hermitage.  By  this  name  was  known  Andrew  Jackson's 
home,  about  twelve  miles  from  Nashville,  Tennessee. 

Hero  of  Appomattox  is  the  name  applied  to  General 
Ulysses  S.  Grant.  It  was  at  Appomattox  Court  House, 
Virginia,  April  9,  1865,  that  General  Lee's  forces  surren- 
dered to  Grant. 

Hero  of  New  Orleans.  General  Andrew  Jackson  was  so 
called  in  allusion  to  his  victory  over  the  British  troops  at 
New  Orleans  on  January  8,  1815. 

He  Smote  the  Rock  of  the  National  Resources  and 
Abundant  Streams  of  Revenue  Gushed  Forth.  Said  of 
Alexander  Hamilton  by  Daniel  Webster. 


WILLIAM  H   HARRISON. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     199 

He  Touched  the  Dead  Corpse  of  Public  Credit  and  it 
Sprang  upon  its  Feet.  This  was  said  by  Daniel  Webster 
of  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Hickory,  Old.     (See  Old  Hickory.) 

Hickory  Pole  Canvass.  The  presidential  canvass  of  1828 
in  behalf  of  Jackson  ("Old  Hickory'). 

Higher  Law.  William  H.  Seward,  in  a  speech  delivered 
March  11,  1850,  declared,  "There  is  a  higher  law  than  the 
Constitution,"  referring  to  the  moral  law. 

High-flying  Federalists.  A  nickname  applied  in  the 
first  years  of  the  government  to  that  portion  of  the  Fed- 
eralists that  were  attached  to  official  pomp  and  splendor. 

High  License.  This  term,  as  used  generally  at  present, 
means  the  enforcement  of  a  high  tax  on  the  retail  sellers  of 
intoxicating  liquors  so  as  to  raise  the  price  of  liquor  and 
prevent  its  consumption  to  some  extent,  and  especially  so 
as  to  drive  out  of  the  business  the  low  groggeries,  which  are 
the  birthplaces  of  most  of  the  distress  and  crime  that  result 
from  drunkenness.  The  evils  resulting  from  intemperance 
are  universally  admitted,  but  how  to  prevent  or  decrease  in- 
temperance is  a  disputed  question.  Prohibitionists  as  a 
rule  do  not  favor  high  license.  They  do  not  accept  it  even 
as  a  half-way  measure.  They  contend  that  prohibition  is 
more  effectual,  and  that  any  form  of  licensing  the  liquor 
traffic  is  an  admission  of  its  right  to  exist,  which  they  deny 
wholly.  Their  opponents  maintain  that  prohibition  cannot 
be  enforced  and  that  high  license  can,  as  each  of  the  per- 
sons who  pay  a  high  tax  for  the  privilege  of  selling  liquor 
is  made  an  interested  party  to  secure  the  enforcement  of  the 
law  and  thus  to  prevent  those  who  avoid  the  tax  from 
maintaining  a  ruinous  competition  with  him.  The  advocates 
of  high  license  also  maintain  that  prohibition  infringes  the 
liberty  of  the  individual,  while  there  is  no  such  objection 
to  high  license.  There  seems  to  be  a  tendency  at  present 
in  both  of  the  chief  political  parties  to  quiet  the  disturbing 
"temperance"  element  which  has  begun  to  play  an  impor- 
tant part  in  politics  by  passing  high  license  laws.  This  ten- 
dency is  hardly  likely  to  accomplish  the  political  results 
desired,  for  the  prohibitionists,  as  we  have  noticed,  do  not 
favor  it.  But  the  moral  objects,  of  the  movement  may  be 
more  successful.  Illinois  passed  a  high  license  law  in  1883, 


200     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

and  Minnesota  and  Pennsylvania  did  likewise  in  1887.  Ne- 
braska is  also  trying  the  plan.  High  license  seems  to  meet 
with  success  where  it  is  in  force,  but  the  experiment  has  not 
been  long  enough  as  yet  to  warrant  a  final  conclusion.  (See 
Local  Option;  Prohibition.) 

High-minded  Federalists.  The  defeat  of  the  coalition  of 
Clintonians  and  Federalists  in  New  York  State  in  1815 
practically  killed  the  latter  party  in  that  State.  What  re- 
mained of  it  usually  supported  the  Clintonians.  A  small 
section,  however,  opposed  the  Clintonians,  which  they  called 
a  personal  party,  and  supported  the  Bucktails.  Their  ref- 
erence to  themselves  as  "high-minded"  men  led  to  the 
above  nickname.  (See  Clintonians.) 

High  Seas,  The.  By  the  "high  seas"  referred  to  in  Ar- 
ticle I  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  is  meant 
the  open  sea ;  that  is,  the  waters  outside  of  the  civil  juris- 
diction of  any  country,  which  the  law  of  nations  limits  to  one 
marine  league,  or  three  geographical  miles,  from  shore.  The 
great  lakes  beyond  the  limits  above  designated  are  regarded 
as  high  seas.  In  the  event  of  crimes  committed  on  the  high 
seas,  parties  charged  therewith  are  subject  to  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  Federal  or  United  States  courts  in  the  district 
which  the  vessel  first  enters  after  the  commission  of  the 
crime,  or  in  the  district  where  the  offender  is  found. 

His  Superfluous  Excellency.  A  title  humorously  sug- 
gested by  the  Democrats  in  1791  for  the  Vice-President,  in 
mockery  of  the  title  desired  by  some  of  the  Federalists  for 
the  President,  namely,  "His  highness,  the  President  of 
the  United  States,  and  protector  of  their  liberties." 

Hoar's  Mission.  In  1835  South  Carolina  passed  a  law 
providing  that  any  colored  person  arriving  at  any  of  her 
ports  was  to  be  arrested  and  imprisoned  until  the  vessel  was 
ready  to  sail.  He  was  then  to  be  restored  to  the  vessel  on 
payment  of  cost  of  arrest,,  subsistence,  etc.  In  1844  Massa- 
chusetts, many  of  whose  colored  citizens  had  been  thus  de- 
tained, resolved  to  test  the  constitutionality  of  the  law,  and 
sent  Hon.  Samuel  Hoar  to  Charleston  for  the  purpose  of 
arranging  a  test  case.  Mr.  Hoar  was  but  gruffly  received, 
and  after  a  short  stay  was  practically  compelled  to  leave  the 
city.  He  accomplished  nothing. 


RUTHERFORD  B.  HAYES. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     201 

Holland  Purchase,  The.  When  the  territorial  disputes 
between  Massachusetts  and  New  York  were  finally  settled, 
in  1786,  the  former  State  ceded  all  her  claims  to  land  west 
of  the  Hudson  Eiver,  except  a  pre-emption  right  to  ahout 
5,000,000  acres,  which  included  Genesee  County  and  adja- 
cent territory.  This  land  was  soon  after  sold  by  the  State 
to  two  New  York  gentlemen  for  $1,000,000.  These  ex- 
tinguished the  Indian  title  to  part  of  the  land,  surveyed  it 
into  townships,  and  sold  a  large  share  of  it  to  speculators 
and  actual  settlers.  Kobert  Morris  became  later  a  large 
purchaser  of  the  land  and  resold  several  tracts  of  it,  but 
finally  had  to  mortgage  an  immense  tract  to  one  Wilhelm 
Willink,  of  Amsterdam,  and  eleven  associates,  called  the 
Holland  Land  Company.  This  company  foreclosed  the 
mortgage,  secured  full  title  to  the  land,  and  opened  their 
first  land  office  in  Batavia,  New  York,,  in  1801.  This  fore- 
closure was  the  financial  ruin  of  Robert  Morris,  and  caused 
him  to  be  thrown  into  a  debtor's  prison,  where  he  remained 
some  time.  The  tract  held  by  these  Hollanders  was  known 
as  "The  Holland  Purchase." 

Home  Department.  In  the  title  of  the  Act  of  1849 
creating  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  it  is  called  the 
Home  Department.  It  is,  however,  never  spoken  of  by  that 
name.  (See  Interior,  Department  of  the.) 

Homestead  Laws.  The  treaty  of  1783  declared  the  ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  to  extend  westward  from  the 
Atlantic  Ocean  to  the  Mississippi.  A  large  part  of  this  land 
was  claimed  by  certain  of  the  States,  who  contended  that 
their  original  grants  gave  them  the  territory  inland  to  the 
western  boundary  of  the  country.  But  when  the  confedera- 
tion was  formed  it  was  decided  to  cede  all  this  territory  to 
Congress,  and  this  was  accordingly  done.  There  were  num- 
bers of  claims  on  these  lands,  and  Congress  created  eight 
Boards  of  Commissioners  to  examine  into  and  settle  these. 
But  land  not  claimed  was  to  be  disposed  of  without  delay, 
and  Congress  in  1785  drew  up  an  ordinance  directing  the 
Secretary  of  War  to  draw  by  lot  certain  townships  in  the 
surveyed  portion  for  bounties  to  the  soldiers  of  the  Con- 
tinental army,  and  the  remainder  was  to  be  drawn  by  lot  in 
the  name  of  the  Western  States,  to  be  sold  by  the  officers  of 
the  Treasury  at  public  sale  for  not  less  than  $1.00  per  acre. 


202     A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

This  measure,  however,  was  a  failure,  and  it  was  intimated 
that  the  States  which  had  any  lands  of  their  own  to  dis- 
pose of  took  pains  to  make  it  inoperative.  Meanwhile,  set- 
tlers began  to  make  entries  on  public  lands  without  author- 
ity, and  the  Government  was  obliged  to  resort  to  force  to 
drive  them  off.  A  company  of  United  States  troops  was 
kept  going  up  and  down  the  Ohio  Eiver  from  the  Pennsyl- 
vania line  to  Cincinnati  from  1784  to  1786,  burning  all 
cabins  and  laying  down  and  burning  the  fences  of  these 
"squatters/5  Often  this  operation  had  to  be  repeated  sev- 
eral times  to  drive  away  the  determined  pioneers.  In  1787 
the  price  of  public  land  was  reduced  to  66|  cents  per  acre, 
and  during  the  next  year  the  regulation  for  drawing  the 
land  by  States  was  repeated,  and  the  Treasury  Department, 
which  then  had  charge  of  the  sale  of  public  lands,  was  em- 
powered to  sell  them  in  any  part  of  the  United  States  at 
pleasure.  The  low  price  attracted  settlers,  and  large  tracts 
for  settlement  were  purchased  by  associations  of  colonists, 
but  the  States  had  also  much  land  for  sale,  and  they  eagerly 
pushed  these  in  the  market,  underbidding  the  Government 
to  check  western  immigration;  and  the  Spaniards  holding 
land  in  Illinois  offered  farms  without  charge  to  actual  set- 
tlers. After  the  meeting  of  the  first  Congress  under  the 
Constitution  the  matter  was  all  referred  to  Hamilton,  who, 
in  July,  1790,  submitted  to  the  House  of  Kepresentatives  a 
plan  for  the  disposal  of  the  public  territory.  Congress, 
however,  was  very  slow  to  act  in  the  matter,  and  neither 
adopted  Hamilton's  plan  nor  framed  any  other.  In  1796 
the  present  system  of  surveying  lands  was  in  substance 
adopted,  and  provision  was  made  for  the  public  sale  of 
lands  in  sections  one  mile  square  at  a  price  not  less  than 
$2.00  per  acre.  In  1800  land  officers  and  land  registers 
were  established,  and  important  changes  were  made  in  the 
provisions  of  the  land  laws  that  governed  the  terms  of  pay- 
ment. The  lands  were  to  be  sold  at  not  less  than  $2.00  per 
acre,  but  only  a  fourth  part  of  the  purchase  money  was  re- 
quired at  the  time,  and  the  payment  of  the  balance  was  to 
be  spread  over  three  years.  In  case  full  payment  was  not 
made  within  one  year  after  the  last  instalment  had  become 
due,  the  lands  were  to  be  sold,  or  to  revert  to  the  United 
States.  The  natural  result  of  the  scheme  was  the  piling 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     203 

up  of  an  enormous  debt,  which  the  Government  never  could 
collect,  and  from  1809  to  1824  hardly  a  year  passed  with- 
out the  passage  of  a  "relief  act"  by  Congress  to  suspend  or 
mitigate  the  operations  of  the  law  in  particular  instances 
or  to  relieve  settlers  from  their  indebtedness.  In  1820  a 
law  was  passed  abolishing  the  credit  system  and  authorizing 
the  selling  of  land  in  half-quarter  sections,  and  making  the 
minimum  price  of  $1.25  per  acre.  This  caused  great  dis- 
satisfaction on  the  part  of  the  States,  since  as  all  lands  were 
at  the  same  minimum  price,  the  best  lands  were  taken  up 
first  and  large  tracts  of  inferior  lands  were  left,  which 
bore  no  share,  as  public  lands,  of  State  or  local  taxation.  In 
1824,  Ben  ton  introduced  into  Congress  a  bill  for  granting 
pre-emption  rights  to  actual  settlers  and  for  graduating  the 
price  of  lands,  but  it  was  rejected.  The  States  were  now 
becoming  very  eager  to  effect  internal  improvements,  and 
regarded  the  existence  of  large  tracts  of  public  land  within 
their  limits  as  a  hindrance,  and  began  to  clamor  for  the 
restoration  of  these  lands.  Schemes  without  number  were 
now  concocted  for  the  disposal  of  the  public  lands,  and  in 
the  session  of  1827-28  Congress  actually  gave  away  to 
States  and  individuals — largely  on  the  plea  of  internal  im- 
provement— no  less  than  2,300,000  acres  of  public  land,  and 
the  suggestion  was  seriously  made  to  restore  all  the  public 
lands  in  the  States  to  the  State  governments.  This  was, 
however,  strongly  opposed,  and  many  warm  debates  were 
carried  on  in  Congress  for  several  years  on  the  public  land 
question.  These  were  in  a  measure  checked  by  the  fever 
for  speculation  in  public  lands  which  raged  from  1834  till 
it  precipitated  the  crash  of  1837,  but  were  renewed  with 
even  greater  ardor  when  the  proposition  came  up  to  have 
the  general  government  assume  the  debts  of  the  States 
which  had  lost  heavily  in  the  speculative  era.  The  plan 
of  giving  the  public  lands  to  States  was  again  thrust  for- 
ward, and  was  advocated  by  President  Tyler  in  his  first 
message,  but  though  a  number  of  bills  were  brought  before 
Congress  proposing  such  a  distribution  none  actually  be- 
came laws,  except  one  providing  for  a  gift  of  land  to  new 
States,  which  was  passed  in  1841,  as  a  part  of  the  first  pre- 
emption law.  The  cession  of  public  lands  to  railroads  on  a 
large  scale  was  begun  in  1850,  and  has  since  led  to  the  dis- 


204     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

posal  of  a  very  large  proportion  of  the  public  lands.  About 
1852  a  homestead  law,  which  was  warmly  advocated  by  the 
free  soil  Democracy,  became  a  national  question.  Several 
bills  passed  one  house  of  Congress,  but  failed  in  the  other. 
In  1860  a  homestead  bill  actually  passed,  but  was  vetoed 
by  President  Buchanan,  on  the  plea  that  its  provisions  were 
not  fair  to  all  classes  concerned.  It  was  not  until  1862  that 
the  homestead  law,  as  we  have  it  to-day,  was  adopted.  The 
public  lands  undisposed  of  and  open  to  settlement  are 
divided  into  two  classes  with  respect  to  price,  one  class 
being  held  at  $1.25  per  acre  as  the  minimum  price,  the 
other  at  $2.50  per  acre;  being  the  alternate  sections  re- 
served by  the  United  States  in  land  grants  to  railroads, 
etc.  Such  tracts  are  sold,  on  application  to  the  registers 
and  receivers  of  the  district  land  offices,  to  legally  qualified 
parties  upon  conditions  of  actual  residence  and  improve- 
ment under  the  pre-emption  laws.  Widows,  heads  of  fam- 
ilies, or  single  persons  over  twenty-one  years  of  age,  if 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  aliens  who  have  declared 
their  intention  to  become  citizens,  have  the  right  of  pre- 
emption to  the  maximum  quantity  of  160  acres  each  on 
becoming  settlers  and  complying  with  the  regulations.  Un- 
der the  homestead  laws  a  citizen,  or  an  alien  having 
declared  his  intention  of  becoming  a  citizen,  has  the  right 
to  160  acres  of  either  the  $1.25  or  $2.50  class  after  actual 
residence  and  cultivation  for  five  years.  Under  the  timber 
culture  law  a  citizen,  or  one  who  has  declared  his  intention 
to  become  such,  if  the  head  of  a  family,  or  a  single  person 
over  twenty-one  years,  may  acquire  title  to  160  acres  on 
cultivating  10  acres  of  trees  thereon  for  eight  years.  Not 
more  than  320  acres  can  be  acquired  by  one  person  under 
all  the  land  laws.  A  person  who  served  for  90  days  in  the 
army,  navy,  or  marine  corps  of  the  United  States  during 
the  rebellion,  has  remained  loyal  to  the  United  States  gov- 
ernment, and  has  been  honorably  discharged,  is  allowed 
160  acres  of  public  land,  and  such  homestead  settler  shall 
be  allowed  six  months  after  locating  his  homestead,  and 
filing  his  declaratory  statement,  within  which  to  make  his 
entry  and  commence  his  settlement  and  improvement.  The 
time  the  settler  has  served  in  the  army,  navy,  or  marine 
corps  shall  be  deducted  from  the  time  heretofore  required 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     20$ 

to  perfect  title ;  or  if  discharged  on  account  of  wounds  re- 
ceived or  disability  incurred  in  the  line  of  duty,  then  the 
term  of  enlistment  shall  he  deducted  from  the  time  hereto- 
fore required  to  perfect  title,  without  reference  to  the  time 
he  may  have  served,  but  no  patent  shall  issue  to  any  home- 
stead settler  who  has  not  resided  upon,  improved,  and  cul- 
tivated his  homestead  for  a  period  of  at  least  one  year  after 
he  shall  have  commenced  his  improvements.  The  desert 
land  act  applies  only  to  the  States  of  California,  Oregon, 
Nevada,  Washington,  Idaho,  Montana,  Wyoming,  and 
North  and  South  Dakota,  and  the  Territories  of  Utah,  Ari- 
zona, and  New  Mexico.  Any  person  desiring  to  make  entry 
of  desert  land  in  any  of  these  States  must  file  with  the  offi- 
cers of  the  land  office  for  the  district  wherein  the  land  is 
situated  a  declaration  showing  that  he  is  a  citizen, 
or  intends  to  become  a  citizen;  that  he  intends  to 
reclaim  the  tract  of  land — giving  its  situation — which 
he  enters;  that  the  land  will  not  produce  crops  with- 
out irrigation;  that  there  is  no  timber  growing  upon  it, 
and  not  to  his  knowledge  any  kind  of  valuable  mineral 
deposited  in  it.  It  is  necessary  also  to  procure  at  least  two 
disinterested  and  credible  witnesses  to  make  affidavit  that 
the  land  is  actually  desert  land.  These  witnesses  must  not 
only  bring  presumptive  proof  of  their  honesty,  but  must 
also  show  that  they  are  acquainted  with  the  situation  and 
character  of  the  land  of  which  they  speak.  The  applicant 
for  the  land  must  then  pay  for  it  at  the  rate  of  twenty-five 
cents  per  acre,  and  he  is  not  allowed  to  take  up  more  than 
one  section.  If  within  three  years  after  this  application  he 
can  make  satisfactory  proof  that  he  has  irrigated  the  land, 
the  applicant  can  receive  a  patent  for  the  land  on  paying 
the  additional  sum  of  $1  therefor.  It  is  provided  that  the 
right  to  use  water  from  any  contiguous  natural  sources  for 
irrigating  desert  land  thus  taken  up  shall  depend  upon 
bona  fide  prior  appropriation,  and  shall  not  in  any  case 
exceed  the  amount  of  water  actually  needed  for  reclaim- 
ing the  land.  The  only  public  land  that  can  be  sold  to 
parties  not  actual  settlers  is  that  situated  in  the  State  of 
Missouri. 

Home  Valuations.    Under  the  principle  of  home  valua- 
tion merchandise  on  which  ad  valorem  duties  are  collected 


206     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

is  valued  at  its  market  price  in  this  country.  Henry  Clay's 
Compromise  Bill  of  1833  adopted  this  principle,  but  the 
present  tariff  is  based  on  the  principle  of  foreign  valua^ 
tions,  and  this  has  been  usually  adopted  by  our  tariff  laws. 

Honest  Abe.  An  affectionate  name  by  which  Lincoln 
was  known. 

Honest  John  Sherman.  An  appellation  frequently  ap- 
plied to  that  Ohio  Senator. 

Hoosiers.  The  inhabitants  of  Indiana.  The  name  is 
probably  derived  either  from  husher,  a  Western  term  for  a 
bully,  or  from  the  "rough  exclamation  when  one  knocks  at 
a  door,  'who's  yere  ¥  "  It  is  also  said  to  come,  however,  from 
a  corruption  of  the  word  "hussar,"  a  term  applied  to  the 
light  cavalry  of  European  armies.  The  name  was  adopted 
because  the  hussars  were  supposed  to  be  noted  for  deeds  of 
valor. 

Hopkinson,  Joseph.  Author  of  the  patriotic  song,  "Hail 
Columbia"  (which  see.)  Born  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsyl- 
vania, November  12,  1770;  died  at  Philadelphia,  January 
15,  1842. 

Horizontal  Tariff  Bill.    (See  Morrison  Tariff  Bill) 

Hot  Water  War.  Soon  after  the  Whisky  Rebellion  had 
been  overcome  a  fresh  trouble  arose  from  a  tax  laid  by  the 
Federal  government  on  houses,  which  were  classified  accord- 
ing to  their  dimensions,  the  size  and  number  of  the  win- 
dows, and  so  forth.  The  people  objected  to  these  direct 
taxes,  though  they  bore  more  lightly  on  the  poor  than  on 
the  rich,  and  Pennsylvania  was  again  the  scene  of  the  chief 
resistance.  When  the  officers  went  to  make  the  necessary 
measurements,  the  women  deluged  them  with  hot  water, 
and  hence  the  disturbance  was  known  as  the  Hot  Water 
War.  But  further  violence  was  offered,  and  when  the 
United  States  Marshal  in  March,  1799,  arrasted  some  offen- 
ders, they  were  rescued  in  the  town  of  Bethlehem  by  an 
armed  band  led  by  one  John  Fries.  The  militia  were  called 
out  and  they  succeeding  in  restoring  order.  Fries  was 
convicted  of  treason  and  sentenced  to  death,  and  a  number 
of  his  followers  were  condemned  to  imprisonment.  Presi- 
dent Adams,  however,  soon  pardoned  them  all,  and  two  or 
three  years  later,  under  Jefferson,  the  house  tax  was 
abolished. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     207 

House  of  Representatives  is  the  name  of  the  lower  House 
of  the  Legislature  in  many  of  the  States,  also  of  the  corre- 
sponding House  of  the  United  States  Legislature.  Article 
1,  section  2,  of  the  Constitution,  treats  of  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives. Its  members  are  apportioned  on  the  basis  of 
population,  the  larger  States  thus  having  greater  influence 
than  the  smaller,  (See  Apportionment;  Congress;  Senate.) 
Its  members  are  elected  for  two  years.  The  salary  of  Rep- 
resentatives is  $5,000  a  year,  $125  a  year  additional  for  sta- 
tionery and  newspapers,  and  mileage  at  the  rate  of  twenty 
cents  a  mile  to  and  from  Washington  at  every  session  of 
Congress.  Unexcused  absence  causes  a  deduction  from  the 
salary.  To  be  elected  a  Congressman  a  person  must  be  at 
least  twenty-five  years  of  age,  and  he  must  have  been  seven 
years  a  citizen ;  he  must,  moreover,  at  the  time  of  his  elec- 
tion be  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  for  which  he  is  chosen. 
The  House  of  Representatives  chooses  its  Speaker  and  other 
officers.  The  power  of  the  Speaker  is  enormous.  Unless 
otherwise  ordered  by  the  House  (which  is  seldom  the  case) 
he  appoints  all  committees  and  the  method  of  the  House 
in  transacting  its  business  renders  the  committees  of  first 
importance.  All  measures  are  referred  to  the  standing 
committees,  and  the  power  over  the  life  or  death  of  a  bill 
is  practically  unlimited.  A  majority  of  the  members  elected 
constitute  a  quorum.  The  House  has  sole  power  of  im- 
peachment; all  bills  for  raising  revenue  must  originate  in 
the  House,  and  on  it  falls  the  duty  of  electing  the  President 
of  the  United  States  when  the  vote  of  the  electors  fails  to 
result  in  a  choice.  Representatives  being  elected  more  fre- 
quently than  Senators,  and  being  elected  directly  by  the 
people,  are  apt  to  be  more  thoroughly  informed  of  the  pres- 
ent feelings  of  their  constituents,  and  are  thus  more  apt  to 
sway  by  them  than  the  Senate.  The  latter  is  more  conser- 
vative. These  differences  have  led  to  the  terms  popular  or 
lower  House,  and  upper  House,  as  applied  to  the  House  of 
Representatives  and  the  Senate  respectively.  Each  Terri- 
tory has  a  delegate  in  the  House,  with  the  right  to  debate 
on  matters  pertaining  to  his  Territory,  but  no  vote. 

Houston,  Samuel,  was  born  in  Rockbridge  County,  Vir- 
ginia, in  1793.  In  his  early  life  he  had  wandered  to  Ten- 
nessee, where  he  had  lived  three  years  among  the  Cherokee 


208     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Indians.  He  was  then,  successively,  "a  gallant  soldier  in 
the  War  of  1812,  an  Indian  agent,  a  lawyer,  district  attor- 
ney, major-general  of  militia,  member  of  Congress  and 
Governor  of  Tennessee."  About  1830  he  again  suddenly 
joined  the  Cherokees,  among  whom  he  lived  three  years  as 
a  chief.  Leaving  them,  he  and  a  number  of  other  adven- 
turers set  out  for  Texas  with  the  intention  of  causing  a 
revolution  there  and  ultimately  annexing  it  to  the  United 
States,  Texas  declared  her  independence  in  1836,  and 
Houston,  though  at  first  compelled  to  retreat  before  a  large 
force  under  Santa  Anna,  finally  succeeded  in  dividing  and 
utterly  defeating  the  opposing  army.  This  assured  the  in- 
dependence of  Texas,  which  was  during  the  next  year 
acknowledged  by  the  United  Stales.  Other  powers  soon  did 
the  same.  Houston  had  meanwhile  been  elected  President 
of  the  new  republic.  He  served  in  that  capacity  in  1836-8 
and  1842-4.  Texas  was  annexed  to  the  United  States  in 
1845.  Subsequently  Houston  represented  her  in  the  Sen- 
ate in  1846-59,  and  in  1859  he  was  elected  Governor. 
Though  elected  as  a  Union  man,  it  was  his  lack  of  energy 
that  threw  Texas  into  the  hands  of  the  secessionists.  In 
1861  he  resigned,  and  soon  after,  in  1863,  he  died. 

How  Gold  and  Silver  Coins  are  Tested.  The  testing  of 
gold  and  silver  coins,  which  takes  place  yearly  at  the  Phila- 
delphia mint,  is  called  the  trial  of  the  pyx.  It  is  a  custom 
of  very  ancient  origin  and  derives  its  name  from  the  pyx  or 
chest  in  which  the  coins  to  be  examined  are  kept.  The  ex- 
amination is  made  in  the  presence  of  the  director  of  the 
mint  and  a  board  of  examiners.  For  each  delivery  of  coins 
made  by  the  chief  coiner  a  certain  number  are  reserved  for 
trial  and  deposited  in  the  pyx  under  the  charge  of  the  sup- 
erintendent of  the  mint  and  the  assayer.  Coins  from  the 
coinage  of  other  mints  are  transmitted  quarterly  to  the 
Philadelphia  mint.  The  examiners  make  a  certified  report 
of  the  trial  after  examination.  If  this  shows  the  coins  to 
be  within  the  limit  of  tolerance  in  fineness  and  weight  it 
is  filed,  but  if  not  the  fact  is  certified  to  the  President,  and 
he  has  power  to  order  all  the  officers  implicated  in  the  error 
thenceforward  disqualified  for  holding  their  offices.  The 
word  pyx  is  derived  from  a  Greek  word  meaning  a  box,  and 
is  applied  in  the  Koman  Catholic  Church  to  the  box  in 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     209 

which  the  sacred  host  is  kept,  and  mariners  also  apply  it  to 
the  receptacle  wherein  the  compass  is  suspended.    In  early 
times  the  mint  master  in  England  was  simply  a  person  un- 
der contract  with  the  government  for  the  manufacture  of 
the  coinage,  and  periodical  examinations  were  consequently 
necessary  to  see  that  the  terms  of  the  contract  were  com- 
plied with.    The  mint  master  is  now  an  officer  of  the  crown, 
but  the  manner  of  conducting  the  ceremony  is  substantially 
unchanged.     The  finished  coins  are  delivered  to  the  mint 
master   in   weights    called    journey-weights — that    is,    15 
pounds  troy  weight  of  gold,  containing  701  sovereigns,  or 
1,402  half-sovereigns ;  of  silver  60  pounds  troy.    From  each 
journey- weight  a  coin  is  taken  and  placed  in  the  pyx  for  the 
annual  trial.    The  examination  of  the  coins  is  made  by  the 
Goldsmiths'  Company,  under  the  direction  of  the  crown,  in 
the  presence  of  the  "Queen's  remembrancer,"  who  admin- 
isters the  oath  to  the  jury  and  presides  over  the  proceed- 
ings.    The  coins  are  compared  with  pieces  cut  from  trial 
plates  of  standard  fineness,  which  are  in  keeping  of  the 
"warden  of  the  standards."    If  the  coins  are  found  to  be  of 
standard  fineness  and  weight,  within  certain  limits,  a  state- 
ment to  that  effect  is  testified  to  by  the  jurors,  and  handed 
over  to  the  treasurer.    The  coins  to  be  tested  are  kept  in  the 
ancient  chapel  of  the  pyx  at  Westminster  Abbey,  in  joint 
custody  of  the  lords  of  the  Treasury  and  the  comptroller- 
general.    This  custom  was  first  ordered  during  the  thirty- 
second  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Henry  II  (1154-1189), 
and  took  place  occasionally  in  subsequent  reigns,  whenever 
royalty  chose  to  order  it.    King  James  was  present  at  one 
of  the  ceremonies  in  1611.     There  was  one  held  at  the 
exchequer  office  July  17,  1861,  and  the  next  February  15, 
1870.    During  the  year  1870  a  coinage  act  was  passed  by 
Parliament  providing  for  an  annual  trial  of  the  pyx,  and 
the  ceremony  has  been  observed  each  year  since  then. 

Hub  of  the  Universe.  A  name  applied  to  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts, in  derision  of  its  pretensions  to  great  importance. 

Hudson's  Bay  Company.  This  company  was  started  in 
1670  by  means  of  a  charter  granted  to  Prince  Kupert  and 
seventeen  other  noblemen  and  gentlemen  by  Charles  II. 
The  charter  secured  to  them  the  absolute  proprietorship, 
subordinate  sovereignty,  and  exclusive  traffic  of  an  unde- 


210     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

fined  territory  which,  under  the  name  of  Rupert's  Land, 
comprised  all  the  regions  discovered  or  to  be  discovered 
within  the  entrance  of  Hudson's  Strait.  In  1821 
they  obtained  a  license  for  the  monopoly  of  trade  in  the 
vast  regions  lying  to  the  west  of  the  original  grant.  At 
this  time  the  Hudson's  Bay  Company  and  the  Northwest 
Fur  Company  amalgamated,  and  the  monopoly  of  trade  was 
held  conjointly.  In  1838  the  former  company  obtained  a 
renewal  of  the  license  for  themselves  alone,  which  ran  until 
1859,  Since  that  date  the  district  has  been  open  to  all. 

Hunkers.     (See  Barnburners.) 

I  Am  a  Republican,  Who  Carried  His  Sovereignty 
under  His  Own  Hat.  This  remark,  originally  made  by  A. 
W.  Campbell,  of  West  Virginia,  in  the  Republican  national 
convention  of  1880,  was  quoted  with  approval  by  George 
William  Curtis,  on  June  4,  1884,  at  the  Republican  na- 
tional convention  held  in  Chicago.  The  occasion  was  simi- 
lar, namely  the  opposition  of  a  motion  declaring  that  every 
member  of  the  convention  was  in  honor  bound  to  support 
the  candidate  it  might  select,  whoever  he  might  be,  and  that 
no  man  who  would  not  agree  to  give  such  support  was  en- 
titled to  hold  a  seat  in  the  convention.  Curtis  made  a  bril- 
liant speech,  commencing,  "  A  Republican  and  a  free  man  I 
came  to  this  convention,  and  by  the  grace  of  God  a  Republi- 
can and  a  free  man  will  I  go  out  of  it,"  and  the  obnoxious 
motion  was  withdrawn.  "I  carry  my  sovereignty  under  my 
hat"  has  become  the  watchword  of  the  Independents.  Curtis 
was  one  of  the  prominent  leaders  against  Elaine,  the  Re- 
publican candidate,  in  the  campaign  of  1884. 

I  Am  Not  Worth  Purchasing ;  but,  Such  as  I  Am,  the 
King  of  Great  Britain  Is  Not  Rich  Enough  to  Do  It. 
This  was  the  reply  of  General  Joseph  Reed,  a  member  of  the 
Continental  Congress,  to  an  offer  of  £10,000  and  any 
colonial  office  in  the  king's  gift,  as  the  price  of  his  influence 
to  restore  the  colonies  to  Great  Britain.  The  offer  was  made 
through  a  lady  soon  after  the  evacuation  of  Philadelphia  by 
the  British  in  1778. 

Idaho  was  acquired  by  the  Louisiana  Purchase  (See  An- 
nexations I).  It  formed  successively  a  part  of  Oregon  and 
of  Washington  Territories.  It  was  separately  organized  by 
Act  of  March  3,  1863,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Union  as  a 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     211 

State  by  Act  of  July  3,  1890.  The  area  is  84,800  square 
miles;  the  leading  industries  are  the  mining  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  cattle  raising. 

I  Do  Not  Feel  that  I  Shall  Prove  a  Deadhead  in  the 
Enterprise  if  I  Once  Emhark  in  It.  I  See  various  Chan- 
nels in  Which  I  Know  I  Can  Be  Useful.  These  are  the 
closing  sentences  of  James  G.  Elaine's  letter  to  Warren 
Fisher,  dated  June  29,  1869.  They  came  into  common  use 
in  the  presidential  campaign  of  1884.  (See  Mulligan  Let- 
ters. ) 

I'd  Rather  Be  Right  than  Be  President  of  the  United 
States.  Henry  Clay,  though  he  favored  a  high  tariff,  in 
1833  introduced  a  bill  reducing  the  then  existing  duties. 
(See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.)  Its  object  was  to 
pacify  the  agricultural  States,  which  had  objected  vehe- 
mently. In  South  Carolina  the  opposition  had  taken  a  very 
serious  form  (See  Nullification.)  His  friends  told  Clay 
that  his  chances  for  the  presidency  would  be  injured  there- 
by. His  reply  is  given  above. 

.  If  a  Crow  Wants  to  Fly  Down  the  Shenandoah,  He  Must 
Carry  His  Provisions  with  Him.  In  1864,  after  defeating 
the  Confederate  General  Early,  General  Sheridan  devas- 
tated the  valley  of  the  Shanandoah  in  order  to  prevent  any 
further  movements  on  Washington  from  that  quarter.  So 
thoroughly  was  this  done  that  the  above  remark  is  said 
fairly  to  describe  its  condition  at  that  time. 

If  Any  One  Attempts  to  Haul  Down  the  American  Flag, 
Shoot  Him  on  the  Spot.  In  December,  1860,  General  John 
A.  Dix,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  ordered  two  revenue 
cutters  from  New  Orleans  to  N~ew  York.  New  Orleans 
was  at  that  time  practically  in  the  hands  of  secessionists, 
and  the  captain  of  one  of  the  cutters  refused  to  obey  the 
order.  Dix  telegraphed  to  the  lieutenant  to  place  the  cap- 
tain under  arrest,  and  closed  his  dispatch  as  above. 

I  Have  Just  Given  to  England  a  Maritime  Rival  that 
Will  Sooner  or  Later  Humble  Her  Pride.  The  remark 
made  by  Napoleon  on  the  purchase  of  Louisiana  from 
France. 

Illini.    (See  American  Knights;  also  Illinois.) 

Illinois.  From  the  old  Indian  Territory  (see  Terri- 
tories). Michigan  Territory  was  separated  in  1805  and 


A  JDlCTiONAEY  OF  AMERICAN 

Illinois  Territory  in  1809,  the  latter  including  much  of  the 
region  north  of  the  present  limits  of  the  State.  Illinois 
was  admitted  as  a  State  on  D'ecember  3,  1818.  The  capital 
is  Springfield.  The  name  is  taken  from  its  principal  river, 
which  in  turn  is  derived  from  the  Indian  tribe  of  the  Illini, 
supposed  to  mean  "superior  men."  Popularly  the  State  is 
called  the  Prairie,  or  Sucker,  State,  and  its  inhabitants 
"suckers." 

I'll  Try,  Sir.  During  the  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane  in  the 
War  of  1812,  a  certain  British  battery  was  doing  great 
damage  to  the  Americans.  Colonel  Miller  was  asked  if  he 
could  take  it  and  answered  as  above.  The  saying  has  be- 
come historic. 

Illuminati,  A  Latin  word  meaning  the  enlightened.  It 
had  been  used  by  different  sects  in  Europe  at  different 
times.  In  United  States  history  the  name  was  used  to  de- 
note certain  societies  of  French  sympathizers  about  the  year 
1799. 

Immigration.  Prior  to  the  year  1820  no  official  records 
of  the  arrival  of  alien  passengers  were  kept.  It  is  esti- 
mated, however,  that  the  total  number  arrived  in  the  United 
States  from  1775  to  the  year  1820  was  250,000.  It  has 
been  estimated  that  prior  to  the  year  1856  about  98  per 
cent,  of  the  total  aliens  arrived  were  immigrants. 

Impeachment  is  the  accusation  and  prosecution  by  a 
legislative  body  of  an  officer  for  mal-administration.  The 
portions  of  the  Constitution  relating  to  impeachment  are 
as  follows :  Article  1,  section  2,  clause  5 ;  Article  1,  section 
3,  clauses  6  and  7;  Article  2,  section  4.  The  President, 
Vice-President  and  all  civil  officers  of  the  United  States 
are  liable  to  impeachment  for  treason,  bribery  or  other  high 
crimes  and  misdemeanors.  The  House  of  Representatives 
has  the  sole  right  of  impeachment,  drawing  up  the  accusa- 
tion and  appointing  persons  to  conduct  the  prosecution 
before  the  Senate.  The  accused  is  tried  by  the  Senate,  over 
which,  when  the  President  is  impeached,  the  Chief  Justice 
of  the  Supreme  Court  presides.  A  two-thirds  vote  of  the 
Senators  present  is  necessary  to  conviction.  Punishment 
only  extends  to  removal  from^  and  disqualification  to  hold, 
office  under  the  United  States,  but  the  convicted  person 
is  still  liable  to  an  ordinary  trial  according  to  law.  The 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     213 

President  has  not  the  power  to  pardon  in  cases  of  impeach- 
ment. Impeachments  of  State  officers  are  provided  for 
by  the  Constitutions  of  the  various  States.  Seven  im- 
peachments of  Federal  officers  are  known  to  our  history. 
Only  two  of  these  resulted  in  convictions.  I. — William 
Blount  was  a  Senator  from  Tennessee.  Certain  papers 
which  President  Adams  transmitted  to  Congress  in  July, 
1797,  showed  that  Blount  had,  while  Governor  of  his  State, 
been  engaged  in  a  scheme  for  transferring  by  force  from 
Spain  to  Great  Britain  the  territory  on  the  Lower  Missis- 
sippi. He  was  expelled  from  the  Senate.  A  year  later 
the  House  presented  articles  of  impeachment,  and  the  trial 
commenced  in  December,  1798.  One  of  the  points  raised 
by  Blount's  counsel  was  that  he,  as  Senator,  was  not  a 
"civil  officer,"  and  consequently  not  liable  to  impeachment, 
and  the  Senate  upheld  this  plea  and  acquitted  Blount  for 
want  of  jurisdiction.  II. — John  Pickering  was  United 
States  District  Judge  for  the  district  of  New  Hampshire. 
In  March,  1803,  he  was  impeached  and  tried  for  making 
unlawful  decisions,  and  for  drunkenness  and  profanity  on 
the  bench.  By  a  party  vote,  the  Federalists  voting  in  his 
favor,  he  was  convicted  on  March  12th  and  removed  from 
office.  III. — Samuel  Chase,  of  Maryland,  was  an  Associate- 
Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  In  the 
latter  part  of  1804  he  was  impeached  for  unwarranted 
actions  in  several  political  trials,  and  for  language  reflect- 
ing on  the  government.  The  trial  began  on  January  2, 
1805.  On  some  of  the  articles  of  impeachment  a  majority 
were  in  his  favor;  on  others  a  majority  were  against  him. 
The  largest  vote  for  conviction  on  any  one  article  was  nine- 
teen to  fifteen.  He  was  therefore  acquitted  on  March  1, 
1805,  and  held  his  judicial  position  till  his  death,  about 
six  years  later.  IV. — James  H.  Peck  was  United  States 
District  Judge  for  the  district  of  Missouri.  He  was  im- 
peached for  arbitrary  conduct  in  a  judicial  proceeding. 
The  trial  commenced  on  December  13,  1830,  and  he  was 
pronounced  not  guilty,  twenty-one  voting  for  conviction 
and  twenty-four  for  acquittal.  V. — West  H.  Humphreys 
was  United  States  District  Judge  for  the  district  of  Ten- 
nessee. He  failed  to  resign  his  seat  though  engaged  on  the 
Confederate  side  during  the  Civil  War,  and  was  conse- 


214     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

quently  impeached  and  convicted  on  June  26,  1862,  by  a 
•unanimous  vote.  VI. — Andrew  Johnson,  President  of  the 
United  States,  had  come  into  sharp  conflict  with  Congress 
on  the  questions  connected  with  reconstruction,  and  the 
breach  between  the  executive  and  the  National  Legislature 
widened  till  it  grew  into  an  impeachment — the  only  im- 
peachment of  a  President  in  our  history,  and  one  of  the 
most  noted  in  the  world's  history.  On  March  2,  1867,  Con- 
gress passed  what  is  known  as  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act. 
(See  Term  and  Tenure  of  Office.)  It  was  vetoed  by  the 
President  and  passed  over  his  veto.  Edwin  M.  Stanton, 
Secretary  of  War,  was  not  willing  to  lend  himself  to  John- 
son's schemes  of  reconstruction.  Therefore,  on  August  12, 
1867,  the  President  suspended  him  and  appointed  General 
Grant  secretary  ad  interim.  When  the  Senate  met,  the 
President  laid  his  reasons  for  the  suspension  before  it,  but 
that  body,  in  January,  refused  its  sanction,  and  Stanton 
therefore  resumed  his  office.  On  February  21,  1868,  John- 
son again  removed  Stanton  and  appointed  in  his  place 
General  Lorenzo  Thomas.  Stanton,  supported  by  a  reso- 
lution of  the  Senate,  refused  to  vacate  his  office.  The 
House  of  Representatives  on  February  24th  adopted  a  reso- 
lution for  the  impeachment  of  Johnson  by  a  vote  which 
stood:  yeas  126,  nays,  47,  not  voting  17;  and  on  the  25th 
a  committee  of  the  House  appeared  before  the  Senate  and 
impeached  the  President.  The  House  appointed  to  conduct 
the  prosecution,  John  A.  Bingham,  of  Ohio;  George  S. 
Boutwell  and  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massachusetts ;  James 
F.  Wilson,  of  Iowa ;  Thomas  Williams  and  Thaddeus  Stev- 
ens, of  Pennsylvania,  and  John  A.  Logan,  of  Illinois.  The 
President  was  represented  by  the  following  counsel :  Henry 
Stanbery  and  W.  S.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio;  William  M.  Evarts, 
of  New  York;  Thomas  A.  R.  Nelson,  of  Tennessee,  and 
Benjamin  R.  Curtis,  of  Massachusetts.  The  articles  of 
impeachment,  eleven  in  number,  were  presented  to  the 
Senate  on  March  5th.  In  brief,  they  charged  that  the 
President,  in  violation  of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  had 
removed  Stanton  and  appointed  Thomas ;  that  he  had  been 
guilty  of  intimidation  of  the  former  and  of  an  attempt 
to  seize  unlawfully  the  property  and  money  of  the  War 
Department;  that  he  had  declared  that  the  Thirty-ninth 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     215 

Congress  was  not  a  legally  constituted  body;  and  that  lie 
had  failed  to  properly  execute  its  acts.  The  counsel  for 
the  President  replied  that  the  removal  of  Stanton  and  the 
appointment  of  Thomas  did  not  come  within  the  provisions 
of  the  Tenure  of  Office  Act,  but  were  legal  according  to 
the  laws  of  1789  and  1795,  which  were  the  only  controlling 
ones  in  this  case;  that  he  was  not  guilty  of  the  other 
charges,  except  those  in  regard  to  his  declarations  concern- 
ing Congress,  and  that  as  to  those  he  was  protected  by  the 
rights  of  freedom  of  opinion  and  freedom  of  speech.  The 
Senate  was  organized  as  a  court  for  the  trial  of  the  Presi- 
dent on  March  5th,  Chief-Justice  Salmon  P.  Chase  presid- 
ing. After  various  preliminaries,  the  taking  of  evidence 
commenced  on  March  30th.  This  was  finished  by  April  20th, 
and  by  May  6th  the  counsel  had  finished  their  arguments. 
On  May  16th  a  vote  was  taken  on  the  article  which  con- 
cerned Johnson's  declaration  as  to  the  constitutionality 
of  the  Thirty-ninth  Congress  and  his  desire  to  prevent  the 
enforcement  of  its  acts.  The  vote  lacked  one  of  a  suffi- 
cient number  to  convict.  It  stood  thirty-five  for  convic- 
tion and  nineteen  for  acquittal,  seven  Republicans  voting 
in  the  minority  with  the  twelve  Democratic  members  of  the 
Senate.  On  May  26th  a  vote  was  taken  on  the  articles 
involving  the  legality  of  Thomas'  appointment,  with  the 
same  result.  No  vote  was  taken  on  the  other  articles,  the 
court  adjourned  sine  die,  and  by  direction  of  Chief -Justice 
Chase  a  verdict  of  acquittal  was  entered.  VII. — William 
W.  Belknap  in  1876  was  Secretary  of  War  under  Grant. 
On  the  2d  of  March,  1876,  the  House  unanimously  voted 
to  impeach  Belknap  for  having  received  at  different  times 
$24,450  for  appointing  and  retaining  in  office  a  post-trader 
at  Fort  Sill,  Indian  Territory.  A  few  hours  before  this 
resolution  was  passed  Belknap  had  resigned  his  office  and 
Grant  accepted  the  resignation.  On  April  4th  the  articles 
of  impeachment  were  presented  to  the  Senate.  Belknap 
claimed  that  being  no  longer  a  civil  officer  of  the  United 
States  he  was  not  liable  to  impeachment.  During  May  the 
Senate  debated  this  question,  and  finally  by  a  vote  of  thirty- 
seven  to  twenty-nine  declared  that  it  had  jurisdiction  not- 
withstanding the  resignation.  During  July  the  trial  pro- 
ceeded, and  on  August  1st  a  vote  was  taken.  On  three  of 


216     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  articles  the  vote  stood  thirty-six  to  twenty-five  for  con- 
viction, on  another  thirty-five  to  twenty-five  for  conviction, 
and  on  another  thirty-seven  to  twenty-five  for  conviction, 
the  minority  holding  that  Belknap,  being  out  of  office,  was 
not  liable  on  impeachment  proceedings.  As  the  necessary 
two-thirds  vote  was  not  obtained,  Belknap  was  acquitted. 

Imports.     (See  Exports  and  Imports.) 

Impressment.    (See  War  of  1812.) 

Incidental  Protection.  (See  Tariffs  of  the  United 
States.) 

Income  Tax.  An  income  tax  has  been  levied  by  the 
United  States  Government  but  once  in  its  history,  and  then 
it  was  established  because  of  the  necessity  for  revenue 
caused  by  the  Civil  War.  An  act  passed  in  1861  created  a 
tax  of  three  per  cent,  on  incomes  of  $800  per  annuiii  and 
over.  The  rates  of  taxation,  the  amounts  of  the  incomes 
taxed,  and  the  proportion  of  the  income  exempt  from  taxa- 
tion, were  changed  by  various  acts  till  in  1872  it  was  abol- 
ished. 

Independence  League.  The  certificate  of  incorporation 
of  the  Independence  League,  dated  at  New  York,  Decem- 
ber 9,  1905,  states  that  the  objects  sought  by  the  organi- 
zation are:  "Voluntarily  to  obtain  and  promote  by  educa- 
tional means  and  political  action  such  legislation  as  will 
secure  independence  among  electors.  An  administration 
of  government  independent  of  corporate  and  corrupt  in- 
fluences. The  application  of  public  property  to  public  uses. 
Effective  control  by  the  people  of  political  parties.  And 
to  these  ends  to  especially  support  electoral  reforms  secur- 
ing an  intelligent  and  fair  ballot,  the  direct  nomination 
of  candidates  for  public  office  by  the  people,  the  abolition 
of  corrupt  practices,  the  public  ownership  and  operation 
of  those  public  utilities  which,  in  their  nature,  are  natural 
monopolies;  the  relief  of  labor  and  capital  from  unjust 
burdens,  thus  securing  the  increased  production  of  wealth, 
just  wages  and  fair  hours  for  those  who  labor,  and  the 
abolition  of  private  monopoly — to  the  end  that  equal  rights 
may  be  secured  to  all  and  especial  privileges  granted  to 
none,  and,  further,  to  unite  in  a  common  movement  all 
societies  and  associations  organized  for  like  purposes,  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     217 

to  establish  branches  of  the  League  throughout  the  State  of 
New  York  and  the  United  States  of  America." 

Independence  Now  and  Independence  Forever.  (See 
Sink  or  Swim,  etc.) 

Independent  Party.  The  formal  name  of  the  Greenback- 
Labor  party  in  1876.  The  nominees  of  the  party  in  that 
year  were  Peter  Cooper  and  Samuel  F.  Gary. 

Independence  Hall.  A  building  situated  on  Chestnut 
Street  in  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  where,  on  July  4, 
1776,  the  Declaration  of  Independence  was  adopted  by  the 
Congress  and  afterward  read  to  the  people  who  had  sur- 
rounded the  building  in  the  fervor  of  their  patriotism. 
This  building  was  the  meeting  place  of  the  Constitutional 
Congress,  and  in  it  Washington  was  chosen  commander- in- 
chief  of  the  patriot  armies. 

Independents.  This  name  is  applied  in  politics  to  voters 
whose  party  fealty  is  not  so  strong  as  to  bind  them  to  the 
support  of  the  nominee  of  their  party  if  they  disapprove 
of  him  personally,  or  to  members  of  a  legislative  body 
acting  separately  from  parties  either  because  chosen  so  to 
do  or  chosen  on  a  fusion  ticket.  The  latest  instance  was  the 
movement  caused  by  the  nomination  in  1884  of  Elaine  by 
the  Republicans  in  causing  the  defection  of  a  large  body  of 
Independents  whose  action  in  the  State  of  New  York  prob- 
ably decided  the  contest.  (See  Pivotal  State.)  The  lead- 
ers in  this  revolt  were  George  W.  Curtis,  Carl  Schurz  and 
others. 

Independent  Treasury.     (See  Sub-Treasury  System.) 

Indiana.  In  1800  the  Northwest  Territory  (see  Terri- 
tories) was  divided,  Ohio  being  separated  and  the  remain- 
der being  called  Indiana  Territory;  from  this  in  1805 
Michigan  Territory  was  cut  off,  and  in  1809  Illinois  Ter- 
ritory; what  remained  was  admitted  as  a  State  to  the 
Union  December  11,  1816.  The  capital  is  Indianapolis. 
The  name  of  the  State  was  formed  from  the  word  "In- 
dian"; popularly  its  name  is  the  Hoosier  State  and  the 
inhabitants  are  called  Hoosiers.  (See  Hoosiers.) 

Indiana  Territory.     (See  Territories.) 
Indian  Territory.     The  larger  part  of  this  region  was 
acquired  by  the  Louisiana  Purchase.     (See  Annexations  I.) 
It  is  an  unorganized  territory  of  the  United  States,  set 


218     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

aside  for  Indian  tribes  and  public  lands  by  act  of  June  30, 
1834,  but  its  extent  has  been  diminished  from  time  to  time. 
(See  Oklahoma  Boomers;  Cimarron.) 

Indian  Wars.  F'rom  the  earliest  years  of  our  history 
difficulties  ha,ve  been  constantly  occurring  with  the  Indians 
within  our  borders.  Only  one  of  these  has  had  any  special 
political  significance,  and  but  a  brief  reference  to  some  of 
the  principal  Indians  wars  will  be  attempted.  From  1790 
to  1795  a  war  was  waged  with  the  Miami  Confederacy  in 
Ohio  and  neighboring  territory.  Generals  Harmar  and  St. 
Clair  met  with  reverses,  but  General  Wayne  crushed  the 
outbreak  in  1793.  The  Indians  of  the  West  formed  a  con- 
spiracy some  years  later  under  Tecumseh  and  Elkswatama 
the  Prophet,  renewed  hostilities,  and  were  defeated  in  1811 
at  Tippecanoe  by  General  Harrison.  During  the  war  of 
1812  the  Northern  Indians  joined  their  forces  with  the 
British  and  gave  us  much  trouble ;  they,  together  with  the 
British,  were  defeated  at  the  Eiver  Thames  in  1813  by 
Harrison,  and  Tecumseh  was  killed.  In  the  same  year 
and  the  next  General  Andrew  Jackson  conducted  operations 
against  the  Creeks  in  the  South,  who  were  brought  to  terms 
by  victories  at  Tallushatchie,  Talladega  and  the  Horse 
Shoe  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosa  River.  In  1817  the  Seminoles 
in  Georgia  and  Alabama  showed  signs  of  hostility.  General 
Jackson  subdued  them  in  the  spring  of  the  next  year.  In 
carrying  out  his  campaign,  thinking  the  Spaniards  had 
encouraged  the  Indians,  Jackson  entered  Florida,  then  a 
Spanish  possession,  and  captured  St.  Marks.  He  seized 
two  Englishmen,  Arbuthnot  and  Ambrister,  who  were  tried 
by  court-martial  on  a  charge  of  inciting  the  Indians,  found 
guilty  and  executed.  He  then  took  possession  of  Pensacola 
and  captured  Fort  Barrancas  on  the  shore  of  the  bay  after 
a  slight  resistance.  The  execution  of  two  British  subjects 
raised  such  a  storm  of  indignation  in  England  that  another 
war  was  threatened,  but  the  English  ministry  admitted  the 
justice  of  the  act.  Jackson's  enemies  endeavored  to  have 
Congress  pass  a  vote  of  censure,  but  fiat  body  and  the 
President  supported  him.  Spain  also  complained  of  his 
proceeding,  but  without  effect.  (See  Annexations  II.)  In 
1831  and  1832  the  Sacs,  Foxes  and  Winnebagoes,  led  by 
Black  Hawk,  refused  to  leave  lands  which  they  had  ceded 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     219 

to  the  government,  but  the  Black  Hawk  War,  as  the  result- 
ing disturbance  is  called,  was  soon  ended  and  the  leader 
captured.  In  1836  and  1837  there  were  minor  disturbances 
in  the  South  with  the  Creeks  and  Chicopees,  connected 
with  their  removal  west  of  the  Mississippi.  From  1835  to 
1843  the  Seminoles  in  Florida,  led  by  Osceola,  were  in 
arms,  refusing  to  remove  to  Western  reservations.  In  De- 
cember, 1835,  Major  Dade  with  a  force  of  over  a  hundred 
men  fell  into  an  ambush  and  all  but  four  of  the  command 
perished.  Various  battles  were  fought,  but  the  Indians  pro- 
longed the  war  among  the  swamps  of  Florida  for  seven 
years.  Colonel  Zachary  Taylor  was  among  the  leaders  of 
our  troops.  Finally,  after  the  expenditure  of  many  men 
and  much  money  the  persistent  Indians  were  removed  to 
the  West.  In  1872  the  Modoc  Indians  in  Oregon  refused 
to  go  upon  a  designated  reservation.  They  retreated  before 
the  troops  to  a  volcanic  region  known  as  the  lava-beds  and 
could  not  be  conquered.  A  peace  conference  held  with  them 
in  April,  1873,  was  broken  up  by  their  treacherous  murder 
of  General  Canby  and  Dr.  Thomas.  About  the  first  of 
June,  however,  General  Davis  forced  them  to  surrender; 
Captain  Jack,  their  leader,  and  others  were  executed.  In 
1876  the  Sioux  Indians  gave  trouble  in  the  Black  Hills 
region  on  the  borders  of  Montana  and  Wyoming.  A  large 
force  of  regulars  was  sent  against  them  under  Generals 
Terry,  Crook,  Custer  and  Eeno.  On  June  25,  1876,  the 
two  latter  attacked  at  different  points  a  large  Indian  village 
situated  on  the  Little  Horn  River.  General  Custer  was 
killed  with  261  men  of  the  Seventh  Cavalry  and  52  were 
wounded.  Eeno  held  his  ground  till  saved  by  re-enforce- 
ments. Additional  troops  were  sent  to  the  spot  and  the 
Indians  were  defeated  in  several  engagements,  and  in  the 
beginning  of  1877  the  Indian  chief,  Sitting  Bull,  escaped 
to  Canada.  In  1877  trouble  with  the  Nez  Perce  Indians 
of  Idaho,  led  by  their  chief  Joseph,  came  to  a  head.  Gen- 
eral Howard  was  sent  against  them,  they  were  soon  hemmed 
in,  and  in  October  were  completely  defeated  by  Colonel 
Miles.  In  1879  an  outbreak  of  the  Ute  Indians  cost  the 
lives  of  the  government  agent,  Major  Thornburgh,  and  a 
number  of  soldiers  before  it  was  quelled. 


220     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Ingalls,  John  James,  was  born  in  Middleton,  Massachu- 
setts, December  29,  1833.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Williams 
College  and  a  lawyer  by  profession.  In  1858  he  moved  to 
Kansas,  holding  several  territorial  offices.  In  1873,  he 
entered  the  United  States  Senate  and  was  constantly  re- 
elected  until  1891,  when  he  was  defeated  by  the  Farmers' 
Alliance  candidate.  He  was  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate  from  1887  to  1891.  He  died  at  Las  Vegas,  New 
Mexico,  August  16,  1900. 

Innocuous  Desuetude.    March  1,  1886,  President  Cleve- 
land sent  a  special  message  to  the  Senate  on  the  subject  of 
removals  from  office.     In  it  he  used  the  above  words  in 
referring  to  certain  laws  which  had  become  dead  letters. 
Insolvent  Laws.     (See  Bankruptcy.) 
Insurrection.     The  Constitution,  Article  1,  section  8, 
clause  15,  gives  Congress  the  power  to  call  forth  the  militia 
to  suppress  insurrections.    Acts  were  passed  in  1792,  1795 
and  1807,  giving  the  President  power  to  call  forth  the  mili- 
tia when  notified  by  an  associate  justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court  or  a  district  judge  that  the  execution  of  the  laws 
is  obstructed,  and  on  application  of  a  legislature,  or  a  gover- 
nor when  the  legislature  could  not  be  convened,  and  to 
employ  also  the  land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States. 
The  Whisky  Insurrection  was  directed  against  the  Federal 
authority,  and  the  President  employed  force  to  suppress  it 
on  notification  by  the  Federal  judge.    During  the  Buckshot 
War  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  asked  for  assistance, 
but  it  was  refused.     The  Governor  of  Rhode  Island  made 
a  similar  application  during  the  Dorr  Rebellion  and  the 
regulars  were  held  ready  for  action,  but  their  aid  proved 
unnecessary.    These  last  two  cases  came  under  Article  4, 
section  4,  of  the  Constitution,  which  provides  that  "the 
United  States  shall  protect"  each  State  "on  application 
of  the  legislature,  or  of  the  executive  (when  the  legislature 
cannot  be  convened),  against  domestic  violence."     When 
the  Civil  War  broke  out,  the  President  was  obliged  to 
take  prompt  steps  in  calling  out  the  militia,  though  no 
application  had  been  made  to  him  as  required  by  the  acts 
of  1792  and  1795.     His  action  was  justified  by  Article  2, 
section  3,  of  the  Constitution,  providing  that  "he  shall  take 
care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed,"  but  Congress 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     221 

on  August  6,  1861,  formally  validated  and  made  legal  all 
Lincoln's  previous  acts,  proclamations  and  orders.  The 
Force  Bill  of  April  20,  1871,  gave  the  President  power  to 
call  forth  the  militia  and  to  employ  the  forces  of  the  United 
States  to  suppress  disorders  intended  to  deprive  any  por- 
tion of  the  people  of  their  constitutional  rights,  even  if 
the  State  authorities  should  be  unwilling  to  restore  order. 
During  the  reconstruction  period  Federal  troops  were  called 
for  in  all  the  States  that  had  seceded,  except  Georgia  and 
Florida,  to  preserve  the  peace,  which  had  been  dis- 
turbed by  attempts  to  overthrow  the  newly  established  Re- 
publican administrations  in  those  States.  During  the  rail- 
road strikes  in  1877  Federal  troops  were  employed  with 
good  effect  in  Pennsylvania  and  in  Baltimore. 

Interior,  Department  of  the.  One  of  the  executive  de- 
partments of  the  government,  established  in  1849  and  called 
Home  Department  in  the  title  of  the  act  creating  it.  To 
it  was  assigned  the  charge  of  patents,  copyrights,  censuses, 
public  documents,  public  lands,  mines  and  mining,  judicial 
accounts,  Indian  affairs  and  pensions.  To  these  were  sub- 
sequently added  railroads,  public  surveys,  territories,  Pacific 
railways  and  the  charge  of  certain  charitable  institutions 
of  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  railways  were  later  with- 
drawn from  this  department  and  assigned  to  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission.  The  Secretary  receives  a  salary 
of  $8,000 ;  is  appointed  by  the  President  and  confirmed  by 
the  Senate,  and  is  (by  custom,  not  by  law)  a  member  of 
the  President's  cabinet.  The  Secretary  is  assisted  in  his 
department  by  two  assistant  secretaries,  a  chief  clerk,  an 
assistant  attorney-general,  a  commissioner  and  an  assistant 
commissioner  of  the  Land  Office,  a  commissioner  of  Pen- 
sions and  two  deputies;  a  commissioner  of  Education;  a 
commissioner  and  assistant  commissioner  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs ;  a  commissioner  and  assistant  commissioner  of  Pat- 
ents; a  director  and  chief  clerk  of  Geological  Survey. 

Interior,  Secretary  of  the.  (See  Interior,  Department 
of  the.) 

Internal  Improvements.  From  the  beginning  of  this  gov- 
ernment until  the  year  1860  the  question  of  a  system  of 
internal  improvements  carried  on  by  the  general  govern- 
ment was  a  party  question.  The  Republican  (Democratic- 


222     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Republican),  and  after  it  the  Democratic  party  as  the  party 
of  strict  construction,  opposed  such  a  system.  Improve- 
ments, the  property  in  which  remains  in  the  general  gov- 
ernment, as  lighthouses  and  the  like,  were  not  opposed, 
hut  improvements  on  rivers  and  roads,  the  benefits  of  which 
passes  to  the  States,  were  the  objects  of  attack.  Most  of 
the  earlier  States  were  on  the  sea-coast,  and  the  improve- 
ment of  their  harbors  was  at  first  carried  on  by  means  of 
tonnage  taxes  on  the  commerce  of  the  port,  levied  with  the 
consent  of  Congress  (see  Constitution,  Article  1,  section 
10,  clause  9).  But  a  tax  on  tonnage  is  a  tax  on  the  con- 
sumer of  the  goods  carried  in  the  vessel,  and  the  growth 
of  inland  States  rendered  it  unjust  thus  indirectly  to  tax 
them  in  the  price  of  articles  consumed  in  order  to  improve 
the  harbors  of  the  sea-coast  States,  and  although  this  prac- 
tice was  in  isolated  cases  continued  until  the  middle  of  the 
century,  it  was  generally  discontinued  much  earlier.  As 
early  as  1806  the  improvement  of  roads  by  the  National 
government  was  conceived  in  order  to  indemnify  the  inte- 
rior States  (see  Cumberland  Road),  and  in  1823  the  im- 
provement by  the  National  government  directly  of  rivers 
and  harbors  was  begun.  The  Eepublican  (Democratic- 
Republican)  Presidents,  Jefferson,  Madison  and  Monroe, 
opposed  these  improvements  as  unconstitutional,  although 
toward  the  end  of  his  term  Monroe  became  more  favorable 
to  the  system.  John  Quincy  Adams  was  a  warm  advocate 
thereof  and  Jackson  its  stern  opponent.  Although  the 
Democrats  opposed  any  general  system  of  improvements 
they  continued  to  apply  funds  to  particular  purposes.  The 
Whigs  now  adopted  the  system  originated  by  the  Democrat 
Jackson,  namely,  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  among 
the  States.  (See  Surplus.)  But  once  did  the  Whigs  at- 
tempt to  put  this  into  execution,  and  then  in  1841  the  veto 
of  President  Tyler,  at  odds  with  his  party  in  Congress,  put 
an  end  to  that  scheme,  which  has  not  since  been  revived. 
The  introduction  of  railroads  has  done  away  with  the  ques- 
tion of  improvements  for  roads,  while  a  system  of  assist- 
ance to  the  railroads  by  means  of  the  grant  of  land  along 
the  line  of  their  route  has  sprung  up.  These  grants  have 
been  made  to  many  railroads  in  new  sections  of  the  coun- 
try; enormous  tracts,  in  several  cases  between  forty  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     223 

fifty  million  acres,  being  so  granted.  From  this  policy  a 
revulsion  has  now  set  in,  and  the  present  tendency  is  to 
the  recovery  of  as  much  of  the  land  so  granted  as  has  not 
been  earned  by  a  strict  compliance  with  the  terms  of  the 
grant.  To  this  both  of  the  great  political  parties  stand 
committed.  (See  Party  Platform.)  The  aid  rendered  the 
Pacific  railroads  is  referred  to  under  that  head.  In  1860 
both  parties  favored  the  completion  of  this  work  by  the 
government.  (See  also  River  and  Harbor  Bills.) 

Internal  Revenue.  The  moneys  collected  under  the  in- 
ternal revenue  bureau  in  the  Treasury  Department  are 
called  the  internal  revenue  of  the  United  States.  The  term 
includes  most  of  the  receipts  from  National  taxes  except 
customs  duties,  but  as  commonly  restricted  it  does  not  em- 
brace receipts  from  the  sale  of  public  lands,  patent  fees, 
postal  receipts,  and  the  like,  which  are  really  sources  of 
internal  revenue.  Under  Article  1,  section  8,  clause  1,  of 
the  Constitution,  Congress  has  power  "to  lay  and  collect 
taxes,  duties,  imposts  and  excises  .  .  .  but  all  duties, 
imposts  and  excises  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the  United 
States."  Section  9,  clause  4,  of  the  same  article  provides 
that  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  States 
only  in  proportion  to  the  population.  The  first  internal  rev- 
enue tax  imposed  by  Congress  was  by  the  Act  of  March  3, 
1791,  which  provided  for  a  tax  on  distilled  spirits  of 
domestic  manufacture,  discriminating  in  favor  of  those 
produced  from  domestic  materials  and  against  those  pro- 
duced from  foreign  materials.  The  enforcement  of  this 
tax  led  to  the  Whisky  Insurrection  (which  see).  In  1794 
taxes  were  levied  on  carriages,  retail  selling  of  wines  and 
foreign  distilled  liquors,  on  snuff,  sugar  and  sales  at  auc- 
tion. In  1797  taxes  were  laid  on  stamped  vellum,  parch- 
ment and  paper.  In  1798  the  first  direct  tax  of  its  kind, 
one  of  $2,000,000,  was  apportioned  among  the  States,  and 
it  was  proposed  that  it  should  be  levied  on  dwelling-houses, 
slaves  and  land.  The  tax  of  1791  was  levied  to  establish 
the  principle  of  National  taxation;  that  of  1794  from  fear 
of  hostilities  with  England;  that  of  1798  because  of  the 
threatened  war  with  France.  On  Jefferson's  accession  to 
the  Presidency,  and  on  his  recommendation,  all  internal 
taxes  were  repealed  in  1802,  and  no  others  were  authorized 


224     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

till  1813.    Then  the  war  with  England  necessitated  an  in- 
creased revenue,  and  most  of  the  old  taxes  were  reirnposed. 
These  were  to  cease  a  year  after  the  close  of  the  war,  for 
the  maintenance  of  which  they  were  levied,  but  they  were 
afterward  continued  for  a  while  for  the  payment  of  the  Na- 
tional debt.     In  1814  increased  need  of  money  led  to  an 
augmentation  in  the  amount  of  these  direct   and  other 
internal  taxes,  and  to  the  first  imposition  of  taxes  on  other 
domestic  manufactures  than  sugar,  snuff  and  spirits,  such 
as  iron,  candles,  hats,  playing-cards,  umbrellas,  beer,  ale, 
harness,  boots,  plate,  household  furniture,  gold  and  silver 
watches,  etc.    The  return  of  peace  brought  the  abolition  of 
direct  taxes,  excise  duties  and  other  internal  taxes,  and 
from  1818  to  1861  none  of  these  were  levied.     The  Civil 
War  forced  a  renewal  of  the  internal  revenue  system,  and 
in  1861  a  direct  tax  of  $20,000,000  was  apportioned  among 
the  States,  though  it  was  not  collected  till  a  year  later. 
On  July  1,  1862,  an  exhaustive  internal  revenue  act  was 
passed,  levying  taxes  on  all  sorts  and  kinds  of  articles  too 
numerous  to  mention,  on  trades,  incomes,  sales,  manufac- 
tures, legacies,  etc.    The  bill  was  ill-considered  and  needed 
frequent  modifications.    More  than  twenty-five  acts  on  the 
same  subject  were  passed  within  the  next  six  years.    A  few 
industries  were  taxed  out  of  existence,  but  all  were  more 
or  less  disturbed.    However,  enormous  revenues  were  raised 
and  the  people  submitted  without  opposition  to  the  neces- 
sities of  the  case.     Extensive  reductions  were  made  after 
the  war  had  ceased  by  various  acts  in  1866,  1867  and  1868. 
Further  reductions  were  made  in  1872,  when,  among  others, 
stamp  taxes,  except  that  of  two  cents  on  checks,  drafts  and 
orders,  were  abolished.     Various  acts  since  1872  have  re- 
duced the  subjects  of  internal  revenue  taxation  to  their 
present  numbers,  tobacco,  spirits,  fermented  liquors,  bank 
circulation  and,  by  Act  of  August  2,  1886,  oleomargarine. 

International  Expositions.  The  idea  of  an  exhibition  of 
the  industries  of  all  nations  is  said  to  have  been  suggested 
by  Mr.  Whishaw,  secretary  of  the  Society  of  Arts,  London, 
in  1844.  The  first  direct  movement  in  favor  of  it,  however, 
was  made  by  Prince  Albert,  the  husband  of  Queen  Vic- 
toria. He  was  president  of  the  Society  of  Arts,  and  June 
30,  1849,  called  a  meeting  of  the  society  at  Buckingham 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     225 

Palace,  and  proposed  that  it  should  take  the  initiative  in 
getting  up  an  industrial  fair,  to  which  all  the  countries  of 
the  world  should  he  invited  to  contribute.  The  society  at 
once  took  up  the  idea  and  used  all  the  means  in  their  power 
to  promote  it.  Early  in  1850  they  appointed  a  formal 
commission,  with  Prince  Albert  at  its  head,  to  promote  the 
scheme.  A  few  days  later  a  meeting  was  held  at  the  Man- 
sion House,  London,  to  raise  funds,  and  £10,000  were  at 
once  subscribed.  In  a  short  time  a  guarantee  fund  of 
£200,000  was  obtained  and  the  project  was  fairly  begun. 
The  first  nation  to  follow  the  brilliant  example  of  Great 
Britain  was,  of  course,  the  United  States,  and  the  second 
"Exhibition  of  the  Industry  of  All  Nations"  was  opened 
at  New  York,  July  14,  1853.  It  was  held,  like  that  of 
Great  Britain,  in  a  crystal  palace,  a  building  constructed 
entirely  of  glass  and  iron,  and  built  expressly  for  it.  The 
preparation  and  management  of  this  exhibition  were  un- 
dertaken by  a  stock  company.  The  exhibition  on  this  occa.- 
sion  was  probably  even  more  complete  and  magnificent  than 
that  of  Great  Britain,  for  the  idea  had  gained  in  favor  now 
with  all  nations,  and  no  civilized  country  failed  to  send 
samples  of  its  best  work  in  art  and  manufacture.  This 
fair  was  open  four  months.  Since  then  international  exhi- 
bitions have  been  held  in  all  the  principal  cities  of  Europe, 
and  in  this  country  the  Centennial  Exposition  held  at 
Philadelphia  in  1876,  and  the  World's  Columbian  Exposi- 
tion in  Chicago  in  1892,  demonstrated  the  popularity  of 
these  exhibitions. 

International  Law  consists  of  rules  for  the  conduct  of 
different  nations  and  their  subjects  with  respect  to  each 
other,  which  rules  are  deducted  from  reason,  justice  and 
the  nature  of  governments.  In  the  ancient  world  one  na- 
tion had  few  rights  which  another  was  bound  to  respect. 
International  law  in  anything  like  a  systematic  shape  is  a 
modern  product,  and  the  general  recognition  of  it  is  yet 
more  recent.  Many  of  its  important  principles  are  still 
in  the  stage  of  development,  though  minor  questions,  such 
as  the  treatment  of  ambassadors,  have  long  been  settled. 
Treaties,  declarations  of  war  and  international  documents 
and  discussions  generally,  together  with  the  works  of  great 
writers,  constitute  the  body  of  international  law.  It  may 


226     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

be  divided  into  three  departments :  first,  principles  regulat- 
ing the  conduct  of  states  to  each  other;  second,  principles 
regulating  the  rights  and  obligations  of  individuals  arising 
out  of  international  relations;  third,  principles  regulating 
the  conduct  of  individuals  as  affected  by  the  internal  laws 
of  other  nations.  International  law  differs  from  the  in- 
ternal law  of  States  in  this,  that  there  is  no  final  authority 
to  compel  its  observance  or  punish  its  breach ;  yet  public 
opinion  and  combinations  of  other  nations  are  a  potent 
check  on  the  one  that  would  disregard  its  obligations. 
During  the  last  generation  much  has  been  done  to  secure 
recognition  from  civilized  nations  of  certain  general  rules 
governing  their  actions  toward  each  other,  such  as  the 
rights  of  neutrals  and  the  question  of  blockades,  and  long 
steps  have  been  taken  toward  the  substitution  of  arbitra- 
tion in  place  of  war  in  the  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes. 

Inter-State  Commerce  Act,  The,  was  passed  by  the  Sen- 
ate January  14,  1887,  by  a  vote  of  45  to  15,  and  by  the 
House  on  January  21,  1887,  by  a  vote  of  178  to  41 ;  it  was 
approved  by  President  Cleveland  February  4,  1887.  The 
act  provides  for  the  appointment  of  an  Inter-State  Com- 
merce Commission,  consisting  of  five  members.  These  shall 
not  be  connected  in  any  way  with  common  carriers  subject 
to  the  provisions  of  the  act,  nor  are  they  to  engage  in  other 
business ;  not  more  than  three  are  to  be  of  the  same  political 
party;  they  are  appointed  by  the  President  and  confirmed 
by  the  Senate,  the  first  members  for  the  terms  of  two, 
three,  four,  five  and  six  years,  respectively,  and  their  suc- 
cessors for  the  terms  of  six  years  each ;  they  each  receive  a 
salary  of  $7,500  per  annum.  The  act  applies  to  common 
carriers  conveying  merchandise  or  passengers  between  one 
State,  Territory  or  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  another 
one  of  those  divisions.  Unjust  and  unreasonable  charges 
and  unjust  discrimination  are  prohibited;  the  latter  is  de- 
fined to  be  the  demanding  from  one  person  of  greater  com- 
pensation than  is  asked  from  another  for  a  like  service.  It 
is  made  unlawful  to  give  undue  advantage  to  one  person, 
locality  or  kind  of  traffic  over  another,  or  to  discriminate 
between  connecting  lines.  The  "long  and  short  haul 
clause"  provides  that  the  rate  for  a  short  haul  shall  not 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     227 

equal  nor  exceed  the  rate  for  a  long  haul  under  like  condi- 
tions, except  as  the  Commission  may  provide  or  may  relieve 
from  the  operations  of  this  section.  Freights  cannot  be 
pooled  with  connecting  lines;  schedules  of  rates,  which 
must  be  conformed  to,  are  to  be  made  public,  and  ten  days' 
notice  of  any  advance  must  be  given.  Combinations  to 
prevent  continuous  carriage  are  prohibited.  Persons  suffer- 
ing by  reason  of  violations  of  the  act  may  secure  damages 
in  the  United  States  courts,  or  they  may  complain  to  the 
Commission,  who  have  power  to  compel  the  attendance  of 
persons  and  the  production  of  papers,  and  who  shall  in- 
vestigate and  order  reparation  or  the  ceasing  of  the  viola- 
tion of  the  act,  and  the  circuit  courts  of  the  United  States 
are  given  power  to  enforce  these  orders,  subject  to  an  appeal 
to  the  Supreme  Court  in  certain  instances.  Each  willful 
violation  of  the  act  is  a  misdemeanor  punishable  by  a  fine 
not  exceeding  $5,000.  Common  carriers  subject  to  the  act 
are  to  submit  annual  reports  to  the  commission;  the  com- 
mission is  to  make  a  yearly  report  to  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  who  shall  transmit  the  same  to  Congress.  Certain 
exceptions  are  made  in  the  operation  of  the  act;  reduced 
rates  may  be  granted  on  property  for  governmental  and 
charitable  purposes,  for  purposes  of  exhibitions  and  fairs, 
reduced  rates  may  be  made  for  excursion  tickets,  etc.,  and 
for  ministers,  and  passes  may  be  given  to  officers  or  em- 
ployees of  railroads. 

Inter-State  Extradition.  (See  Extradition.) 
In  the  Line  of  Succession.  Thomas  Jefferson  was  Secre- 
tary of  State  under  Washington;  James  Madison  held  the 
office  under  Jefferson ;  James  Monroe  under  Madison ;  John 
Quincy  Adams  under  Monroe.  Each  one  of  these  secre- 
taries had  subsequently  become  President,  in  every  case, 
except  that  of  Jefferson,  immediately  after  the  President 
under  whom  he  served  in  that  capacity.  Henry  Clay  was 
Secretary  cf  State  under  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  when  in 
1832  he  ran  for  the  Presidency  against  Andrew  Jackson  he 
was  therefore  said  to  be  in  the  line  of  succession. 

In  the  Name  of  the  Great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental 
Congress.  In  May,  1775,  Ethan  Allen  surprised  Fort  Ti- 
conderoga,  then  in  the  hands  of  the  British.  To  Allen's 
demand  for  surrender  the  commander  replied,  "By  whose 


228     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

authority  ?"  to  which  Allen  answered :  "In  the  name  of  the 
Great  Jehovah  and  the  Continental  Congress." 

Invisible  Empire.  A  name  by  which  the  Ku-Klux  Klan 
was  sometimes  known. 

Iowa.  This  State  originally  constituted  part  of  the  re- 
gion acquired  by  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  (See  Annexa- 
tions I.)  It  formed  at  one  time  part  of  the  Territory  of 
Missouri.  (See  Territories.)  After  the  admission  of  Mis-- 
souri  to  the  Union,  Iowa  was  neglected  till  1834,  when  it 
was  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Michigan;  in  1836  it 
was  transferred  to  Wisconsin,  and  in  1838  was  erected  into 
the  separate  Territory  of  Iowa;  it  was  admitted  as  a  State 
December  28,  1846.  The  capital  is  Des  Moines.  Its  name 
is  derived  from  its  principal  river,  which  in  the  Indian 
tongue  is  variously  stated  to  mean  "the  beautiful  land," 
"the  sleepy  ones,"  and  "this  is  the  place;"  popularly  it  is 
called  the  Hawkeye  State. 

I  Propose  to  Fight  It  Out  on  This  Line,  if  It  Takes  All 
Slimmer.  This  sentence  was  contained  in  the  dispatch  of 
General  Grant  to  the  Secretary  of  War  after  the  battle  of 
Spottsylvania,  May,  1864. 

Iron-clad  Oath  of  Office.  A  popular  name  for  the 
oath  of  office  prescribed  July  2,  1862,  in  which  the  person 
not  only  promises  to  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  against  all  enemies,  foreign  or  domestic,  but  also 
swears  that  he  has  never  given  aid  or  encouragement  to  its 
enemies,  or  accepted  office  under  any  government  hostile  to 
the  United  States. 

Irrepressible  Conflict.  The  conflict  between  freedom  and 
slavery  was  referred  to  by  William  H.  Seward  in  a  speech 
delivered  October  25,  1858.  He  declared  that  "it  is  an  irre- 
pressible conflict  between  opposing  and  enduring  forces." 

I  Was  Born  an  American,  I  Live  an  American,  I  Shall 
Die  an  American.  This  sentence  is  from  a  speech  of  Dan- 
iel Webster,  delivered  July  17,  1850. 

Jackson,  Andrew,  was  born  at  Waxhaw  Settlement, 
North  Carolina,  March  15,  1767,  and  died  at  "The  Her- 
mitage," his  residence  near  Nashville,  Tennessee,  January 
8,  1845.  As  a  boy  he  fought  in  the  Eevolutionary  Army. 
He  then  studied  law  and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  His 


ANDREW  JACKSON. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     229 

early  education  had  been  neglected,  nor  was  this  short- 
coming ever  thoroughly  repaired.  He  served  in  the  House 
of  Representatives  from  1796  to  1797,  and  in  the  Senate 
from  1797  to  1798.  He  had  made  a  name  for  himself  in 
Tennessee  as  prosecuting  attorney.  He  had  won  military 
glory  in  fights  with  the  Indians,  and  his  services  in  the 
Creek  War  increased  his  reputation.  He  was  made  a  major- 
general,  and  in  1815  won  the  battle  of  New  Orleans  against 
the  British.  From  1823  to  1825  he  again  served  as  Senator, 
and  in  1824  was  defeated  for  the  Presidency  by  John 
Quincy  Adams.  In  the  next  Presidential  contest  he  de- 
feated Adams.  As  President  he  served  two  terms,  from 
1829  to  1837.  The  principal  events  of  his  administration 
were  Indian  wars,  controversies  about  the  United  States 
Bank,  nullification  troubles,  tariff  agitation  and  changes, 
and  the  removals  from  office  effected  by  him.  At  the  end  of 
his  second  term  he  retired  to  private  life  at  "The  Her- 
mitage." Jackson  was  a  Democrat.  (See  Democratic- 
Republican  Party.)  From  his  time  dates  a  new  departure 
in  the  politics  of  this  country,  namely,  the  principle  of  rota- 
tion in  office  for  the  subordinate  employees  of  the  govern- 
ment and  the  distribution  of  the  offices  to  political  retainers 
as  spoils  of  the  campaign.  In  character  Jackson  was  stern, 
bluff,  uncompromising  and  most  determined.  It  was  due 
to  his  energy  that  the  nullification  troubles  were  so 
promptly  quelled,  and  this  same  trait  was  well  shown  in 
the  persistency  of  his  fight  against  the  United  States  Bank. 
His  comment  on  a  decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  in  the 
Cherokee  Case  is  indicative  of  the  man.  He  said :  "Well, 
John  Marshall  has  made  his  decision.  Now  let  him  en- 
force it."  (See  Cherokee  Case.) 

Jackson  Men.  A  name  assumed  by  the  followers  of  An- 
drew Jackson  about  1828  to  distinguish  them  from  the 
followers  of  John  Quincy  Adams  and  Henry  Clay.  These 
latter,  called  at  first  Adams  and  Clay  Republicans,  came  to 
be  known  as  National  Republicans,  and  they  were  one  of 
the  elements  that  subsequently  formed  the  Whig  party, 
while  the  Jackson  men  soon  came  to  be  known  as  Demo- 
crats merely.  Jackson  men  were  known  also  as  Jackson 
Republicans.  (See  Democratic-Republican  Party;  No- 
fional  Republican  Party;  Whig  Party.) 


230     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Jack  the  Giant-Killer.  A  nickname  applied  to  John 
Randolph,  of  Virginia,  because  in  debate  he  compared  him- 
self to  David  and  his  opponent  to  Goliath. 

Jay,  John,  was  born  in  New  York  City,  December  23, 
1745,  and  died  at  Bedford,  New  York,  May  17,  1829.  He 
was  a  graduate  of  Columbia  and  a  lawyer  by  profession. 
He  took  part  in  the  formation  of  a  State  Constitution  in 
1776,  and  served  in  the  Continental  Congress  from  1774 
to  1777  and  in  1778  and  1779,  during  the  latter  years  as 
its  president.  He  was  also  Chief-Justice  of  his  State.  In 
1779  he  became  Minister  to  Spain,  and  in  1783  was  one  of 
the  negotiators  of  th§  Treaty  of  Paris.  He  then  became 
Secretary  of  Foreign  Affairs  until  1789,  when  he  was  ap- 
pointed Chief-Justice  of  the  United  States.  He  was  next 
engaged  in  the  negotiation  of  the  treaty  that  became  known 
as  Jay's  Treaty  (which  see).  From  1795  to  1801  he  was 
Governor  of  New  York  State.  He  then  retired  to  private 
life. 

Jay's  Treaty.  The  treaty  of  1783,  which  closed  the 
Revolution,  provided  that  the  British  should  evacuate  all 
forts  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States.  England's 
delay  in  fulfilling  this  stipulation,  her  authorization  to 
privateers  to  seize  neutral  vessels  trading  in  the  French 
West  Indies,  and  the  rights  of  search  and  impressment 
which  she  claimed,  led  President  Washington  in  the  early 
part  of  1794  to  appoint  Chief- Justice  John  Jay  minister 
extraordinary  to  Great  Britain  for  the  purpose  of  negotiat- 
ting  a  treaty.  The  result  of  Jay's  efforts  was  submitted  to 
the  Senate  for  ratification  in  June,  1795,  and  soon  received 
the  sanction  of  that  body  and  was  completed  by  Washing- 
ton's signature.  It  provided  for  a  speedy  evacuation  of 
the  forts  on  what  were  then  our  northern  and  northwestern 
frontiers,  arranged  for  compensation  for  illegal  seizures, 
and  regulated  commercial  questions  to  some  extent,  but  it 
recognized  by  implication  the  right  of  search  and  was  not 
wholly  satisfactory  in  other  points.  The  question  of  its 
endorsement  by  the  government  led  to  a  bitter  discussion, 
during  which  copies  of  the  treaty  and  effigies  of  Jay  were 
publicly  burned  and  the  most  outrageous  charges  were 
made  against  Washington,  "in  terms,"  as  he  said,  "so  ex- 
aggerated and  indecent  as  could  scarcely  be  applied  to  a 


THOMAS  JEFFERSON. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     231 

Nero,  a  notorious  defaulter,  or  even  to  a  common  pick- 
pocket." The  President,  nevertheless,  believing  the  treaty 
on  the  whole  to  be  the  best  that  could  be  obtained,  lent 
the  weight  of  his  influence  in  its  favor,  and  the  House  of 
Kepresentatives  in  April,  1796,  by  a  vote  of  51  to  48,  finally 
decided  to  carry  it  into  effect.  The  discussion  in  the  House 
gave  occasion  to  Fisher  Ames,  of  Massachusetts,  for  a  re- 
markable speech  in  defense  of  the  treaty. 

Jefferson  Democrats.     (See  Clintonian  Democrats.) 

Jeffersonian  Democrat.  Democrats  delight  in  applying 
this  designation  to  any  public  man  of  their  party  whose 
simplicity,  directness,  sympathy  with  the  people  and  views 
on  public  economy  meet  their  approbation. 

Jeffersonian  Simplicity.  Thomas  Jefferson  intensely 
disliked  all  display.  He  objected  even  to  the  title  of 
Mister;  he  refused  to  wear  knee-breeches  and  wore  panta- 
loons; he  abolished  the  Presidential  levees,  and  in  going 
to  the  Capitol  to  his  inauguration  he  rode  on  horseback 
alone.  The  Democratic  party,  deriving  as  it  does,  many  of 
its  principles  from  Jefferson,  has  always  affected  to  follow 
him  in  the  matter  of  simplicity. 

Jefferson,  Thomas,  was  born  at  Shadwell,  Virginia,  April 
2,  1743;  he  died  on  the  same  day  with  John  Adams,  July 
4,  1826,  at  Monticello,  Virginia.  He  graduated  at  William 
and  Mary  College  and  became  a  member  of  the  bar.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  from  1769  to 
1774;  between  1775  and  1778  he  was  a  member  of  the  Con- 
tinental Congress;  it  was  he  that  wrote  the  Declaration 
of  Independence  (but  few  changes  were  made  in  his  draft 
of  that  document).  In  1779  he  became  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, and  retained  the  post  until  1781.  He  represented 
this  country  abroad,  first  generally  and  then  in  France.  He 
became  Secretary  of  State  under  Washington,  and  repre- 
sented in  the  latter's  Cabinet  those  principles  of  strict  con- 
struction that  formed  at  least  the  theoretical  basis  of  the 
party  founded  by  him,  the  Democratic-Eepublican.  Elected 
Vice-President  under  Adams  in  1797,  he  was  elected  in 
1801  to  succeed  the  latter,  and  served  as  President  two 
terms.  The  principal  events  of  his  administration  were 
the  purchase  of  Louisiana  (by  far  the  most  important) 
(See  Annexations  I),  the  war  with  the  Barbary  pirates, 


232     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

and  the  embargo.  At  the  end  of  his  second  term  he  retired 
to  his  home  at  Monticello,  where  he  passed  the  remainder 
of  his  life.  He  was  the  founder  of  the  Democratic-Repub- 
lican party,  a  party  that  has  existed  to  the  present  day. 
Though  of  aristocratic  birth,  his  sympathies  were  intensely 
popular;  he  hated  display  and  pomp  and  carried  his  love 
of  simplicity  to  the  extreme  of  objecting  even  to  so  harm- 
less a  title  as  Mister.  His  influence  on  the  government  has 
been  to  check  the  tendency  to  extreme  centralization,  which, 
if  developed,  might  have  led  to  a  nation  too  unpliable  and 
unwieldy  for  long  life,  and  has  made  it  the  admirable  com- 
bination of  pliability  and  resistance  that  it  is.  (See 
State  Sovereignty;  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798.) 

Jingoism.  This  word  arose  in  British  Politics.  During 
the  war  between  Russia  and  Turkey,  English  sympathy 
was  most  strongly  with  Turkey  and  hostile  to  Russia.  A 
song  became  popular,  the  refrain  of  which  was : 

"We  don't  want  to  fight,  but,  by  Jingo,  if  we  do — 
We've  got  the  ships,  we've  got  the  men,  we've  got  the 
money,  too." 

From  this  arose  the  name  jingoism  as  applied  to  the  war 
feeling  against  Russia,  The  term  has,  however,  come  to 
mean  in  politics  any  advocacy  of  national  bluster.  It  is 
sometimes  used  in  this  country. 

Johnny  Reb  was  a  name  by  which  the  Union  soldiers 
during  the  Civil  War  familiarly  called  the  Confederates. 
Reb  is,  of  course,  an  abbreviation  of  rebel. 

Johnson,  Andrew,  was  born  at  Raleigh,  North  Carolina, 
December  29,  1808,  and  died  in  Carter  County,  Tennessee, 
July  31,  1875.  He  was  mayor  of  Greenville,  Tennessee; 
member  of  the  State  Legislature  in  1835  and  State  Senate 
in  1841 ;  Congressman  from  Tennessee  from  1843  to  1853. 
He  was  at  this  time  a  Democrat.  From  1853  to  1857  he 
was  Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  United  States  Senator 
from  1857  to  1862.  In  1862  he  was  appointed  Military 
Governor  of  Tennessee,  and  in  1864  the  Republicans  nomi- 
nated him  as  Vice-President.  On  Lincoln's  assassination 
he  became  President.  He  began  almost  at  once  to  quarrel 
with  Congress,  and  his  impeachment  marked  the  (minima- 


ANDREW  JOHNSON. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     233 

tion  of  that  conflict.  (See  Impeachments.)  The  most  im- 
portant matter  during  his  administration  was  Keconstruc- 
tion  (which  see).  Johnson's  early  education  had  been  neg- 
lected to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  only  after  his  marriage 
that  he  learned  to  read  and  write.  He  was  persistent  and 
determined,  but  blind  to  the  political  signs  of  the  times. 
In  1875  he  was  elected  United  States  Senator,  but  served 
only  at  the  extra  session,  dying  in  July. 

Johnson,  Reverdy,  was  born  at  Annapolis,  Maryland, 
May  21,  1796,  and  died  at  the  same  place  February  10, 
1876.  He  was  a  lawyer.  He  served  as  Senator  from  1845 
to  1849,  and  as  Attorney-General  under  Taylor;  during 
this  time  he  was  a  Whig.  From  1863  to  1868  he  was  again 
Senator,  this  time  as  a  Democrat,  and  in  1869  he  was 
Minister  to  Great  Britain. 

Johnson,  Richard  Mentor,  was  born  at  Bryant's  Station, 
Kentucky,  October  17,  1781;  he  died  November  19,  1850. 
He  served  in  the  War  of  1812.  He  was  a  Democrat,  and 
as  such  served  in  Congress  from  1807  to  1819;  from  1820 
to  1829  he  was  in  the  Senate,  and  from  1829  to  1839  again 
in  the  House.  He  was  the  Democratic  Vice-Presidential 
candidate  in  1840. 

Jonathan,  Brother.    (See  Brother  Jonathan.) 

Judge  Lynch.  A  popular  name  for  a  body  of  persons 
who  take  the  law  into  their  own  hands  in  punishing  crimi- 
nals or  those  suspected  of  being  such.  (See  Lynch  Law.) 

Judiciary.  I.  NATIONAL.  The  third  Article  of  the  Con- 
stitution provides  for  the  establishment  of  United  States 
courts  to  have  jurisdiction  both  in  law  and  in  equity.  This 
jurisdiction  is  in  general  distinct  from,  but  is  sometimes 
concurrent  with,  that  of  the  State  courts.  The  system 
which  Congress  adopted  at  its  first  session  remains  unal- 
tered in  its  essentials  to  the  present  time,  except  for  the 
addition  of  the  Court  of  Claims  in  1855.  The  judges  are 
nominated  by  the  President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 
They  retain  office  during  good  behavior.  The  judicial  power 
of  the  United  States  is  vested  in  a  Supreme  Court,  nine 
Circuit  Courts,  and  sixty-one  District  Courts,  besides  the 
Court  of  Claims.  The  Supreme  Court  has  original  juris- 
diction only  of  "cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers  and  consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall 


234     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

be  a  party;"  that  is,  only  such  cases  can  be  commenced 
therein,  but  cases  decided  in  the  other  Federal  courts,  under 
certain  prescribed  conditions,  can  be  reviewed  by  the  Su- 
preme Court  by  virtue  of  its  appellate  jurisdiction.  The 
limits  of  the  original  jurisdictions  of  the  District  and  Cir- 
cuit Courts,  and  the  appellate  jurisdiction  of  the  latter  over 
the  former,  are  provided  by  law.  Besides  other  matters,  the 
Circuit  Court  has  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  patent  suits  and 
the  District  Court  of  admiralty  cases.  The  Court  of  Claims 
has  jurisdiction  of  claims  against  the  United  States.  The 
Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  besides  their  functions  as 
such,  are  each  assigned  to  one  of  the  circuits,  being  then 
known  as  Circuit  Justices.  There  is  also  a  separate  Circuit 
Judge  for  each  circuit,  and  a  District  Judge  for  each  dis- 
trict. Circuit  Courts  may  be  held  by  the  Circuit  Justice, 
by  the  Circuit  Judge  or  by  the  District  Judge  sitting  alone, 
or  by  any  two  of  these  sitting  together.  As  constituted  at 
first,  the  Supreme  Court  consisted  of  a  Chief-Justice  and 
five  Associate-Justices,  but  the  number  of  the  latter  has 
been  changed  from  time  to  time,  and  there  are  at  present 
eight.  (See  CUef -Justice.}  The  salary  of  the  Chief -Jus- 
tice is  $13,000,  and  of  Associate- Justices  $12,500  per  an- 
num. Besides  these  regular  federal  courts,  the  Senate  sits 
when  necessary  as  a  court  of  impeachment ;  the  District  of 
Columbia  has  a  Supreme  Court  over  which  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  has  appellate  jurisdiction ;  and 
Territorial  Courts  are  provided,  the  judges  of  which  are 
nominated  for  terms  of  four  years  by  the  President,  and 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  over  which  the  Supreme 
Court  has  also  appellate  jurisdiction.  Cases  decided  in  the 
highest  court  of  any  State  may  also  be  reviewed  by  the 
Supreme  Court,  but  only  when  federal  questions  are  in- 
volved ;  that  is,  when  the  controversy  deals  with  the  Con- 
stitution, laws  or  treaties  of  the  United  States. 

II.  STATE.  The  judicial  systems  of  the  several  States 
are  too  widely  different  to  permit  of  brief  explanation.  In 
some  of  them  courts  of  equity  are  distinct  from  those  of 
law,  while  in  others  the  same  tribunals  exercise  both  func- 
tions, and  in  still  others  all  distinction  between  actions  at 
law  and  suits  in  equity  is  abolished.  The  manner  of  select- 
ing judges  also  varies  in  different  States  and  from  time  to 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     235 

time.  At  the  period  of  the  formation  of  the  United  Slates 
the  election  of  judges  by  the  people  was  unknown  except  in 
Georgia.  At  the  present  time,  however,  the  people  elect 
judges  in  twenty-four  of  the  States.  Judicial  terms  vary 
from  two  to  twenty-one  years,  the  average  being  about  ten 
years.  The  question  has  been  much  discussed  whether  the 
judiciary  should  be  elective  by  the  people,  or  appointive  by 
the  executive  or  Legislature,  or  "councils  of  appointment." 
Most  of  the  States  have  decided  in  favor  of  the  former 
alternative,  but  many  of  these  have  found  it  necessary  to 
lengthen  the  terms  of  their  elective  judiciary  in  order  to 
lessen  the  necessary  evils  of  the  system,  which  tends  to 
supplant  judicial  justice  by  political  shrewdness.  The  elec- 
tive system  seems  to  have  been  a  growth  of  the  "spoils"  doc- 
trine as  a  means  of  rotation  in  office. 

Junketing1.  Any  trip,  excursion  or  entertainment  by  an 
official  at  public  expense  under  the  guise  of  public  service, 
is  popularly  called  a  "junket."  The  form  these  junkets 
most  frequently  take,  is  a  legislative  investigation  requiring 
travel  to  various  points  and  large  hotel  bills. 

Jury.  A  jury  is  a  body  of  impartial  persons  sworn  to 
inquire  into  the  truth  of "  facts  presented  to  them  and  to 
render  a  verdict  or  decision  on  the  evidence.  The  right  to 
a  trial  by  jury  is  insured  by  the  fifth,  sixth  and  seventh 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  and 
b}r  most  of  the  State  constitutions.  In  criminal  cases  the 
right  is  universal  in  this  country;  in  civil  cases  it  is 
general,  but  may  usually  be  waived  by  consent  of  both 
parties.  The  petit  or  trial  jury  is  usually  composed  of 
twelve  persons,  but  sometimes  a  smaller  number  is  used. 
Their  verdict  must  be  unanimous  in  criminal  cases  and 
generally  in  civil  cases.  A  special  or  struck  jury  is  ordered 
by  the  court  in  extraordinary  cases  where  it  is  shown  that 
a  fair  and  impartial  trial  cannot  be  had  by  an  ordinary 
jury.  A  struck  jury  is  obtained  as  follows :  From  the 
complete  list  or  panel  of  jurors  an  officer  selects  forty-eight 
whom  he  considers  most  impartial  and  in  every  way  best 
fitted  to  try  the  case  at  issue;  from  this  list  each  party 
strikes  off,  alternately,  twelve  names;  from  the  remaining 
twenty-four  the  trial  jury  is  selected  in  the  ordinary  way. 
A  grand  jury  is  composed  of  twenty-three  persons;  its 


236     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

function  is  to  inquire  concerning  the  commission  of  crimes 
and  to  present  indictments  against  offenders,  where  it 
thinks  proper,  to  a  court  having  jurisdiction  to  try  the  case ; 
twelve  must  concur  to  find  an  indictment,  or  a  true  bill, 
as  it  is  called ;  its  proceedings  are  secret.  The  Constitution 
of  the  United  States  and  all  the  State  constitutions  provide 
that  no  person  shall  be  tried  for  a  capital  or  otherwise  in- 
famous crime  except  after  indictment  by  a  grand  jury.  A 
coroner's  jury,  or  jury  of  inquest,  is  composed  of  from 
nine  to  fifteen  persons,  and  its  duty  is  to  inquire  into  the 
causes  of  sudden  deaths  or  dangerous  woundings.  Sheriff's 
juries  try  the  title  to  property  held  by  the  sheriff  when  it  is 
claimed  by  a  third  party.  Juries  are  also  employed  for 
other  special  purposes,  among  which  is  the  determination 
of  the  value  of  property  taken  under  the  right  of  eminent 
domain.  The  province  of  a  jury  is  usually  to  judge  merely 
of  the  truth  or  falsity  of  the  facts  alleged",  the  court  decid- 
ing questions  of  law ;  but  in  some  cases  and  in  a  few  of  the 
States  the  jury  decides  both  as  to  the  law  and  the  facts. 

Justice,  Department  of.  This  department  was  organized 
June  22,  1870,  and  the  Attorney-General,  whose  office  was 
created  by  act  of  September  24,  1789,  was  placed  at  its 
head.  The  Attorney-General  is  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent and  confirmed  by  the  Senate ;  his  salary  is  $8,000 ;  he 
is  a  member  of  the  Cabinet.  The  establishment  of  this 
department  brought  under  his  control  all  United  States 
district-attorneys  and  marshals,  and  secured  uniformity  in 
the  trial  and  prosecution  of  cases.  The  Attorney- General 
rarely  argues  cases,  this  work  being  done  by  his  subordi- 
nates. The  Solicitor-General  takes  the  place  of  the  Attor- 
ney-General in  the  latter^  absence.  He  has  charge  of  the 
conduct  of  cases  in  the  courts  at  Washington.  Besides  the 
Solicitor-General,  there  are  seven  Assistant  Attorneys-Gen- 
eral, and  other  subordinate  officers.  In  addition  to  these 
there  is  an  Assistant  Attorney-General  in  the  Post  Office 
department,  and  one  in  the  Interior  department.  The  sev- 
eral States  have  officers  of  the  same  title  with  similar 
duties.  The  salary  attached  to  the  office  is  so  small  as 
compared  with  the  income  of  a  successful  lawyer,  that  it 
requires  a  patriotic  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  some  appointees 
to  accept  the  appointment.  It  is  generally  believed  that 


A  DICTIONARY  05*  AMERICAN  POLITICS     237 

one  prosperous  lawyer  surrendered  a  practice  worth  one 
hundred  thousand  dollars  a  year  in  order  to  serve  as  Attor- 
ney-General during  a  period  of  need.  It  may  generally  be 
said  of  all  Federal  officers,  that  the  salary  is  not  propor- 
tioned to  the  responsibility  or  the  probable  reputation  of 
the  incumbent;  but  this  disparity  is  greater  in  the  Depart- 
ment of  Justice  than  in  any  other.  The  Supreme  Court  is 
established  by  Article  III  of  the  Constitution,  and  the 
"supreme  law"  clause  (Section  II,  Clause  I)  gave  to  the 
Court  the  power  to  interpret  the  Constitution  and  to  pro- 
nounce upon  the  constitutionality  of  the  acts  of  the  legisla- 
tive branch  of  the  government.  The  bill  organizing  the 
Supreme  Court  was  drawn  up  by  Oliver  Ellsworth  (after- 
ward Supreme  Justice),  enacted  by  the  First  Congress,  and 
is  still  in  force.  The  Court  includes  the  Chief  Justice  (see 
Chief  Justice)  and  eight  Associate  Justices.  Among  the 
more  important  decisions  of  the  Court  are  the  Dred  Scott 
case  (1857).,  the  Milligan  case  (1866),  Texas  vs.  White 
(1868),  Legal  Tender  (1869),  Slaughter  House  cases 
(1873),  the  Northern  Securities  case  (1904),  and  the  in- 
sular decisions. 

Kanawha  is  a  name  at  first  proposed  for  West  Virginia 
(which  see). 

Kansas.  The  larger  part  of  Kansas  constituted  a  portion 
of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  (see  Annexations  7),  but  the 
southwestern  corner  was  ceded  by  Texas  to  the  United 
States  in  1850.  It  formed  part  of  Missouri  Territory  (see 
Territories)  till  1821,  and  then  remained  unorganized  till, 
in  1854,  by  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill  (which  see),  the  Ter- 
ritory of  Kansas  W7as  erected,  which  included  part  of  the 
present  State  of  Colorado.  After  much  trouble  and  not  a 
little  bloodshed,  caused  by  the  opposing  attempts  to  make 
Kansas  a  slave  State  and  a  free  State  (see  Border  War; 
Brown,  John),  it  was  admitted  to  the  Union  under  the 
Wyandotte  Constitution,  which  prohibited  slavery,  January 
29,  1861.  The  capital  is  Topeka.  The  State  is  called  after 
the  river  of  the  same  name,  which  in  the  Indian  tongue 
means  "smoky  water."  Popularly  it  is  known  as  the  Gar- 
den State,  or  the  Garden  of  the  West. 

Kansas  Aid  Society  was  a  Congressional  society  formed 
in  1854  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  free-State  emigration  to 


238     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Kansas,  in  which  region  the  struggle  between  the  free  State 
and  the  slave  parties  was  then  at  its  height.  (See  Border 
War.) 

Kansas-Nebraska  Bill.  The  Missouri  Compromise  of 
1820  had  excluded  slavery  from  the  Louisiana  Purchase 
north  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  north  latitude, 
except  from  the  State  of  Missouri,  and  the  Compromise  of 
1850  was  not  regarded  as  having  disturbed  that  arrange- 
ment. That  part  of  this  region  lying  west  and  northwest 
of  Missouri,  and  stretching  to  the  Rocky  Mountains,  was 
known  as  the  "Platte  Country."  In  1851-52  petitions  for 
a  territorial  organization  of  this  region  were  presented  to 
Congress,  and  in  1853  a  bill  organizing  it  as  the  Territory 
of  Nebraska  was  reported  in  the  House.  This  bill  failed  in 
the  Senate.  In  the  next  Congress,  substantially  the  same 
bill  was  reported  to  the  Senate  from  the  Committee  on 
Territories  by  Stephen  A.  Douglas.  In  the  meantime,  A. 
Dixon,  of  Kentucky,  had  given  notice  that  he  would  move 
an  amendment  exempting  this  Territory  from  the  opera- 
tions of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  Douglas,  not  to  be  out- 
done in  the  service  of  slavery,  had  the  bill  recommitted, 
and  reported  the  following  measure :  Two  Territories  were 
to  be  organized,  Kansas  to  include  all  of  this  region  in  the 
latitude  of  Missouri  and  west  of  that  State,  and  Nebraska 
the  remainder.  The  southern  boundary  of  Kansas  was 
moved  to  thirty-seven  degrees  north  latitude,  the  strip  be- 
tween thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes  and  thirty-seven 
degrees  being  left  to  the  Indians.  Moreover,  in  order  to 
carry  into  effect  the  principle  of  the  Compromise  of  1850 
(so  said  the  bill),  it  was  provided  that:  1.  The  question 
of  slavery  was  to  be  left  to  the  people.  2.  Questions  in- 
volving the  title  to  slaves  were  to  be  left  to  local  courts  with 
the  right  to  appeal  to  the  United  States  Supreme  Court.  3. 
The  fugitive  slave  laws  were  to  apply  to  the  Territories. 
Further,  so  far  as  this  region  was  concerned,  the  Missouri 
Compromise  was  declared  repealed.  In  this  shape  the  bill, 
known  as  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill,  was  passed  and  signed 
by  President  Pierce.  This  measure  divided  the  Whig 
party,  most  of  the  Southern  Whigs  joining  the  Democrats. 
All  Northerners  opposed  to  the  measure  were  known  as 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     239 

"Anti-Nebraskas,"  and  these  joined  the  party  known  soon 
after  as  Republican. 

Kentuc.  A  name  applied  to  the  Kentucky  boatmen  about 
1800.  They  are  described  as  "half -horse,  half -alligator, 
tipped  with  snapping-turtle/'  lawless  and  a  terror  to  the 
neighborhood. 

Kentucky  was  originally  a  part  of  Virginia,  but  was 
ceded  to  the  National  government  in  1784,  though  the 
cession  was  not  finally  settled  for  several  years.  (See  Ter- 
ritories.) In  1790  it  became  a  separate  Territory.  By  Act 
of  February  4,  1791,  taking  effect  June  1,  1792,  Kentucky 
was  admitted  to  the  Union.  During  the  Civil  War  it  did 
not  secede,  though  represented  in  the  Confederate  Congress 
by  members  chosen  by  Kentuckians  who  were  fighting  on 
the  Southern  side.  Martial  law  was  proclaimed  in  Ken- 
tucky by  Lincoln  on  July  5,  1864,  and  the  State  was  re- 
stored to  the  civil  authorities  by  Johnson  on  October  18, 
1865.  The  capital  is  Frankfort.  The  name  is  of  Indian 
derivation,  and  means  "the  dark  and  bloody  ground," 
alluding  to  the  frequent  battles  of  the  Indian  tribes.  Popu- 
larly it  is  called  the  Corn  Cracker  State,  and  its  inhabitants 
are  known  as  Corn  Crackers. 

Kentucky  Resolution  of  1799. 

Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798  were  introduced  in  the 
Kentucky  Legislature  in  that  year  by  George  Nicholas,  but 
Thomas  Jefferson  is  now  known  to  have  been  the  author. 
They  were  directed  against  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws, 
and  against  acts  passed  to  punish  frauds  on  the  Bank  of 
the  United  States.  They  opposed  broad  construction  of  the 
Constitution,  and  affirmed  that  instrument  to  be  a  "com- 
pact," each  State  being  one  party,  "its  co-States  forming  as 
to  itself  the  other  party."  These  resolutions  and  similar 
ones,  prepared  by  James  Madison,  passed  by  Virginia  in 
1799,  were  submitted  to  other  States  for  their  approval, 
but  such  States  as  returned  answers  expressed  non-con- 
currence in  the  views  there  formulated.  The  Kentucky 
Resolution  of  1799  repeated  the  former  statements  regard- 
ing the  Constitution,  and  entered  a  solemn  protest  against 
the  abuses  complained  of. 


240     A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Key,  Francis  Scott.  Author  of  "The  Star-Spangled  Ban- 
ner" (which  see.)  Born  in  Maryland,  August  9,  1780; 
died  at  Baltimore,  Md.,  January  11,  1843. 

Keystone  State.  The  keystone  is  the  middle  stone  of  an 
arch  which,  when  slipped  into  place,  completes  the  arch  and 
gives  stability  and  strength  to  it.  Pennsylvania  is  called 
the  Keystone  State  from  its  having  been  the  central  State 
of  the  Union  at  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. If  the  names  of  the  thirteen  original  States  are 
arranged  in  the  form  of  an  arch,  Pennsylvania  will  occupy 
the  place  of  the  keystone. 

Kickers.  To  kick  means  to  show  opposition,  and  in  poli- 
tics kickers  are  members  of  a  party  that  do  not  accept  its 
nominations  or  fiats  with  good  grace.  When  a  kicker  car- 
ries his  dissatisfaction  to  the  length  of  withdrawing  from 
his  party,  he  becomes  a  bolter  (which  see). 

Kid-glove  Politics.  Movements  looking  to  reform,  espe- 
cially in  local  politics,  are  frequently  undertaken  by  those 
classes  of  the  community  that  are  in  good  circumstances. 
This  is  natural,  as  these  have  more  leisure  to  devote  to  the 
task.  Such  movements  are  naturally  odious  to  corrupt  ma- 
chine politicians,  and  as  one  means  of  discrediting  these 
efforts  among  laboring  men,  they  seek  to  awaken  class 
prejudice.  Kid-glove  politics  and  kid-glove  politicians  are 
terms  employed  to  create  this  prejudice. 

King  Caucus.  A  term  applied  to  the  Congressional 
Caucus  by  reason  of  its  absolute  power.  (See  Caucus,  the 
Congressional. ) 

King  of  the  Feds  was  a  nickname  applied  to  Alexander 
Hamilton,  the  ablest  of  the  Federalist  leaders. 

King,  Eufus,  was  born  at  Scarborough,  Massachusetts 
(now  Maine),  March  24,  1755.  He  died  at  Jamaica,  New 
York,  April  29,  1827.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Harvard, 
served  in  the  Continental  Congress,  and  in  1788  moved  to 
New  York.  From  1789  to  1796  he  was  United  States  Sen- 
ator, from  1796  to  1803  Minister  to  Great  Britain,  from 
1813  to  1825  again  Senator,  and  in  1825  and  1826  again 
Minister  to  Great  Britain.  He  was  a  Federalist,  and  from 
1800  to  1812  he  was  each  time  his  party's  nominee  for  Vice- 
President. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMELICAN  POLITICS     241 

King,  William  Rufus,  was  born  in  Sampson  County, 
North  Carolina,  April  7,  1786,  and  died  at  Cahawba,  Ala- 
bama, April  18,  1853.  He  was  graduated  at  the  University 
of  North  Carolina.  By  profession  he  was  a  lawyer,  in  poli- 
tics a  Democrat.  He  served  in  Congress  from  1811  to  181 6, 
and  in  the  Senate  from  1819  to  1844.  From  1844  to  1846 
he  was  Minister  to  France,  and  from  1846  to  1853  again  a 
Senator.  In  1852  he  was  elected  Vice-President. 

Kitchen  Cabinet  is  a  name  applied  to  a  certain  circle  of 
intimate  friends  of  President  Andrew  Jackson.  These 
friends  were  said  to  have  more  influence  with  the  President 
than  his  official  Cabinet.  The  principal  member  of  the 
Kitchen  Cabinet  was  Duff  Green,  of  St.  Louis,  who  estab- 
lished the  newspaper,  The  United  States  Telegraph,  in 
Washington.  This  paper  was  the  President's  organ  until 
1831,  when  Green,  siding  with  Calhoun  against  Jackson, 
lost  the  latter's  confidence.  The  Globe,  John  C.  Rives  and 
Francis  P.  Blair,  editors,  then  became  the  President's 
organ,  and  Blair  became  a  member  of  his  Kitchen  Cabinet. 
Other  members  were  William  B.  Lewis,  of  Nashville,  who 
was  appointed  Second  Auditor  of  the  Treasury;  Isaac 
Hill,  of  New  Hampshire,  who  was  made  Second  Comptrol- 
ler of  the  Treasury,  and  Amos  Kendall,  of  Kentucky,  who 
was  made  Fourth  Auditor  of  the  Treasury  and  finally  in 
1835  joined  the  official  Cabinet  as  Postmaster-General.  The 
term  has  also  been  applied  to  certain  advisers  of  President 
John  Tyler  and  of  President  Andrew  Johnson,  but  Jack- 
son's Kitchen  Cabinet  is  meant  when  the  term  is  used  with- 
out qualification. 

Knifing  is  a  form  of  political  treachery  practised  by  po- 
litical organizations  against  candidates  of  their  own  party 
distasteful  to  the  organization.  Although  openly  pretend- 
ing to  support  and  aid  the  candidate  of  the  party,  the  or- 
ganization secretly  uses  its  influence  against  him,  and  on 
election  day  either  fails  to  furnish  ballots  bearing  the  can- 
didate's name,  or  distributes  those  bearing  the  name  of  his 
opponent.  This  form  of  treachery  is  allied  to  trading,  but 
differs  from  it  in  motive.  The  motive  in  trading  is  not 
directly  a  desire  to  defeat  this  particular  candidate  of  its 
own  party,  but  the  desire  either  to  elect  some  other  member 
of  the  party  or  to  gain  the  pecuniary  reward  offered,  .the 


242     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

defeat  of  the  candidate  traded  off  being  merely  incidental. 
In  knifing  the  motive  is  revenge  or  hate  of  the  candidate 
knifed,  the  trading  necessary  to  accomplish  this  end  being 
merely  incidental.  Both  of  these  forms  of  treachery  may 
usually  be  discovered  by  comparison,  district  by  district,  of 
the  votes  for  the  particular  candidate  with  the  vote  for  other 
candidates  of  the  party,  and  with  the  vote  of  previous  years. 
(See  Trading.) 

Knights  of  Labor.     (See  Order  of  Knights  of  Labor.) 
Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle.    (See  American  Knights.) 
Knights  of  the  Mighty  Host.    (See  American  Knights.) 
Knights  of  the  Order  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.    (See  Amer- 
ican Knights.) 

Knights  of  the  White  Camelia.  One  of  the  nrmes  by 
which  the  Ku-Klux  Klan  was  known. 

Know-Nothing  Party.  (See  American  Party.) 
Koszta  Affair.  One  of  the  leaders  in  the  Hungarian  re- 
bellion of  1849  against  Austria  was  Martin  Koszta.  When 
the  revolt  was  crushed  he  fled  and  finally  took  refuge  in  the 
United  States  where  he  commenced  the  steps  necessary  to 
secure  full  citizenship  in  this  country.  In  1854  he  went  to 
Turkey  on  business,  received  a  passport  from  the  American 
consul  at  Smyrna,  and  went  ashore.  The  Austrian  consul 
caused  him  to  be  thrown  into  the  bay,  from  which  he  was 
picked  up  and  put  on  board  an  Austrian  frigate.  Our  rep- 
resentative demanded  his  release,  which  was  refused.  There- 
upon Captain  Ingraham  of  the  United  States  sloop  of  war 
St.  Louis  cleared  his  ship  for  action  and  threatened  to  open 
fire.  This  spirited  action  caused  the  Austrian  officials  to 
surrender  Koszta  to  the  charge  of  the  French  consul  until 
the  question  should  be  settled.  A  lengthy  discussion  ensued 
between  Baron  Hiilseman,  Austrian  minister  at  Washing- 
ington,  and  William  L.  Marcy,  then  Secretary  of  State  un- 
der Pierce.  As  a  result  of  March's  able  arguments  Koszta 
was  released  and  he  returned  to  the  United  States. 

Ku-Klux  Klan  was  an  organization  that  sprang  up  at 
the  South  during  the  period  of  reconstruction.  Its  objects 
were  the  suppression  of  the  negro  as  a  factor  in  politics ;  its 
means,  terrorization,  ending  in  many  cases  in  murder.  It 
was  a  secret  organization;  its  origin  is  unknown,  but  it  is 
supposed  to  have  sprung  about  1867  from  numerous  local 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     243 

associations  all  having  the  same  end  in  view.    Such  infor- 
mation as  we  have  in  regard  to  it  is  founded  on  a  copy  of 
its  constitution  (prescript,  as  it  was  termed),  and  on  a  Con- 
gressional investigation  made  in  1871.     In  this  prescript 
the    name    of    the    association   is  never    mentioned,    two 
asterisks   (**)   being  inserted  instead;  their  local  lodges 
were   called    dens;   the    masters,    cyclops;    the    members, 
ghouls.    A  county  was  a  province;  governed  by  grand  giant 
and  four  gollins.  A  Congressional  district  was  a  dominion, 
governed  by  a  grand  Titan  and  six  furies.    A  State  was  a 
realm,  governed  by  a  grand  dragon  and  eight  hydras.    The 
whole  country  was  the  empire,  governed  by  a  grand  wizard 
and  ten  genii.    Their  banner  was  triangular,  a  black  dragon 
on  a  yellow  field  with  a  red  border;  their  mysteries  were 
never  to  be  written,  but  only  orally  communicated ;  the  dis- 
tinctive feature  of  their  dress  was  a  covering  for  the  head 
descending  to  the  breast,  holes  being  cut  for  the  eyes  and 
mouth;  the  covering  being  decorated  in  any  startling  or 
fantastic  manner.    The  order  succeeded  in  its  purpose ;  the 
midnight  raids  of  men  thus  clad,  who  administered  whip- 
pings or  other  punishment,  had  the  effect  intended,  and  the 
Ku-Klux  became  a  terror  to  all  negroes,  keeping  them 
either  from  exercising  their  political  rights  or  else  causing 
them  to  act  with  their  persecutors.     The  order,  however, 
outran  its  original  purpose,  and  where  mere  whippings  did 
not  accomplish  the  desired  end,  as  with  Northern  whites  who 
had  come  South  and  with  the  bolder  negroes,  murder  was 
resorted  to.     The  disorders  grew,  and  in  March,  1871,  a 
Congressional  investigating  committee  was  appointed;  in 
the  same  month  President  Grant  in  a  message  to  Congress 
asked  for  legislation  to  enable  the  restoration  of  order  at  the 
South,  as  neither  life  nor  property  was  there  secure,  and 
as  the  transportation  of  the  mails  and  the  collection  of  the 
revenue  were  interfered  with.    The  Ku-Klux  Act  or  Force 
Bill  was  promptly  passed.    This  bill  provided  for  the  pun- 
ishment by  fine  or  imprisonment,  or  both,  of  attempts  to  in- 
terfere with  the  privilege  of  any  citizen  to  vote,  giving  the 
federal  courts  cognizance  of  suits  arising  thereunder  and 
giving  federal  judges  power  to  exclude  from  juries  persons 
whom  they  judged  to  be  in  sympathy  with  the  accused.    In 
cases  where  State  authorities  were  unable  or  unwilling  to 


244     A  DICTIONA&Y  OF  AMEKICAN  POLITICS 

give  adequate  protection  the  President  was  authorized  to 
employ  the  military  and  naval  power  of  the  United  States 
to  secure  the  same,  and  suspend  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus. 
The  second  section  of  the  bill,  declaring  the  punishment  for 
any  conspiracy  to  prevent  a  person  from  enjoying  his  legal 
rights,  was  declared  unconstitutional  by  the  Supreme  Court 
in  1883.  The  habeas  corpus  provision  was  to  remain  in 
force  only  to  the  end  of  the  next  session  of  Congress.  An 
attempt  to  renew  it  failed  in  1872.  In  October,  1871,  Pres- 
ident Grant  issued  two  proclamations,  the  first  ordering 
certain  associations  in  South  Carolina  to  surrender  their 
arms  and  disguises  within  five  days ;  the  second,  at  the  ex- 
piration of  the  five  days  suspending  the  writ  of  habeas  cor- 
pus.  Many  arrests  and  convictions  followed,  and  the  asso- 
ciation was  crushed  within  four  months.  The  Ku-Ivlux 
Klan  was  known  by  various  other  names,  as  White  League 
and  Invisible  Empire.  The  name  Ku-Klux  has  ever  since 
been  applied  in  a  general  way  to  troubles  between  the 
negroes  and  whites  at  the  South. 

Ku-Klux  Act.     (See  Force  Bill) 

Labor  Parties.  (See  Progressive  Labor  Party;  Union 
Labor  Party;  United  Labor  Party.) 

Laissez  Faire — Laissez  Passer  are  two  French  phrases, 
in  the  imperative,  meaning  let  work  and  allow  exchange. 
They  sum  up  the  demands  of  those  economists  that  advocate 
freedom  of  labor  and  freedom  of  commerce.  Their  mean- 
ing has  at  times  been  perverted  and  made  to  extend  to  the 
theory  of  freedom  from  all  restraint  for  the  individual  in 
morals  and  in  politics.  But  the  well  recognized  application 
of  the  terms  is  to  the  theory  of  political  economy  that  de- 
mands the  abolition  of  restraints  on  labor  and  trade. 

Lamar,  Lucius  Q.  C.,  was  born  in  Putnam  County, 
Georgia,  September  17,  1825.  He  graduated  at  Emory  Col- 
lege, and  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1849  he  moved  to 
Mississippi,  where  he  was  for  a  while  professor  of  mathe- 
matics in  the  State  University.  Eeturning  to  Georgia  and 
the  practice  of  law,  he  was  in  1853  elected  to  the  Legis- 
lature. In  1854  he  again  moved  to  Mississippi,  which  State 
he  represented  in  the  Thirty-fifth  and  Thirty-sixth  Con- 
gress. In  1860  he  resigned,  seceding  with  his  State.  He 
served  in  the  Confederate  army  and  also  as  emissary  to 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     245 

Enssia  for  the  Confederacy.  He  acted  as  professor,  first  of 
political  economy  and  then  of  law,  in  the  University  of 
Mississippi.  He  served  in  the  Forty-third  and  Forty-fourth 
Congress,  and  in  1876  was  elected  to  the  Senate.  He  was 
re-elected,  but  resigned  in  order  to  accept  the  post  of  Sec- 
retary of  the  Interior  in  President  Cleveland's  Cabinet.  In 
January,  1888,  his  nomination  as  Associate- Justice  of  the 
Supreme  Court  was  confirmed  by  the  Senate. 
L'Amistad  Case.  (See  Amisiad  Case,  The.) 
Land  Grants.  By  this  name  is  known  the  grant  of  land 
to  corporations  to  encourage  and  aid  the  construction  of 
railroads  in  portions  of  the  country  in  which  it  would  other- 
wise be  unprofitable.  These  grants  are  usually  made 
directly  to  the  companies.  Before  1862  they  were  made  to 
the  States  in  order  to  enable  them  to  extend  aid  to  cor- 
porations within  their  borders.  To  every  State,  at  its  admis- 
sion, Congress  has  granted  five  per  cent,  of  the  public  lands 
within  its  limits  on  condition  of  the  exemption  of  the  re- 
mainder from  State  taxation.  In  1850  the  first  grant  for 
railroad  purposes  was  made.  It  consisted  of  about  2.500,- 
000  acres  granted  to  the  State  of  Illinois,  and  it  was  used 
to  aid  the  Illinois  Central  Eailroad.  In  1856  about  2,000,- 
000  acres  went  to  Florida,  a  similar  amount  was  received  by 
Arkansas,  while  various  other  States  received  large  tracts 
all  more  or  less  used  to  encourage  railroad  building.  But 
the  grant  of  colossal  areas  began  with  ,the  construction  of 
the  Pacific  Railroads  (which  see.)  The  Union  Pacific  re- 
ceived 2,000,000  ;  the  Kansas  Pacific  6,000,000 ;  the  Central 
Pacific  (as  successor  of  the  Western  Pacific)  1,100.000.  and 
on  its  Oregon  Branch  3,000,000 ;  the  Orearon  and  Califor- 
nia 3,500,000;  the  Southern  Pacific  6,000,000;  and  the 
Southern  Pacific  branch  line  3,500,000  acres.  Among  others 
that  received  large  grants  were  the  Burlington  and  Missouri 
River  and  the  Hannibal  and  St.  Joseph.  But  the  most 
stupendous  grants  were  those  of  47,000,000  acres  to  the 
Northern  Pacific  and  of  42,000,000  acres  to  the  Atlantic 
and  Pacific.  From  these  generous  grants  a  revulsion  has 
set  in,  and  at  every  session  of  Congress  bills  are  now  intro- 
duced and  every  effort  is  made  to  forfeit  such  portions  of 
the  land  as  are  not  earned  by  a  strict  compliance  with  the 
terms  of  the  grant,  thus  saving  the  land  for  settlement. 


246     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


Bills  revoking  the  grant  of  lands  not  as  yet  earned  have 
been  passed;  among  the  principal  roads  affected  are  the 
Atlantic  and  Pacific,  Texas  Pacific  and  Iron  Mountain, 
and  over  50,000,000  acres  have  thus  been  recovered.  (See 
Subsidies.) 

Land  of  Steady  Habits.  The  State  of  Connecticut  is 
sometimes  so  called. 

Late  Unpleasantness,  The,  is  a  euphemistic  phrase  some- 
times used  in  speaking  of  the  Civil  War. 

Latter-Day  Saints.  The  name  by  which  the  Mormons 
call  themselves. 

Lava  Beds.     (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Law  and  Order  League.  (See  Citizens'  Law  and  Order 
League  of  the  United  States.) 

Law  and  Order  Party.  While  there  have  been  many 
local  parties  calling  themselves  by  the  above  name,  it  is 
generally  understood  in  United  States  history  as  applying 
to  the  opponents  of  Dorr  in  the  Dorr  Rebellion  (which  see). 

Law  of  Nations.     (See  International  Law.) 

Laws,  Sumptuary.  Sumptuary  laws  are  those  intended 
to  limit  the  expenses  of  citizens  in  the  matters  of  food, 
clothing  and  the  like.  They  were  very  common  in  ancient 
times  and  still  exist  in  many  countries.  In  the  colonies, 
before  the  formation  of  the  United  States,  sumptuary  laws 
were  generally  adopted,  but  at  present  they  are  rare,  or,  if 
found  on  the  statute  books,  are  seldom  enforced.  The  ten- 
dency of  to-day  is  to  supply  their  place  by  levying  higher 
taxes  on  luxuries  than  on  other  articles. 

Laying  Pipes.  A  politician  is  said  to  be  laying  pipes 
when  he  is  making  extensive  plans  and  preparations  to 
accomplish  some  particular  end,  frequently  his  own  political 
advancement. 

League,  Republican;  (See  Republican  League  of  the 
United  States.) 

Lecompton  Constitution.  In  1857  the  majority  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  Territory  of  Kansas  were  of  the  Free 
State  party.  In  former  years  the  intimidation  and  frauds 
of  armed  bands  from  Missouri,  called  border  ruffians,  had 
invariably  resulted  in  the  election  of  pro-slavery  Legisla- 
tures. The  election  of  October,  1857,  resulted  in  the  choice 
of  a  Free  State  Legislature.  The  old  Legislature,  foresee- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     247 

ing  this,  had  met  at  Lecompton,  in  September,  1857,  and 
had  adopted  a  pro-slavery  Constitution.  The  Free  State 
party  had  never  recognized  the  old  Territorial  Legislature, 
and  had  not  voted  on  the  only  clause  of  the  Constitution 
that  was  submitted  for  popular  approval,  and  so  that  clause 
was  of  course  carried.  The  new  Free  State  Legislature  sub- 
mitted the  whole  Constitution  to  the  people  and  it  was  over- 
whelmingly rejected.  President  Buchanan  favored  the  Le- 
compton  Constitution,  as  did  also  the  Senate,  but  the  oppo- 
sition of  the  Northern  Democrats  sufficed  to  turn  the  House 
against  it.  A  conference  committee  of  Congress  therefore 
submitted  a  proposition  for  certain  changes  to  the  people  of 
Kansas,  and  it  was  agreed  to  regard  the  rejection  thereof  as 
the  rejection  ,of  the  Lecompton  Constitution.  The  vote  was 
largely  against  it. 

Legislature.  This  word  as  applied  to  the  Federal  Gov- 
ernment refers  to  Congress,  composed  of  the  Senate  and  the 
House  of  Representatives,  and  is  discussed  under  those 
heads.  In  the  States  and  Territories  the  term  is  commonly 
used  to  designate  the  legislative  branch  of  the  government, 
though  the  official  title  in  twenty-three  of  the  States  is 
"general  assembly,"  in  two  "general  court/'  and  in  one 
State  and  the  Territories  "legislative  assembly,"  the  re- 
maining twelve  using  " legislature"  as  the  official  as  well  as 
the  popular  title.  In  all  the  States  the  Legislature  is  com- 
posed of  two  houses,  though  Pennsylvania  up  to  1790  and 
Vermont  up  to  1836  had  but  one  house.  The  upper  House 
is  called  the  Senate  in  the  States  and  the  Council  in  the 
Territories;  the  lower  is  called  the  House  of  Represen- 
tatives in  the  Territories  and  in  most  of  the  States,  but  is 
known  as  the  House  of  Delegates,  the  Assembly  or  the  Gen- 
eral Assembly  in  a  few  of  the  States. 
Legal  Tender  Notes.  (See  Currency.) 
Legislative  Caucus.  (See  Caucus,  Legislative.) 
Let  No  Guilty  Man  Escape.  When  the  revelations  in 
regard  to  the  Whisky  Ring  in  1875  were  laid  before  Presi- 
dent Grant,  he  endorsed  the  above  sentence  on  one  of  the 
papers. 

Letters  of  Marque  and  Reprisal.    (See  Privateer.) 
Lewisites,    (See  Clintonians.) 


248     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Liberator,  The.  An  anti-slavery  paper  published  at  Bos- 
ton, Massachusetts,  1831-65,  edited  by  William  Lloyd 
Garrison. 

Liberal  Republican  Party.  Many  Republicans  were  dis- 
satisfied with  Grant's  first  term  as  President.  They  believed 
that  the  National  government  had  exceeded  the  proper 
limits  of  its  power  in  its  treatment  of  reconstruction  prob- 
lems. These  Republicans  met  in  convention  at  Cincinnati  in 
1872.  Carl  Schurz  was  elected  chairman.  A  platform  was 
adopted  demanding  civil  service  reform,  local  self-govern- 
ment and  universal  amnesty,  recognizing  the  equality  of  all 
men,  recommending  the  resumption  of  specie  payments,  but 
remitting  the  questions  of  protection  and  free  trade  to  Con- 
gress because  of  the  existence  in  the  convention  of  "honest 
but  irreconcilable  differences  of  opinion"  on  that  subject. 
Horace  Greeley  and  B.  Gratz  Brown  were  named  for  Presi- 
dent and  Vice-President.  This  platform  and  these  nomi- 
nations were  adopted  by  the  regular  Democratic  convention 
of  that  year.  Nevertheless,  about  30,000  members  of  that 
party  voted  for  Charles  0' Conor,  of  New  York,  and  John 
Quincy  Adams,  of  Massachusetts,  the  nominees  of  a  purely 
Democratic  convention,  notwithstanding  that  these  candi- 
dates had  declined  the  nomination.  Some  of  the  members 
of  the  Cincinnati  convention,  deeming  the  nominations 
there  made  to  be  a  mistake,  met  in  New  York  in  June  and 
named  William  S.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio,  and  Frederick  L. 
Olmstead,  of  New  York.  The  Republican  nominee,  Grant, 
was  elected  by  an  enormous  majority,  and  the  JLiberal  Re- 
publican party  was  thereafter  practically  dead,  although  a 
few  Congressmen  still  clung  to  the  name. 

Liberty  and  Union  Now  and  Forever,  One  and  Insep- 
arable. The  concluding  words  of  Daniel  Webster's  second 
speech  in  reply  to  Hayne  in  the  debate  of  Foot's  Resolution 
(which  see.) 

Liberty  Party.  A  meeting  of  abolitionists  held  at  War- 
saw, New  York,  in  1839,  had  incidentally  nominated  James 
G.  Birney  for  President  and  Francis  J.  'Lemoyne  for  Vice- 
President.  The  nominations  were  confirmed  by  a  conven- 
tion, ostensibly  national,  that  met  at  Albany,  April  1,  1840, 
and  here  the  name  "Liberty  party"  was  adopted.  Its  plat- 
form was  the  abolition  of  slavery.  These  candidates  re- 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     249 

ceived  7,059  votes  in  spite  of  their  having  declined  the 
nominations.  Thereafter  candidates  for  various  local  offices 
were  put  in  nomination.  On  August  30,  1844,  the  national 
convention  of  the  party  met.  The  topic  of  greatest  interest 
at  that  time  was  the  annexation  of  Texas,  and  the  consequent 
increase  in  our  slave  territory.  On  August  16th  a  letter 
of  Clay's  had  been  published  in  which  he  declared  "that,  far 
from  having  any  personal  objection  to  the  annexation  of 
Texas,  I  should  be  glad  to  see  it,  without  dishonor,  without 
war,  with  the  common  consent  of  the  Union  and  upon  just 
and  fair  terms."  This  caused  the  convention  to  name  its 
own  candidates,  and  Birney  and  Thomas  Morris,  of  Ohio, 
were  nominated.  The  total  vote  for  Birney  was  62,263. 
Had  the  electoral  vote  of  New  York  gone  to  Clay,  it  would 
have  elected  him.  In  that  State  the  popular  vote  stood: 
Polk  237,588,  Clay  232,482,  Birney  15,812.  Had  Birney 
not  been  nominated,  it  is  probable  that  enough  of  his  vote 
to  elect  Clay  world  have  been  so  cast — certainly  none  of  it 
would  have  gone  to  Polk.  The  same  is  true  in  Michigan. 
Thus  Polk,  the  candidate  representing  annexation,  was 
elected  by  the  votes  of  those  opposed  to  the  project.  This 
lesson  was  not  forgotten,  and  the  party  did  not  again  name 
its  own  candidates.  In  1848  and  1852  they  supported  the 
Free  Soil  party,  and  thereafter  the  Republicans. 

Liberty  Poles  were  poles,  frequently  surmounted  by  flags 
bearing  inscriptions,  erected  during  the  early  history  of  the 
country  by  the  Democrats,  as  the  partisans  of  France  were 
then  known.  These  opposed  the  first  excise  tax,  thus  caus- 
ing the  Whisky  Insurrection.  These  poles  came  to  be  re- 
garded as  one  of  the  distinctive  emblems  of  the  party,  and 
were  variously  known  as  Sedition  poles  or  Anarchy  poles. 

Liberty  Tree,  The.  An  elm  tree  which  stood  on  Washing- 
ton street,  in  Boston,  during  the  time  of  Revolution. 

Lieutenant-General  is  at  present  the  highest  grade  in 
the  United  States  Army.  The  grade  of  General  of  the 
Army  (which  see)  was  created  for  a  particular  purpose,  and 
while  in  existence  ranked  that  of  Lieutenant-General.  This 
latter  office  was  first  created  by  Congress  for  George  Wash- 
ington in  1798  during  our  troubles  with  France.  It  then 
lapsed  until  renewed  by  Congress  for  General  Winfield 
Scott,  who  was  made  Lieutenant-General  by  brevet.  In 


250     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

1864  it  was  once  more  revived  for  General  Grant  and  con- 
tinued for  Generals  Sherman  and  Sheridan.  Upon  the 
death  of  Sheridan  the  grade  was  by  Congress  again  stricken 
from  the  list,  but  it  was  restored  later. 

Lincoln,  Abraham,  the  sixteenth  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  in  Hardin  County,  Kentucky,  February  12, 
1809.  In  1830  he  moved  with  his  father  and  family  to 
Macon  County,  Illinois.  From  there  he  made  several  trips 
to  New  Orleans  as  flat-boatman,  and  on  his  return  superin- 
tended a  flouring-mill  near  Springfield.  In  1832  he  en- 
listed in  the  Black  Hawk  War  and  was  elected  captain. 
When  he  returned  to  civil  life  he  entered  politics  and  ran 
for  the  State  Legislature,  but  was  defeated,  his  first  and 
only  defeat  in  a  popular  election.  He  then  returned  to  bus- 
iness pursuits,  in  which  he  was  unsuccessful.  His  schooling 
had  been  inconsiderable,  but  he  had  taken  advantage  of 
every  opportunity  for  improvement,  and  after  his  want  of 
success  in  business  he  was  for  a  while  a  surveyor,  but  finan- 
cial troubles  compelled  him  to  drop  that  employment  in 
1837.  During  this  time  he  was  studying  law  in  his  leisure 
hours,  and  in  1836  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1834  he 
had  been  elected  to  the  Legislature  of  Illinois,  in  which  he 
served  four  successive  terms;  he  twice  received  the  vote  of 
his  party,  the  Whigs,  for  the  speakership,  but  was  neither 
time  elected.  After  retiring  from  the  Legislature  he  prac- 
tised law,  and  in  1846  was  elected  to  Congress,  being  the 
only  Whig  Congressman  from  Illinois.  He  declined  a  re- 
nomination  and  was  defeated  as  a  candidate  for  the  Senate, 
and  then  returned  to  his  law  practice.  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  had  been  opposed  to  each  other  in  so  many  debates 
that  people  naturally  turned  to  the  former  to  answer  any  of 
Douglas'  speeches.  In  1858  Douglas  stumped  the  State  to 
aid  his  canvass  for  the  United  States  Senate;  Lincoln  was 
nominated  to  oppose  him,  and  the  two  held  seven  joint 
debates  at  different  points  in  the  State.  This  debate  at- 
tracted universal  attention  and  largely  increased  Lincoln's 
reputation.  The  Eepublican  popular  vote  was  larger  than 
the  Democratic,  but  the  election  was  by  the  Legislature, 
which  chose  Douglas.  In  1859  the  Ohio  Democrats  sum- 
moned Douglas  to  aid  them  in  their  canvass  for  Governor, 
and  the  Kepublicans  naturally  appealed  to  Lincoln,  who  re- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     251 

sponded.  In  1860,  at  the  request  of  the  Young  Men's 
Kepublican  Club  of  New  York,  he  delivered  an  address  in 
that  city  on  the  political  situation,  closing  with  the  words : 
"Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in  that 
faith  let  us  to  the  end  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we  understand 
it."  On  May  18,  1860,  the  Republican  National  Conven- 
tion met  at  Chicago  and  n-minated  Lincoln  for  the  Presi- 
dency. He  was  elected,  and  llarch  4,  1861,  he  was  inaugur- 
ated. His  administration  was  marked  by  the  Civil  War,  for 
particulars  in  regard  to  which  see  Amnesty  Proclamation; 
Civil  War;  Emancipation  Proclamation;  War  Powers,  etc. 
In  1864  he  was  re-elected.  On  the  evening  of  April  14, 
1865,  he  was  shot  while  attending  a  performance  at  Ford's 
Theatre,  Washington,  by  John  Wilkes  Booth,  a  Southern 
sympathizer.  He  lingered  until  the  next  morning,  when  he 
died.  As  before  stated,  Lincoln  was  self-educated,  and  the 
simplicity  and  generosity  that  characterized  his  early  life 
was  maintained  by  him  throughout  his  career.  Even  dur- 
ing the  darkest  hours  of  the  war,  with  the  weight  of  the 
whole  struggle  resting  upon  him,  while  numberless  matters 
engrossed  his  attention,  none  were  refused  an  audience,  and 
in  every  case  of  appeal  to  executive  clemency  relief  was 
granted  if  there  were  any  mitigating  circumstances.  Though 
abhorring  slavery  and  opposing  its  extension,  he  was  not 
an  abolitionist,  as  has  frequently  been  charged;  he  was  of 
the  people,  and  always  kept  in  touch  with  them.  His  hu- 
mor was  irrepressible,  and  even  the  gravest  subject  was 
enlivened  by  a  story;  but  in  his  disposition  there  was  a 
streak  of  profound  melancholy  most  strongly  manifest 
while  the  responsibility  of  the  war  lay  heaviest  upon  him. 
Below  are  given  the  speech  made  by  Lincoln  at  the  dedi- 
cation, in  November,  1863,  of  a  portion  of  the  battlefield 
of  Gettysburg  as  a  cemetery  for  those  that  had  fallen  there, 
and  the  close  of  his  second  inaugural  address:  Gettysburg 
Speech — "Four-score  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers 
brought  forth  upon  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived 
in  liberty  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men 
are  created  equal.  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war, 
testing  whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and 
so  dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great  battle- 
field of  that  war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a  portion  of 


252     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

that  field  as  a  final  resting  place  for  those  who  here  gave 
their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live.  It  is  altogether 
fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do  this.  But  in  a  larger 
sense  we  cannot  dedicate,  we  cannot  consecrate,  we  cannot 
hallow  this  ground.  The  brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who 
struggled  here  have  consecrated  it  far  above  our  power 
to  add  or  detract.  The  world  will  little  note,  nor  long 
remember,  what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what 
they  did  here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather  to  be  dedi- 
cated here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they  who  fought 
here  have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us  to 
be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before  us,  that 
from  those  honored  dead  we  take  increased  devotion  to 
that  cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last  full  measure  of 
devotion;  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that  these  dead  shall 
not  have  died  in  vain;  that  this  nation,  under  God,  shall 
have  a  new  birth  of  freedom,  and  that  government  of  the 
people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people,  shall  not  perish 
from  the  earth."  Close  of  His  Second  Inaugural  Address — 
"With  malice  toward  none,  with  charity  for  all,  with  firm- 
ness in  the  right  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right,  let  us 
finish  the  work  we  are  in,  to  bind  up  the  nation's  wounds, 
to  care  for  him  who  shall  have  borne  the  battle,  and  for  his 
widow  and  his  orphans,  to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and 
cherish  a  just  and  lasting  peace  among  ourselves  and  with 
all  nations." 

Lincoln  Brotherhood.  A  name  given  to  many  c°  the 
organizations  effected  among  the  negroes  at  the  South  dur- 
ing the  reconstruction  period  for  the  protection  of  their 
newly  acquired  rights. 

Line  of  Succession.    (See  In  the  Line  of  Succession.) 

Little  Band.     (See  Burr,  Aaron.) 

Little  David.  A  nickname  of  John  Randolph,  of  Vir- 
ginia, given  him  because  in  debate  he  compared  himself  to 
David  and  his  opponent  to  Goliath. 

Little  Giant.  A  popular  name  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
given  in  recognition  of  his  small  stature  and  great  power 
as  a  speaker. 

Little  Mac.  An  affectionate  name  by  which  General 
George  B.  McClellan  was  called  by  his  soldiers.  McClellan 
was  born  at  Philadelphia  in  1826.  He  graduated  at  West 


A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     253 

Point,  but  had  left  the  army  before  the  outbreak  of  the 
Civil  War.  He  was  made  a  major-general,  and  was  the  first 
commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac.  He  ran  for 
President  against  Lincoln  in  1864.  He  resigned  his  com- 
mission in  that  year.  He  died  in  1885. 

Little  Magician,  A  name  popularly  given  to  Martin 
Van  Buren  because  of  his  shrewdness  and  success  as  a  poli- 
tician. 

Little  More  Grape,  Captain  Bragg-,  At  the  battle  of 
Buena  Vista  in  1847,  during  the  Mexican  War,  the  Amer- 
icans under  General  Zachary  Taylor  were  attacked  by  over- 
whelmingly superior  numbers  under  Santa  Anna.  Toward 
the  close  of  the  day  the  Americans  were  beaten  back,  when 
Captain  Braxton  Bragg's  battery  was  brought  to  within  a 
few  feet  of  the  enemy,  where  even  its  first  discharge  of 
grape  staggered  the  Mexicans.  Seeing  the  effect,  Taylor 
shouted :  "A  little  more  grape,  Captain  Bragg."  The  phrase 
has  lived  and  is  still  used  as  an  exclamation  of  encourage- 
ment for  a  particularly  successful  first  effort.  The  truth 
of  this  anecdote  is  denied  by  some. 

Little  Phil.  A  nickname  given  in  an  affectionate  spirit 
to  General  P.  H.  Sheridan. 

Little  Rhody,  or  Rhoda,  are  familiar  names  of  the  State 
of  Rhode  Island. 

Lobby,  The,  is  a  term  applied  collectively  to  men  that 
make  a  business  of  corruptly  influencing  legislators.  The 
individuals  are  called  Lobbyists.  Their  object  is  usually 
accomplished  by  means  of  money  paid  to  the  members,  but 
any  other  means  that  is  considered  feasible  is  employed. 
In  many  cases  women  are  engaged  in  this  profession,  for 
such  it  has  come  to  be.  The  lobby  is  sometimes  facetiously 
called  the  Third  House.  The  term  lobby,  literally  mean- 
ing the  ante-rooms  of  the  halls  of  Congress,  has  come  to 
be  applied  to  these  men  that  frequent  them. 

Local  Option.  Where  the  Prohibitionists  cannot  secure 
a  general  law  for  a  whole  State,  prohibiting  the  sale  of 
intoxicating  liquors  as  a  beverage,  they  seek  to  have  passed 
a  general  law  authorizing  each  city  or  town  to  adopt  a 
prohibitory  law  as  regards  itself.  This  relegating  of  the 
decision  to  the  separate  communities  is  called  local  option. 
Many  of  the  States  have  been  willing  to  go  at  least  as  far 


254     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

as  this  in  meeting  the  wishes  of  the  Prohibitionists,  and 
the  tendency  to  do  so  is  not  likely  to  be  checked  at  present. 
(See  High  License;  Prohibition.) 

Lockwood,  Belva  A.,  was  born  at  Royalton,  New  York, 
in  October,  1830.  Her  maiden  name  was  Bennett.  She 
taught  school  for  several  years,  and  then,  at  the  age  of 
eighteen,  married  a  man  named  McNall.  After  his  death 
she  studied  at  several  institutions,  and  in  1857  was  gradu- 
ated at  Genesee  College,  Lima,  New  York.  She  then  acted 
as  principal  in  different  schools,  and  in  1868  removed  to 
Washington  and  opened  a  school.  In  the  same  year  she 
married  Dr.  Lockwood.  She  then  began  the  study  of  law. 
In  1873  she  received  the  degree  of  Bachelor  of  Law  from  the 
National  University  Law  School.  She  canvassed  the  South 
for  Horace  Greeley  in  1872.  In  1873  she  was  admitted  to 
the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 
Attempts  to  secure  admission  to  the  bar  of  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  failing,  she  directed  her  efforts  to 
the  passage  of  a  bill  in  Congress  enabling  women  to  practise 
at  that  bar.  She  was  successful,  and  in  1879  she  was  ad- 
mitted to  practise.  In  1884  she  ran  for  President  as  the 
candidate  of  the  Equal  Rights  party  (which  see.) 

Locke's  Carolina  Constitution.  In  1669  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury,  one  of  the  proprietaries  of  the  Carolina  colony,  had 
a  constitution  prepared  by  the  philosopher  John  Locke,  for 
the  government  of  that  colony,  by  means  of  which  an  en- 
deavor was  made  to  establish  in  America  what  can  only  be 
called  a  feudal  empire.  The  constitution  contained  120 
articles.  The  eight  proprietaries  who  held  the  grant  of 
the  Carolina  colonies  were  "to  combine  the  dignity  and 
power  of  a  Governor  and  an  upper  house  of  the  Legislature. 
Their  position  and  rule  were  to  be  hereditary,  and  their 
number  was  never  to  be  increased  or  diminished;  for  in 
case  of  death  of  a  member  without  heirs  his  survivors 
elected  a  successor.  The  territory  contained  in  the  grant 
was  divided  into  counties,  each  containing  480,000  acres, 
and  this  was  again  divided  into  five  parts,  of  which  one 
remained  the  inalienable  property  of  the  proprietaries,  and 
another  formed  the  inalienable  and  indivisible  estate  of  the 
nobility,  of  which,  according  to  the  constitution,  there 
were  two  orders — one  earl  and  two  barons  for  each  county. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     255 

The  remaining  three-fifths  were  reserved  for  the  people, 
and  might  be  held  by  lords  of  the  manor  who  were  not 
hereditary  legislators.  The  members  of  the  nobility  might 
neither  be  increased  nor  diminished,  election  supplying  all 
places  left  vacant  for  want  of  heirs.  All  political  rights 
were  dependent  upon  hereditary  wealth.  The  cultivators 
of  the  soil  were  each  allowed  the  use  of  ten  acres  at  a  fixed 
rent,  but  could  not  purchase  land  or  exercise  the  right  of 
suffrage.  They  were  adscripts  to  the  soil,  were  under  juris- 
diction of  their  lord  without  right  of  appeal  to  the  courts. 
The  supervision  of  everything  in  the  colonies  was  vested 
in  a  Court  of  Appeals  and  seven  inferior  courts,  but  no 
lawyers  were  allowed  to  plead  for  money  or  reward.  The 
religion  was  to  be  that  of  the  Church  of  England.  Of 
course  all  attempts  to  foist  such  a  scheme  of  government 
on  the  few  scattered  Huguenots,  who  formed  the  popula^ 
tion,  met  with  deserved  failure,  and  after  twenty  years 
was  abandoned. 

Loco-Focos.  Previous  to  1846  the  system  of  incorporat- 
ing banks  in  the  State  of  New  York  had  been  by  means  of 
special  legislation.  The  removal,  in  1833,  of  United  States 
deposits  from  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  to  State  banks, 
and  the  prospects  of  failure  of  the  attempts  to  have  that 
bank's  charter  renewed,  led  to  the  formation  of  many  new 
banks.  The  practice  of  former  days  of  purchasing  these 
charters  from  the  Legislature  was  revived,  and  the  scandal 
assumed  such  proportions  that  in  1835  a  number  of  Demo- 
crats in  New  York  City,  chiefly  members  of  Tammany 
Hall,  organized  for  the  purpose  of  opposing  the  banks. 
They  called  themselves  the  Equal  Eights  party.  A  meet- 
ing of  this  faction,  held  in  Tammany  Hall  October  29, 
1835,  was  also  attended  by  the  regular  or  Tammany  Demo- 
crats, who  attempted  to  control  the  proceedings.  Failing 
in  this,  they  turned  out  the  gas.  The  equal  rights  men 
lit  loco-foco  matches  and  proceeded  to  hold  their  meeting. 
Their  opponents,  Democratic  and  Whig,  seized  on  this  cir- 
cumstance to  give  them  a  nickname,  and  the  term  clung 
first  to  them  only  and  subsequently  to  the  whole  Demo- 
cratic party  for  some  years,  for  the  Whigs  delighted  to 
brand  their  opponents  as  opposed  to  the  "moneyed  inter- 
ests of  t'ne  country,"  and  would  not  relinquish  a  nickname 


256     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

so  well  suited  to  their  purpose.  The  administration  of 
Van  Buren,  committed  as  it  was  to  the  sub-treasury  system, 
drew  the  loco-focos  back  into  their  party,  but  their  influ- 
ence, while  it  lasted,  was  potent,  especially  in  New  York, 
and  to  their  efforts  are  due  many  of  the  features  of  the 
Constitution  of  1846  of  that  State. 

Logan,  John  A.  Served  in  the  Mexican  and  Civil  Wars. 
Member  of  Congress  from  Illinois,  1859-61  and  1867-71; 
United  States  Senator  from  Illinois,  1871-77  and  1879-86. 
Was  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  Vice-Presidency, 
1884.  Born  in  Illinois,  February  9,  1826;  died  at  Wash- 
ington, District  of  Columbia,  December  26,  1886. 
Log  Cabin  Campaign.  (See  Hard  Cider  Campaign.) 
Log  Rolling.  A  member  of  a  legislative  body  will  some- 
times find  it  impossible  to  pass  some  bill  in  which  he  is 
interested.  Under  these  circumstances  the  necessary  sup- 
port is  often  procured  by  promising  support  to  the  pet 
measures  of  other  members  similarly  circumstanced  in 
regard  to  their  own  bills.  This  practice  is  termed  log  roll- 
ing. The  allusion  is  to  the  custom  of  men  in  cutting 
timber,  to  aid  each  other  in  rolling  heavy  logs  from  the 
forest  to  the  water.  By  this  means  some  of  the  most 
extravagant  River  and  Harbor  bills  have  been  passed,  each 
member  refusing  to  vote  for  the  bill,  necessary  in  some  of 
its  provisions,  unless  the  improvement  asked  for  by  his 
particular  locality  be  granted. 

Long  and  Short  Haul.    (See  Inter-State  Commerce  Act.) 
Loose  Construction.     (See  Construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.) 

Louisiana  was  part  of  the  region  purchased  from  France 
in  1803.  (See  Annexations  I.)  In  1804  the  territory  of 
Orleans  was  formed  with  nearly  the  same  boundaries  as 
the  present  State  of  Louisiana,  which  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  April  30,  1812.  (See  Territories.)  On  January  26, 
1861,  a  State  convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession, 
and  the  State  was  re-admitted  to  the  Union  by  act  of  June 
25,  1868,  The  capital  was  at  first  and  is  now  New  Orleans, 
but  between  1849  and  1868  the  seat  of  government  was  at 
Baton  Rouge.  The  State  is  Democratic,  and  has  cast  its 
electoral  votes  for  the  Democratic  candidates,  but  in  1872 
the  returning  board  and  in  1876  the  electoral  commission 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     257 

(which  see)  decided  the  State  vote  to  have  been  cast  for 
the  Republicans.  Louisiana  was  named  after  Louis  XIV 
of  France  by  its  discoverer,  La  Salle,  in  1682 ;  popularly  it 
is  known  as  the  Pelican  State,  or  Creole  State. 
Louisiana,  Purchase  of.  (See  Annexations  I.) 
Louisiana  Returning  Board.  It  has  been  claimed,  with 
apparent  truth,  that  the  State  Constitution  of  Louisiana  in 
no  way  warranted  the  extensive  powers  granted  to  the  Re- 
turning Board,  which  made  itself  notorious  in  1876;  but 
the  historian  Johnson  calls  attention  to  the  fact  that  the 
United  States  Constitution  directs  the  appointment  of  the 
electors  of  a  State  "in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature 
thereof  may  direct."  As  far  as  the  choice  of  Presidential 
electors  went,  therefore,  the  limitations  of  the  State  Con- 
stitution had  no  restraining  force  whatever  over  powers 
granted  by  the  Legislature.  The  Returning  Board  was,  by 
act  of  the  State  Legislature  passed  in  1872,  to  be  made  up 
of  "five  persons,  elected  by  the  Senate,  from  all  political 
parties,"  with  power  "to  make  returns  of  all  elections." 
A  majority  of  the  Board  was  to  be  a  quorum,  and  any 
vacancy  was  to  be  filled  by  the  residue  of  the  Board.  In 
cases  of  violence  or  bribery  in  any  district,  the  local  elec- 
tion officers  were  to  certify  the  facts  to  the  Returning 
Board,  these  certificates  to  be  sent  within  twenty-four 
hours  after  the  election.  Within  ten  days  after  the  elec- 
tion the  Returning  Board  was  to  meet  in  New  Orleans 
and  canvass  and  compile  the  returns  having  no  certificates 
attached;  then  it  was  to  investigate  the  certificates  and 
take  evidence  thereon,  being  empowered  to  send  for  per- 
sons and  papers;  and  finally,  if  convinced  that  the  charges 
of  bribery  from  any  place  were  sustained,  was  to  throw  out 
the  returns  from  that  place.  There  being  some  apprehen- 
sion that  the  Board  would  not  conduct  its  operations  alto- 
gether "on  the  square,"  or  that  perhaps  it  might  be  inter- 
fered with,  two  deputations  were  sent  down  to  New  Or- 
leans— one  by  the  National  Democratic  Committee  and  one 
by  President  Grant.  The  Returning  Board  invited  five 
gentlemen  from  each  deputation  to  be  present  at  its  meet- 
ings, but  reserved  the  right  to  exclude  by  its  rules  other 
spectators,  and  to  go  into  secret  session  for  the  considera- 
tion of  "motions,  arguments  and  propositions."  A  num- 


258     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

her  of  protests  were  entered  against  the  "secret  session" 
plan,  against  the  continued  refusal  of  the  Board  to  fill 
up  their  number  by  the  appointment  of  a  Democrat  (it 
was  composed  entirely  of  Republicans),  as  provided  by  the 
law  under  which  it  was  organized,  and  also  against  other 
irregular  methods,  especially  against  counting  ballots  for 
all  the  electors  when  such  ballots  only  bore  the  names  of 
part  of  them.  No  attention,  however,  was  paid  to  these 
protests;  they  were  simply  filed  by  the  Board,  and  the 
work  of  compiling  the  returns  went  on.  On  December  6th 
it  declared  the  election  of  the  Republican  candidates  for 
State  offices  and  Presidential  electors,  four  Republican  and 
two  Democratic  Congressmen,  nineteen  Republicans  and 
seventeen  Democrats  in  the  State  Senate,  and  seventy-one 
Republicans,  forty-three  Democrats  and  three  Independ- 
ents in  the  Lower  House.  Its  principal  changes  had  been 
made  by  counting  for  all  the  Hayes  electors  some  1,200 
ballots  which  bore  the  names  of  only  three,  and  by  throw- 
ing out  about  3,000  Democratic  and  2,000  Republican  votes 
in  parishes  where  intimidation  of  the  negro  vote  had  been 
asserted.  Soon  after  the  meeting  of  Congress  in  December 
a  special  committee  was  appointed  by  each  House,  its  mem- 
bers drawn  from  both  parties,  to  make  an  investigation  of 
the  Louisiana  election,  and  sent  to  New  Orleans  for  that 
purpose.  The  officers  of  the  Returning  Board  protested 
against  this  invasion  of  the  rights  of  a  State  by  committees 
of  the  Federal  Congress,  and  declined  to  give  up  their  rec- 
ords, but  agreed  to  allow  them  to  be  copied  for  the  com- 
mittee. More  than  a  month  was  spent  in  the  examination 
of  witnesses  and  papers,  and  upon  the  return  of  the  com- 
mittees majority  and  minority  reports  were  made  by  both, 
the  division  being  made  on  strict  party  lines.  All  the  Re- 
publicans were  convinced  that  the  actions  of  the  Returning 
Board  were  legal  and  right,  and  all  the  Democrats  were 
equally  firm  in  their  conviction  of  the  contrary.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Returning  Board  were  J.  Madison  Wells,  T.  C. 
Anderson,  L.  M.  Kenner  and  G.  Cassanave,  all  Republi- 
cans. The  fifth  member  of  the  Board — Oscar  Arroyo,  a 
Democrat — had,  for  some  unexplained  reason,  resigned 
immediately  after  the  election,  and  the  others  refused  to 
fill  his  place. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     259 

Louisiana,  Territory  of.    (See  Territories.) 

Lovejoy,  Elijah  P.,  was  born  in  Maine  in  1802.  Soon 
after  his  graduation  he  went  West,  where,  after  teaching 
for  some  time,  he  became  the  editor  of  a  political  journal. 
Coming  under  religious  influences,  he  joined  the  Presby- 
terian Church,  and  in  1833  was  licensed  to  preach.  Soon 
afterward  he  became  the  editor  of  the  St.  Louis  Observer,  a 
religious  weekly.  At  first  a  believer  in  colonization,  he 
gradually  became  strongly  anti-slavery,  but  he  always  op- 
posed immediate  and  unconditional  abolition.  Neverthe- 
less, his  articles  created  great  excitement,  and  when  his 
office  was  finally  wrecked  by  a  mob  he  determined  to  remove 
his  paper  to  Alton,  Illinois.  This  was  in  1836.  As  soon 
as  his  press  was  landed  at  Alton  it  was  seized  by  a  mob  and 
destroyed.  Another  press  was  obtained  and  the  publication 
continued  for  nearly  a  year,  when  the  second  press  was 
destroyed.  His  third  press  was  destroyed  before  it  could 
be  used.  His  fourth  was  placed  in  a  stone  warehouse,  which 
Lovejoy  and  some  of  his  friends  defended.  The  house  was 
surrounded  by  a  mob  and  the  roof  set  on  fire.  In  attempt- 
ing a  sally  Lovejoy  was  shot  and  killed,  November,  1837. 

Loyal  League.  A  name  given  to  many  of  the  organiza- 
tions effected  among  the  negroes  at  the  South  during  the 
reconstruction  period,  for  protecting  their  newly  acquired 
rights. 

Loyal  Legion.  A  society  organized  at  Philadelphia, 
April  15,  1865,  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  those  who 
served  in  the  Federal  army  during  the  Civil  War,  and  to 
afford  relief  to  needy  comrades. 

Lynch  Law  is  the  punishment  of  persons  charged  with 
crimes  by  those  who  are  not  legally  authorized  to  act.  The 
name  is  said  to  be  derived  from  a  farmer  of  North  Carolina, 
John  Lynch,  who,  finding  that  the  authorities  of  the  early 
colonial  period  in  which  he  lived  failed  to  protect  him 
against  the  fugitive  slaves  and  criminals  infesting  the  Dis- 
mal Swamp,  took  the  law  into  his  own  hands.  Some  have 
derived  the  name  from  one  Charles  Lynch,  of  Virginia, 
who  caught  a  thief  and  flogged  him  with  his  own  hands. 
What  is  known  as  Lidford  Law  in  England  has  the  same 
significance. 


260     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Machine,  The.  When  the  organization  of  a  party  falls 
into  the  hands  of  professional  politicians,  who  use  it  cor- 
ruptly to  serve  their  own  political  or  personal  ends,  it  is 
commonly  known  as  the  machine.  "The  machinery  of  a 
party"  is  a  phrase  first  used  by  Aaron  Burr. 

McClellan,  George  B.  An  officer  of  the  United  States 
Army  in  the  Mexican  War;  major-general  in  the  Federal 
Army,  1861-65;  an  unsuccessful  candidate  on  the  Demo- 
cratic ticket  for  the  Presidency,  1864;  Governor  of  New 
Jersey,  1878-81.  Born  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania, 
December  3,  1826;  died  at  Orange,  New  Jersey,  October 
29,  1885. 

McClellan  Minute  Men.     (See  American  Knights.) 

McDonald,  Joseph  E.,  was  born  in  Ohio  August  29,  1819. 
His  family  removed  to  Indiana  in  his  childhood.  In  early 
youth  apprenticed  to  a  saddler;  was  admitted  to  the  bar; 
served  as  prosecuting  attorney;  was  elected  to  Congress  in 
1849;  served  two  terms  as  Attorney-General  of  his  State; 
served  in  the  United  States  Senate,  1875  to  1881.  He  was 
a  Democrat.  Died  June  21,  1891. 

McKinley,  William.  An  officer  in  the  Federal  Army 
during  the  Civil  War;  member  of  Congress  from  Ohio, 
1877-91;  chairman  of  the  platform  committee  in  the  Re- 
publican National  Convention  of  1884-88;  chairman  of 
the  Committee  on  Ways  and  Means,  1889-91;  defeated  as 
candidate  for  member  of  Congress,  1890 ;  Governor  of  Ohio, 
1891  and  1893;  President,  1897-1901.  Born  at  Niles, 
Ohio,  January  29,  1843;  died  at  Buffalo,  New  York,  1901. 

McKinley  Act.  A  tariff  act  which  was  passed  1890,  and 
repealed  1894.  It  provided  for  increased  duties  on  many 
agricultural  products,  goods  of  cotton  and  woolen  mate- 
rial, a  bounty  on  domestic  sugar,  and  certain  reciprocity 
features. 

McLeod  Case.  In  1840  one  Alexander  McLeod  came  to 
New  York  State  on  business  and  boasted  of  his  part  in 
the  taking  of  the  Caroline  (see  Canadian  Rebellion)  a  few 
years  previously.  He  was  arrested  in  Lockport  and  indicted 
for  murder.  The  British  Minister  demanded  his  release 
on  the  grounds  that  McLeod  had  acted  under  orders  and 
that  the  courts  of  the  State  of  New  York  had  no  jurisdic- 
tion to  interfere  in  a  case  that  lay  only  between  the  na- 


WILLIAM  McKINLEY. 


A  DICTIONARY  OJ1  AMERICAN  POLITICS     261 

tional  governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 
Our  Federal  government  admitted  the  justice  of  the  British 
position,  but  stated  that  McLeod  could  only  be  released 
by  operation  of  the  law.  The  Attorney-General  of  the 
United  States  proceeded  to  Lockport  to  give  McLeod  all 
possible  assistance.  The  discharge  of  the  prisoner  was 
sought  for  under  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus,  but  the  court 
held  that  there  was  no  ground  for  releasing  him.  The 
outcome  of  the  whole  affair  was  that  McLeod  finally  proved 
an  alibi  in  October,  1841,  and  was  acquitted.  In  July, 
1842,  Great  Britain  apologized  to  our  government  for  the 
violation  of  territory  made  in  the  seizure  of  the  Caroline, 
with  regrets  that  explanation  and  apology  had  not  been 
made  sooner.  Our  government  accepted  the  apology  and 
expressed  its  satisfaction. 

Mad  Anthony  Wayne.  Anthony  Wayne  was  called 
"mad"  because  of  his  impetuosity,  bravery  and  apparent 
rashness.  His  most  signal  exploit  during  the  Eevolution 
was  the  surprise  and  capture  of  Stony  Point,  on  the  Hud- 
son, on  the  night  of  July  15,  1779.  In  1794  he  completely 
routed  the  Miami  Indians  after  the  successive  failures  of 
Generals  Harmar  and  St.  Clair. 

Madison,  James,  was  born  at  Port  Conway,  Virginia, 
March  16,  1751,  and  died  at  Montpelier,  in  the  same  State, 
June  28,  1836.  He  graduated  from  Princeton  College  and 
was  admitted  to  the  bar.  In  1776  he  was  a  member  of  the 
Virginia  Legislature.  From  1780  to  1783,  and  from  1786 
to  1788,  he  served  in  the  Continental  Congress.  He  was 
also  a  member  of  the  convention  of  1787 ;  in  fact,  a  resolu- 
tion offered  by  him  in  the  Virginia  Legislature  led  to  that 
convention.  Between  1789  and  1797  he  served  in  Congress. 
He  was  Secretary  of  State  under  Jefferson,  and  was  elected 
to  succeed  him  as  President  in  1809.  His  administration 
was  forced  into  the  War  of  1812  with  England,  and  that 
struggle  is  the  principal  event  of  his  administration.  He 
served  two  terms.  He  was  in  close  sympathy  with  Jeffer- 
son, whose  views  he  shared  and  by  whom  he  was  implicitly 
trusted.  He  was  an  able  writer  and  one  of  the  founders 
of  the  Democratic-Republican  party. 

Magna  Charta( Latin  words  meaning  "great  charter"), 
called  also  the  Charter  of  Liberties,  was  an  instrument 


262     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

signed  at  Kunnymede,  June  15,  1215,  by  King  John  of 
England,  who  was  forced  thereto  by  the  barons  of  the  king- 
dom. Besides  restraining  certain  royal  prerogatives  that 
had  been  abused,  and  introducing  various  improvements 
into  the  law,  it  provided  for  the  protection  of  every  free- 
man from  loss  of  life,  liberty  or  property,  except  by  the 
judgment  of  his  peers  or  the  law  of  the  land,  and  the  king 
declared:  "We  will  sell  to  no  man;  we  will  not  deny  or 
delay  to  any  man  right  or  justice."  Magna  Charta  was 
the  foundation  of  English  liberties,  and  its  chief  protective 
provisions  have  been  incorporated  in  the  Constitution  of 
this  country  and  the  separate  States.  (See  Bill  of  Rights; 
Petition  of  Right.) 

Magnetic  Statesman.  James  G.  Elaine  was  sometimes  so 
called.  His  friends  claimed  for  him  the  quality  so  promi- 
nent in  Henry  Clay,  of  personal  magnetism — the  personal 
charm  that  makes  followers  even  of  opponents. 

Maine.  The  State  of  Maine  was  for  thirty  years  after 
the  formation  of  this  nation  a  part  of  Massachusetts.  In 
1819  the  Legislature  of  the  latter  submitted  the  question 
of  separation  to  a  popular  vote  of  the  people  of  Maine,  who 
voted  for  it  by  a  large  majority.  It  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  in  1820  by  an  act  of  March  3d,  taking  effect  March 
15th.  The  capital  is  Augusta.  It  was  named  for  a  dis- 
trict in  France,  and  is  known  popularly  as  the  Pine  Tree 
or  Lumber  State,  from  its  principal  industry.  (See  North- 
east Boundary.) 

Maine  Law.    (See  Prohibition.) 

Man,  A,  Who  Was  in  the  Public  Service  for  Fifty  Years, 
and  Never  Attempted  to  Deceive  His  Countrymen.  This 
occurs  in  the  eulogy  on  Henry  Clay,  delivered  by  John  C. 
Breckenridge. 

Manning,  Daniel,  was  born  at  Albany,  New  York,  Au- 
gust 16,  1831.  He  received  an  elementary  public  school 
education,  and  at  the  age  of  eleven  entered  the  office  of  the 
Albany  Argus  as  office  boy.  He  rose  step  by  step  and  finally 
became  manager  and  president  of  the  Argus  Company. 
He  became  identified  with  various  commercial  enterprises; 
was  director  in  several  banks  and  president  of  one  of  them. 
After  1874  he  was  in  various  ways  closely  identified  with 
the  management  of  the  Democratic  party  in  his  State,  al- 


JAMES  MADISON 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS      263 

though  he  never  held  elective  office.  President  Cleveland 
appointed  him  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  a  post  that  he 
filled  with  remarkable  ability  until  ill  health  compelled 
his  resignation.  From  this  illness  he  never  recovered;  he 
died  December  24,  1887. 

Man  of  Destiny,  The.  A  name  applied  to  Grover  Cleve- 
land in  allusion  to  his  rapid  rise  from  Mayor  of  Buffalo 
and  an  unknown  man  in  1881,  to  President  in  1885. 

Man,  The,  with  the  Sling.  A  nickname  of  John  Ran- 
dolph, of  Virginia,  given  him  because  in  debate  he  com- 
pared himself  to  David,  and  his  opponent  to  Goliath. 

Martial  Law  is  that  system  of  government  which  is  es- 
tablished over  civil  affairs  in  the  discretion  of  the  com- 
mander of  a  military  force  occupying  a  region  of  territory. 
It  supersedes  all  ordinary  government  for  the  time  being. 
It  is  only  justified  by  necessity.  It  may  be  authorized  by  a 
State  Legislature,  when  the  public  safety  demands  it.  Con- 
gress has  power  to  declare  it  when  necessary,  but  not  in  a 
State  not  engaged  in  war  and  where  the  ordinary  forms  of 
justice  are  not  obstructed. 

Martling  Men.  The  combination  of  the  Lewisites  and 
Burrites  against  the  Clintonians  in  New  York  State  poli- 
tics. (See  Clintonians.) 

Maryland  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
The  capital  is  Annapolis.  The  original  colony  of  Maryland 
was  named  after  Henrietta  Maria,  wife  of  Charles  I  of 
England. 

Mason  and  Dixon's  Line.  This  line  was  originally  the 
parallel  of  latitude  39  deg.  43  min.  26.3  sec.,  which  separates 
Pennsylvania  from  Maryland.  It  received  its  name  from 
Charles  Mason  and  Jeremiah  Dixon,  two  English  mathe- 
maticians and  astronomers,  who  traced  the  greater  part  of 
it,  between  the  years  1763  and  1767,  though  the  last  thirty- 
six  miles  were  finished  by  others.  It  was  practically  the 
dividing  line  between  the  free  and  the  slave  States  in  the 
East.  During  the  discussion  in  Congress  on  the  Missouri 
Compromise,  John  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  Virginia,  made 
free  use  of  the  phrase,  and  thereafter  it  became  popular 
as  signifying  the  dividing  line  between  free  and  slave  terri- 
tory throughout  the  country.  The  boundary,  as  thus  ex- 
tended by  popular  usage,  followed  the  Ohio  River  to  the 


264     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Mississippi,  and  west  of  that  was  the  parallel  of  36  deg. 
30  rain.,  the  Southern  boundary  of  Missouri,  though  Mis- 
souri itself  was  a  slave  State. 

Mason,  James  M.  United  States  Senator  from  Virginia, 
1847;  drafted  the  "  fugitive  slave  law,"  1850;  expelled  from 
the  Senate,  1861;  Confederate  commissioner,  with  Slidell, 
to  England  and  France,  1861;  captured  November  8,  1861; 
imprisoned  at  Boston,  Massachusetts,  until  January  2, 
1862.  (See  Trent  Affair.) 

Massachusetts  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the 
Union.  Maine,  originally  a  part  of  it,  was  separated  in 
1819-20.  The  capital  is  Boston.  The  name  is  an  Indian 
one;  popularly  the  State  is  called  the  Old  Colony,  the  Bay 
State,  or  the  Old  Bay  State. 

Massachusetts  Blue  Laws.  In  regard  to  the  so-called 
"blue  laws"  of  Massachusetts,  it  is  difficult  to  determine 
just  where  the  line  of  fact  and  fancy  is  to  be  drawn.  It  is 
claimed  that  the  founders  of  Connecticut  borrowed  most 
of  their  laws  and  judicial  proceedings  from  Massachusetts. 
Many  of  these  laws  were  enacted  previous  to  1640,  and  a 
number  were  the  orders  and  sentences  of  the  Massachusetts 
Court  of  Assistants  and  General  Court.  For  instance,  one 
order  we  find  is  as  follows:  "It  is  ordered,  that  all  Rich. 
Clough's  strong  water  shall  presently  be  seazed  upon,  for 
his  selling  greate  quantytie  thereof  to  several  men  servants, 
which  was  the  occasion  of  much  disorder,  drunkenes,  and 
misdemeanor."  Another  record,  in  March,  1631,  is  to  the 
effect  that  "Mch.  Knopp  is  fyned  5£  for  takeing  upon  him 
to  cure  the  scurvey,  by  a  water  of  noe  value  or  worth,  which 
he  solde  att  a  very  deare  rate,  to  be  imprisoned  till  hee  pay 
his  f yne  or  give  security  for  it,  or  else  to  be  whipped ;  and 
shall  be  lyable  to  any  man's  action  of  whome  he  hath  re- 
ceaved  money  for  the  said  water."  In  September,  1634,  a 
number  of  restrictions  regarding  the  fashions  of  dress  were 
enacted.  One  of  them  is  as  follows:  "The  Court,  taking 
into  consideration  the  grate,  superfluous,  and  unnecessary 
expences  occasioned  by  the  reason  of  some  newe  and  immod- 
est fashions,  as  also  the  ordinary  weareing  of  silver,  golde, 
and  silk  laces,  girdles,  hatbands,  etc.,  hath  therefore  or- 
dered that  noe  person,  either  man  or  woman,  shall  here- 
after make  or  buy  apparell,  either  woolen,  silke  or  lynnen, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     265 

with  any  lace  on  it,  silver,  golde,  silke,  or  threed,  under 
the  penalty  of  forfecture  of  such  cloathes."  That  there 
was  restraint  put  upon  the  tongue  is  shown  by  the  follow- 
ing, under  date  of  September,  1636:  "Robert  Shorthose, 
for  swearing  by  the  bloud  of  God,  was  sentenced  to  have 
his  tongue  put  into  a  cleft  stick,  and  to  stand  so  by  the 
space  of  haulfe  an  houre."  And  here  is  one  against  cakes 
and  buns:  "It  is  ordered,  also,  that  no  person  shall  sell 
any  cakes  or  buns  either  in  the  markets  or  victualing  houses, 
or  elsewhere,  upon  paine  of  10s.  fyne;  provided  that  this 
order  shall  not  extend  to  such  cakes  as  shal  be  made  for 
any  buriall,  or  marriage,  or  such  like  spetiall  occasion." 

Masterly  Inactivity.  (See  All  Quiet  Along  the  Poto- 
mac.) 

Mattie  Van  Buren.  Martin  Van  Buren  was  sometimes 
familiarly  called  "Mattie." 

Maximilian.  During  the  Civil  War  Napoleon  III,  then 
on  the  throne  of  France,  sent  over  troops  to  enforce  certain 
claims  against  Mexico.  The  French  soldiers  entered  the 
City  of  Mexico  in  June,  1863,  and  forced  the  Republican 
President,  Juarez,  to  retreat.  Maximilian,  Archduke  of 
Austria,  was  asked  by  France  to  accept  the  throne  of  Mex- 
ico. An  election  was  held  by  which  the  Mexicans  were 
made  to  seem  desirous  of  having  him  rule  over  them.  He 
accepted  the  throne  under  the  title  of  Maximilian  I,  Em- 
peror of  Mexico,  and  arrived  at  the  capital  in  June,  1864. 
The  United  States  Government  made  frequent  remon- 
strances against  this  violation  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine, 
but  had  too  much  on  their  own  hands  to  permit  their 
interference.  The  French  troops  were  finally  withdrawn, 
and  Maximilian,  being  left  to  his  own  resources,  was  unablo 
to  hold  his  position  against  Juarez.  He  was  captured,  con- 
demned to  death,  and  shot  at  Queretaro  on  June  19,  1867. 

Mecklenburg  Declaration.  This  declaration  was  adopted, 
it  is  said,  in  May,  1775,  at  a  midnight  meeting  of  repre- 
sentatives of  the  militia  of  Mecklenburg  County,  North 
Carolina.  It  declares  that  the  people  of  that  county  are 
free  and  independent  of  the  British  crown,  and  not  only  is 
its  general  tenor  that  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
but  many  phrases  are  word  for  word  as  they  appear  in  that 
document.  The  minutes  of  the  midnight  meeting  are  said 


266     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

to  have  been  destroyed  by  fire  in  1800.  Whether  the  Dec- 
laration of  Independence  followed  the  words  of  the  Meck- 
lenburg Declaration,  or  whether  the  latter,  having  probably 
been  replaced  from  memory,  was  tinctured  with  the  former, 
is  a  disputed  question. 

Mediterranean  Fund.    (See  Barbary  Pirates.) 

Mending  Fences  is  a  phrase  sometimes  used  to  signify 
that  a  politician  is  quietly  laying  plans  and  promoting  his 
own  interest.  It  originated  as  follows:  Just  before  the 
Eepublican  National  Convention  of  1880  John  Sherman, 
one  of  the  most  prominent  candidates  for  the  Eepublican 
nomination,  was  visiting  his  farm  at  Mansfield,  Ohio.  One 
day  while  in  a  field  with  his  brother-in-law,  Colonel  Moul- 
ton,  engaged  in  replacing  some  rails  of  a  fence,  a  reporter 
found  him  and  sought  some  political  news  by  inquiring 
what  Sherman  was  doing.  Colonel  Moulton  avoided  the 
necessity  of  a  direct  reply  by  exclaiming:  "Why,  you  can 
see  for  yourself;  he's  mending  his  fences." 

Message.    (See  President's  Message.) 

Me  Too.  In  1881  James  A.  Garfield,  then  recently  elect- 
ed President,  in  appointing  the  Collector  of  the  Port  of 
New  York  ignored  the  custom  of  making  Federal  appoint- 
ments within  a  State  on  the  advice  of  his  party's  Senators 
from  that  State.  (See  Courtesy  of  the  Senate.)  There- 
upon Roscoe  Conkling  and  Thomas  C.  Platt,  the  New  York 
Senators,  and  both  Republicans,  resigned  and  immediately 
sought  re-election  for  the  purpose  of  thus  demonstrating 
that  the  party  endorsed  them  rather  than  the  President. 
After  a  long  struggle  they  failed  of  re-election.  Conkling, 
foremost  among  the  leaders  of  his  party,  was  believed  to 
have  been  the  active  spirit  in  the  quarrel,  while  Platt,  it  was 
thought,  had  merely  followed  in  his  trail.  During  the  con- 
test a  New  York  City  newspaper,  foreseeing  the  result, 
published  a  cartoon  comprising  a  large  tombstone  on  which 
Conkling's  name  was  inscribed,  followed  by  a  few  words  of 
eulogy.  Next  to  it  was  a  much  smaller  one,  similar  in 
design,  on  which  appeared  only  "Me  too,  T.  Platt."  This 
phrase  has  become  current. 

Metropolis  of  America.  A  name  sometimes  applied  to 
New  York  City  because  of  its  great  size,  population  and 
importance. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     267 

Mexican  War.  The  Mexican  War  grew  out  of  the  ac- 
quisition of  Texas.  (See  Annexations  III.)  Texas  claimed 
the  Rio  Grande  as  her  southwestern  frontier,  and  Mexico 
insisted  on  the  Nueces  River.  The  United  States  supported 
the  position  taken  by  Texas.  In  1845  diplomatic  intercourse 
was  broken  off  between  the  governments  of  Mexico  and  the 
United  States,  and  the  latter  ordered  General  Taylor  into 
the  disputed  territory.  In  obedience  to  further  orders,  he 
advanced  to  the  Rio  Grande  in  the  spring  of  1846.  On 
April  26th  the  first  blood  was  shed  in  an  affray  which  re- 
sulted in  the  capture  of  a  small  body  of  United  States  troops 
on  the  eastern  side  of  the  Rio  Grande.  President  Polk  an- 
nounced to  Congress  that  Mexico  had  "invaded  our  terri- 
tory and  shed  the  blood  of  our  fellow-citizens  on  our  own 
soil."  Congress  at  once  responded  (May  11,  1846)  by  de- 
claring that  "by  the  act  of  the  Republic  of  Mexico  a  state  of 
war"  existed,  and  authorized  the  President  to  call  for 
50,000  volunteers.  This  bill  passed  the  House  by  174  to  145 
and  the  Senate  by  40  to  2.  Congress  also  voted  $10,000,000 
for  expenses.  The  war  was  supported  most  strongly  by  the 
South  and  the  Democratic  party,  while  the  North  and  the 
Whigs  were  not  so  heartily  in  favor  of  it.  However,  except 
that  it  was  caused  by  the  Southern  scheme  for  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas,  it  was  not  a  party  measure.  California  and 
New  Mexico  were  overrun  by  Fremont  and  Kearney.  Tay- 
lor gained  important  victories  in  Mexico,  and  in  1847 
General  Scott  marched  from  Vera  Cruz  to  the  City  of 
Mexico,  pushing  back  Santa  Anna,  captured  the  capital  on 
September  14,  1847,  and  thus  virtually  ended  the  war; 
but  a  few  minor  engagements  followed.  For  the  treaty 
which  concluded  the  war,  and  the  results  of  the  conflict, 
see  Annexations  IV  and  the  Treaty^  of  Guadaloupe-Hidalgo. 
Miami  Confederacy.  (See  Indian  Wars.) 
Michigan  was  once  a  part  of  the  Northwest  Territory 
(see  Territories),  and  then  of  Indiana  Territory,  from 
which  it  was  separated  under  its  own  name  in  1805.  Its 
boundaries  were  enlarged  by  several  acts,  but  in  1836  Wis- 
consin was  cut  off  from  it,  leaving  its  limits  much  as  they 
are  at  present.  (See  Toledo  War.)  It  was  admitted  to 
the  Union  January  26,  1837.  The  capital  is  Lansing.  Its 
name  is  of  Indian  derivation  and  means  "great  lake." 


268     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Popularly  it  is  called  the  Wolverine  State  or  Lake  State, 
and  its  inhabitants  are  known  as  Wolverines. 

Midnight  Judges.  In  the  Presidential  election  of  18CO 
the  Federalists  were  defeated.  In  order  to  gain  every  pos- 
sible advantage  for  their  party  the  Federalists  in  Congress 
constituted  twenty-three  new  judgeships,  although  there 
was  no  necessity  for  such  an  increase.  President  John 
Adams  was  busy  until  after  midnight  on  the  last  day  of 
his  term  in  signing  judicial  commissions,  and  the  judges 
so  commissioned  were  in  contempt  called  midnight  judges. 

Milan  Decree.    (See  Embargo  Act) 

Mileage.  Compensation  for  traveling  expenses  at  so 
much  a  mile  is  called  mileage.  This  allowance  is  made  by 
law  to  members  of  Congress  for  their  journeys  to  and  from 
Washington.  Constructive  mileage  is  an  allowance  for 
journeys  which  are  merely  supposed  to  be  made,  as  when 
Congress  adjourns  and  a  new  President  takes  office,  or  an 
extra  session  is  called.  Constructive  mileage  is  now  pro- 
hibited by  law. 

Mileage  Expose.  On  December  22, 1848,  Horace  Greeley 
published  a  statement  showing  the  distance  by  the  shortest 
post-route  from  the  residence  of  each  member  of  Congress 
to  Washington,  the  distance  for  which  he  received  mileage, 
the  amount  paid  him,  and  the  excess  over  what  he  would 
have  received  on  the  basis  of  the  shortest  mail-route.  The 
total  of  this  excess  for  the  Thirtieth  Congress  was  $73,- 
492.60,  and  the  excess  in  miles  was  183,031.  Almost  every 
Congressman  had  failed  to  make  his  journey  as  short  as 
possible.  Greeley's  expose  caused  considerable  ill  feeling 
against  him ;  its  immediate  effect  was  seen  in  the  adoption 
of  shorter  routes  by  Congressmen  in  traveling,  and  several 
years  later  the  rate  of  mileage  was  reduced  one-half  and 
constructive  mileage  was  abolished  by  law. 

Military  Academy  at  West  Point.  (See  United  States 
Military  Academy  at  West  Point.) 

Military  Necessity.  The  Emancipation  Proclamation 
declares  that  it  is  issued  as  an  act  of  "military  necessity" 
by  the  President  as  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  army  and 
navy.  This  phrase  is  used  to  emphasize  the  fact  that  the 
President  issued  the  proclamation  merely  in  his  military 
capacity. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     269 

Mill  Boy  of  the  Slashes.  Henry  Clay  was  often  so  called 
in  reference  to  his  life  as  a  poor  boy  when  he  was  sent  on 
errands  to  a  mill  at  a  place  near  his  home  called  "The 
Slashes." 

Milligan  Case.    (See  Habeas  Corpus.) 

Millions  for  Defense,  but  Not  One  Cent  for  Tribute. 
(See  X.  Y.  Z.  Mission.) 

Mills  Bill.  A  tariff  bill  presented  by  Roger  Q.  Mills, 
which  placed  wool,  lumber,  hemp  and  flax  on  the  free  list, 
and  reduced  the  duties  on  pig-iron  and  woolen  goods.  It 
passed  the  House,  but  was  defeated  in  the  Senate.  (See 
Mills,  Roger  Q.) 

Mills,  Roger  Q.  An  officer  in  the  Confederate  Army 
during  Civil  War;  member  of  Congress  from  Texas,  1873- 
92;  chairman  of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee,  1887-89; 
United  States  Senator  from  Texas,  1892-98.  Born  in 
Kentucky,  March  30,  1832.  (See  Mills  Bill.) 

Minimum  Duties.     (See  Customs  Duties.) 

Minister  Plenipotentiary.    (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Minister  Resident.    (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Minnesota.  The  portion  of  Minnesota  east  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi once  formed  part  of  the  Northwest  Territory  (see 
Territories),  and  the  portion  west  of  the  Mississippi  was  a 
part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase.  (See  Annexations  I.) 
The  present  Minnesota  and  Dakota  were  organized  into  a 
Territory,  under  the  former  of  those  names,  in  1849,  and 
the  State  of  Minnesota  was  admitted  to  the  "Onion  May  11, 
1858.  The  capital  is  St.  Paul.  The  population  in  1880 
was  780,773,  and  in  the  last  census  (1890)  1,301,826. 
Minnesota  is  entitled  to  five  seats  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives and  has  seven  electoral  votes.  It  is  a  strong 
Republican  State.  The  name  is  Indian  in  origin  and 
means  "sky-tinted  water.7'  Popularly,  Minnesota  is  known 
as  the  Gopher  State. 

Minority  Representation.  Where  the  vote  of  the  ma- 
jority of  a  community  or  district  elects  the  delegate  for 
that  district  it  is  evident  that  the  minority  is  disfranchised 
— unrepresented.  Minority  representation  seeks  to  secure  for 
this  portion  of  the  community  a  voice  in  the  Legislature, 
in  the  proportion  that  it  bears  to  the  whole.  To  accom- 
plish this,  various  plans  have  been  suggested.  One  pro- 


270     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

vides  for  the  election  of  several  delegates  from  a  district, 
each  voter  casting  a  ballot  for  but  one  individual,  but  in- 
dicating a  second  and  third  choice,  and  so  on,  in  case  his 
first  choice  has  already  received  votes  enough  to  elect  him ; 
thus  no  vote  is  wasted  and  every  opinion  is  represented  in 
proportion  to  its  following.  Another  plan  provides  for  one 
vote  by  every  voter  in  districts  laid  out  on  a  large  scale. 
Every  person  receiving  more  than  a  fixed  number  of  votes 
(say  1,000)  is  considered  elected  and  is  entitled  in  the 
legislative  body  to  one  vote  in  that  body  for  every  1,000 
votes  cast  for  him. 

Mint.     (See  Coinage.) 

Misprision  of  Treason.     (See  Treason.) 

Mississippi.  The  larger  portion  of  the  present  State  of 
Mississippi  came  into  the  possession  of  the  United  States 
by  the  Treaty  of  Paris  (which  see)  in  1783.  Georgia,  how- 
ever, claimed  this  region  and  it  was  included  in  her  ces- 
sion of  1802  to  the  National  government.  A  strip  along 
the  northern  edge  was  ceded  by  South  Carolina  in  1790, 
and  the  southern  portion  was  part  of  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase of  1803.  (See  Annexations  I;  Territories.)  The 
organization  of  Mississippi  Territory,  which  included  what 
is  now  Alabama,  was  commenced  in  1798,  and  was  com- 
pleted two  years  later.  The  State  was  admitted  to  the 
Union  on  December  10,  1817.  On  January  9,  1861,  a  State 
convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession.  Mississippi 
was  re-admitted  to  the  Union  by  Act  of  February  23,  1870. 
The  capital  is  Jackson.  This  State  is  named  after  the 
great  river  of  the  country,  which  in  the  Indian  tongue  is 
"great  river/'  or  "great  father  of  waters";  popularly  it  is 
known  as  the  Bayou  State. 

Mississippi  Bubble.    (See  Mississippi  Scheme.) 

Mississippi  Scheme.  The  gigantic  commercial  scheme 
commonly  known  by  this  name  was  projected  in  France 
by  the  celebrated  financier,  John  Law,  of  Edinburgh,  in 
1717,  and  collapsed  in  1720.  Its  primary  object  was  to 
develop  the  resources  of  the  Province  of  Louisiana  and  the 
country  bordering  on  the  Mississippi,  a  tract  at  that  time 
believed  to  abound  in  the  precious  metals.  The  company 
was  incorporated  in  August,  1717,  under  the  title  of  "The 
Company  of  the  West/'  and  started  with  a  capital  of  200,- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     271 

000  shares  of  500  livres  each.  They  obtained  the  exclusive 
privilege  of  trading  to  the  Mississippi,  farming  the  taxes 
and  coining  money.  The  prospectus  was  so  inviting  that 
shares  were  eagerly  bought,  and  when,  in  1719,  the  com- 
pany obtained  the  monopoly  of  trading  to  the  East  Indies, 
China  and  the  South  Seas,  and  all  the  possessions  of  the 
French  East  India  Company,  the  brilliant  vision  opened 
up  to  the  public  gaze  was  irresistible.  The  "Company  of 
the  Indies,"  as  it  was  now  called,  created  50,000  additional 
shares;  but  a  rage  for  speculation  had  seized  all  classes, 
and  there  were  at  least  300,000  applicants  for  the  new 
shares,  which  consequently  rose  to  an  enormous  premium. 
Law,  as  director-general,  promised  an  annual  dividend  of 
200  livres  per  share,  which,  as  the  shares  were  paid  for  in 
the  depreciated  billets  d'etat,  amounted  to  an  annual  re- 
turn of  120  per  cent.  The  public  enthusiasm  now  rose  to 
an  absolute  frenzy,  and  Law's  house  and  the  street  in  front 
of  it  were  daily  crowded  by  applicants  of  both  sexes  and 
of  all  ranks,  who  were  content  to  wait  for  hours — nay,  for 
days  together — in  order  to  obtain  an  interview  with  the 
modern  Plutus.  While  confidence  lasted  a  factitious  im- 
pulse was  given  to  trade  in  Paris,  the  value  of  manufactures 
was  increased  four-fold,  and  the  demand  far  exceeded  the 
supply.  The  population  is  said  to  have  been  increased  by 
hundreds  of  thousands,  many  of  whom  were  glad  to  take 
shelter  in  garrets,  kitchens  and  stables.  But  the  Eegent 
had  meanwhile  caused  the  paper  circulation  of  the  National 
Bank  to  be  increased  as  the  Mississippi  scheme  stock  rose 
in  value,  and  many  wary  speculators,  foreseeing  a  crisis, 
had  secretly  converted  their  paper  and  shares  into  gold, 
which  they  transmitted  to  England  or  Belgium  for  safety. 
The  increasing  scarcity  of  gold  and  silver  becoming  felt, 
a  general  run  was  made  on  the  bank.  The  Mississippi 
stock  now  fell  considerably,  and  despite  all  efforts  con- 
tinued to  fall  steadily  and  rapidly.  In  1720  the  National 
Bank  and  the  Company  of  the  Indies  were  amalgamated, 
but,  though  this  gave  an  upward  turn  to  the  share  market, 
it  failed  to  put  the  public  credit  on  a  sound  basis.  The 
crisis  came  at  last.  In  July,  1720,  the  bank  stopped  pay- 
ment, and  Law  was  compelled  to  flee  the  country.  The 
French  government  was  very  nearly  overturned,  and  great 


272     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

and  widespread  financial  distress  and  bankruptcy  was  oc- 
casioned. 

Mississippi  Territory.     (See  Territories.) 

Missouri.  Was  originally  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase. (See  Annexations  I.)  In  1805,  Louisiana  Terri- 
tory was  formed,  of  which  Missouri  was  a  part,  and  to 
which  it  gave  its  name  in  1812,  when  the  State  of  Louisi- 
ana was  admitted  to  the  Union.  The  question  of  the  ad- 
mission of  Missouri  gave  rise  to  much  commotion  in  Con- 
gress (see  Missouri  Compromise),  but  finally  on  August  10, 
18.21,  President  Monroe,  pursuing  the  acts  of  Congress, 
proclaimed  it  to  be  a  State.  The  capital  is  Jefferson  City. 
The  population  in  1880  was  2,168,380,  and  in  the  last 
census  (1890)  2,679,18-i.  Missouri  sends  fourteen  Repre- 
sentatives to  Congress  and  has  sixteen  electoral  votes.  It  is 
a  certain  Democratic  State.  The  name  of  the  State  and 
river  is  of  Indian  origin  and  means  "muddy  water" ; 
popularly  Missouri  is  sometimes  called  the  Pennsylvania  of 
the  West. 

Missouri  Compromise.  On  the  admission  of  Louisiana  as 
a  State,  the  remainder  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  was  or- 
ganized as  the  Territory  of  Missouri.  In  1818  the  por- 
tion now  comprising  the  State  of  Missouri  applied  for 
admission  to  the  Union.  In  1819  a  bill  for  this  purpose, 
containing  a  clause  prohibiting  slavery,  was  passed  by  the 
House,  but  it  was  defeated  by  the  Senate.  In  1820  a  bill 
was  sent  by  the  Senate  to  the  House  providing  for  the  ad- 
mission of  Maine,  and  containing  a  rider  authorizing  Mis- 
souri to  organize.  There  was  no  objection  to  the  admission 
of  Maine,  the  House  having  already  passed  a  bill  for  that 
purpose,  but  it  refused  to  allow  the  Senate  to  force  its 
views  on  the  Missouri  question  upon  it.  The  Senate  bill 
was  accordingly  disagreed  to.  A  compromise  was  now 
patched  up  on  the  basis  of  a  resolution  of  Senator  Thomas, 
of  Illinois.  The  Missouri  and  Maine  bills  were  to  be  sepa- 
rated. Missouri  was  to  be  admitted  as  a  slave  State,  but 
slavery  was  to  be  prohibited  in  the  remainder  of  the  Louis- 
iana Purchase  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes 
north  latitude.  There  was  also  a  clause  providing  for  the 
return  of  fugitive  slaves.  A  provision  in  the  Constitution 
adopted  by  Missouri,  forbidding  its  Legislature  to  eman- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     273 

cipate  slaves  and  ordering  it  to  prevent  the  immigration  of 
free  negroes,  led  to  further  opposition,  and  at  the  next 
session  of  Congress,  in  February,  1821,  Missouri  was  re- 
quired to  bind  herself  that  the  citizens  of  other  States 
should  enjoy  all  privileges  "to  which  they  are  entitled  under 
the  Constitution  of  the  United  States."  Henry  Clay  was 
largely  instrumental  in  bringing  about  this  compromise; 
he  was  chairman  of  the  last  committee.  Yet  so  little  did 
he  foresee  its  consequences,  that  he  is  reported  to  have  said 
to  a  Missouri  delegate  after  its  passage:  "Now,  go  home 
and  prepare  your  State  for  gradual  emancipation."  Maine 
was  admitted  in  1820,  Missouri  in  1821. 

Missouri,  Territory  of.     (See  Territories.) 

Modoc  War.    (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Molly  Maguires.  The  first  organization  of  this  name 
was  formed  in  Ireland,  with  the  object,  it  is  believed,  of 
generally  misusing  process-servers  and  others  engaged  in 
the  prosecution  and  eviction  of  tenants,  and  was  composed 
of  young  men  who,  in  some  localities,  assumed  women's 
clothing,  blackened  their  faces,  and  otherwise  disguised 
themselves.  It  remained,  however,  for  the  American  Mol- 
lies, to  terrorize  whole  counties  and  leave  a  blood-red  trail 
behind  them  in  the  coal  regions  of  Pennsylvania.  To  give 
even  a  record  of  the  murders  and  outrages  they  committed 
would  require  an  entire  volume;  but  they  were  numbered 
by  the  hundreds,  and  the  unfortunate  victims  were,  in  most 
cases,  well  known  and  respectable  men.  The  American  or- 
ganization was  composed  of  the  restless  and  reckless  ele- 
ment drawn  to  the  coal  regions  through  the  opening  of  the 
coal  fields.  There  is  no  recorded  instance  where  the  dis- 
guise of  women's  clothing  was  assumed  in  the  United 
States.  Through  the  efforts  of  James  McParlan,  a  detec- 
tive, the  secrets  of  the  order  were  finally  revealed  and  many 
of  its  members  were  brought  to  justice. 

Monetary  Conference.  (See  Paris  Monetary  Conference.) 

Mono-Metallism.     (See  Bi-Metallism.) 

Monroe  Doctrine.  President  Monroe's  annual  message  to 
Congress  in  1823  contained  the  following  sentences:  "We 
owe  it  to  candor  and  to  the  amicable  relations  existing 
between  the  United  States  and  the  allied  powers,  to  declare 
that  we  should  consider  any  attempt  on  their  part  to  extend 


274     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

their  system  to  any  portion  of  this  hemisphere  as  danger- 
ous to  our  peace  and  safety.  With  the  existing  colonies 
or  dependencies  of  any  European  power  we  have  not  inter- 
fered, and  shall  not  interfere;  but  with  the  governments 
which  have  declared  their  independence  and  maintained 
it,  and  whose  independence  we  have,  on  great  consideration 
and  just  principles,  acknowledged,  we  could  not  view  an 
interposition  for  oppressing  them,  or  controlling  in  any 
other  manner  their  destiny,  lay  any  European  power,  in 
any  other  light  than  as  a  manifestation  of  an  unfriendly 
disposition  toward  the  United  States."  Also,  "the  Ameri- 
can continents  should  no  longer  be  subjects  for  any  new 
European  colonial  settlement."  These  expressions  em- 
body what  is  known  as  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  President 
Monroe's  mention  of  these  subjects  was  occasioned  by  the 
formation  in  Europe,  a  few  years  previously,  of  what  was 
called  the  "holy  alliance" — an  alliance  between  Russia, 
France,  Austria  and  Prussia  to  maintain  the  monarchical 
system  of  government  in  Europe.  It  was  supposed  that  they 
desired  to  extend  their  operations  to  the  New  World  also, 
especially  with  reference  to  the  colonies  of  Spain,  some  of 
which  had  asserted,  and  obtained  from  the  United  States 
the  recognition  of,  their  independence.  England  sided  with 
our  country  on  this  question,  and  the  result  was  that  the 
allies  did  not  carry  out  their  project.  As  popularly  under- 
stood, the  Monroe  doctrine  meant  a  political  protection 
and  a  guaranty  of  freedom  from  European  interference  to 
all  states  of  North  and  South  America.  It  was  not,  how- 
ever, intended  to,  and  by  its  words  it  did  not,  declare  that 
the  United  States  would  take  up  arms  against  European 
interference  on  these  continents,  nor  was  its  intention  to 
limit  or  embarrass  the  policy  of  our  nation  in  the  future. 
It  merely  declared  that  the  United  States  would  regard 
as  unfriendly  any  such  acts  of  European  intermeddling 
with  the  political  affairs  of  the  two  Americas,  and  it  left 
to  be  determined  by  the  circumstances  of  each  particular 
case  how  far  the  United  States  would  find  it  wise  to  go  in 
opposing  it. 

Monroe,  James,  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  Vir- 
ginia, April  29,  1758.  He  died  July  4,  1831.  He  grad- 
uated at  William  and  Mary  College,  served  in  the  Conti- 


JAMES  MONROE. 


'      .'     r    ''  r '     '„  .       '        . 

' '   '  • «'    .'  •    i  i  c  : 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     275 

nental  Army  and  then  read  law  under  Jefferson,  He  was 
a  member  of  the  Virginia  Legislature  in  1782,  and  of  the 
Continental  Congress  in  1783,  where  he  served  until  1786. 
From  1790  to  1794  he  was  United  States  Senator,  from 
1794  to  1796  Minister  to  France,  and  Governor  of  Virginia 
from  1799  to  1802.  He  was  then,  in  succession,  Minister, 
again  to  France  to  negotiate  for  the  purchase  of  Louisiana, 
to  Great  Britain  and  to  Spain.  Once  more  Governor  of 
Virginia  in  1811,  he  became  Secretary  of  State  during 
Madison's  administration  and  retained  that  post  to  the 
end  of  the  latter's  second  term.  He  was  then  chosen 
President,  1817,  and  served  two  terms.  *  During  his  in- 
cumbency of  the  office,  party  feeling  died  away  entirely  and 
the  era  of  good  feeling  set  in.  The  Monroe  Doctrine  was 
his  most  important  official  act,  and  the  Missouri  Compro- 
mise by  far  the  most  important  measure  of  his  administra- 
tion. (See  those  titles.)  In  1831  he  removed  to  New 
York,  where  he  died.  He  was  of  the  Republican  party  of 
his  day  (see  Democratic-Republican  Party),  and  of  the 
more  extreme  and  radical  wing. 

Montana  was  originally  part  of  the  Louisiana  Purchase. 
(See  Annexations  I;  Territories.)  It  was  organized  as  a 
separate  Territory  in  1854.  On  November  8,  1889,  it  was 
admitted  as  a  State.  The  population  by  the  census  of  1890 
was  132,159.  It  has  one  seat  in  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  three  electoral  votes.  The  capital  is  Helena. 

Montgomery  Charter,  The.  A  charter  granted  to  the 
City  of  New  York  by  the  captain-general,  John  Montgom- 
ery, dated  January  15/1730;  it  extended  the  Dongan 
Charter. 

Moral  Leper.  A  leper  is  one  afflicted  with  leprosy,  a 
disgusting  and  loathsome  skin  disease.  By  calling  a  man 
a  moral  leper  it  is  intended  to  indicate  that  his  moral  na- 
ture is  as  disgusting  as  the  physical  nature  of  the  leper.  The 
phrase  was  used  by  some  opponents  of  Grover  Cleveland  in 
the  Presidential  campaign  of  1884. 

Morey  Letter.  About  two  weeks  before  the  Presidential 
election  of  1880,  a  letter  purporting  to  have  been  written 
by  James  A.  Garfield,  the  Republican  candidate,  to  H.  L. 
Morey,  of  the  Employers'  Union,  Lynn,  Massachusetts,  was 
published.  It  was  a  short  note  relating  to  the  Chinese 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICA!?  POLITICS 

question.  It  asserted  the  writer's  belief  that  "individuals 
or  companies  have  the  right  to  buy  labor  where  they  can 
get  it  the  cheapest,"  that  our  treaty  with  the  Chinese  gov- 
ernment should  be  "religiously  kept"  until  abrogated,  and 
added  that  he  was  "not  prepared  to  say  that  it  should  be 
abrogated"  just  then.  The  letter  appeared  in  a  New  York 
daily  paper,  and  fac-similes  were  at  once  published  in  all 
the  Democratic  newspapers  and  circulated  by  Democratic 
campaign  committees.  It  was  thought  that  a  large  part  of 
the  labor  vote  of  the  country  would  be  alienated  from  Gar- 
field.  Garfield  at  once  declared  the  letter  a  forgery,  but 
several  prominent  men  familiar  with  his  handwriting  de- 
clared their  belief  in  its  authenticity.  An  employe  of  the 
paper  that  first  published  it  was  arrested  on  the  charge  of 
forging  it,  but  the  prosecution  of  the  case  was  subsequently 
abandoned.  In  the  judicial  examination,  however,  evidence 
was  produced  to  show  that  there  was  no  such  person  as 
H.  L.  Morey,  of  Lynn.  A  witness  that  had  sworn  to  the 
authenticity  of  the  letter  was  subsequently  convicted  of 
perjury  and  sentenced  to  eight  years'  imprisonment. 

Morgan,  William.  (See  Anti-Masonic  Party;  Good 
Enough  Morgan  Till  After  Election.) 

Mormons.  The  Mormons  are  a  religious  sect  who  also 
take  the  name  "The  Church  of  Jesus  Christ  of  Latter-Day 
Saints."  Their  founder  was  Joseph  Smith,  who  claimed 
to  have  discovered  by  divine  direction  certain  golden  plates 
bearing  a  written  revelation.  This  was  in  1827,  and  near 
Palmyra,  New  York.  The  contents  of  the  plates,  being 
deciphered  by  Smith,  formed  what  is  known  as  the  "Book 
of  Mormon."  This  was  printed  in  1830,  and  it  was  at  once 
charged  by  unbelievers  to  be  nothing  more  than  a  romance, 
written  some  years  previously,  by  one  Spaulding,  but  never 
published.  The  same  year  the  church  was  organized  with 
Smith  as  president.  From  time  to  time  the  head  of  the 
church  has  announced  special  revelations  on  various  subjects. 
One  of  these,  privately  announced  in  1843,  but  not  publicly 
made  known  till  nine  years  later,  reversed  the  teaching  of 
the  Book  of  Mormon  and  sanctioned  polygamy.  With  the 
main  body  of  the  Mormons,  polygamy,  though  not  prac- 
tised by  all,  is  defended,  praised  and  encouraged.  In  1831 
the  church  removed  to  Ohio,  where  they  became  obnoxious 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     277 

and  were  driven  out.  Mormons  had  meanwhile  begun  to 
settle  in  Missouri.  They  were  driven  thence  in  1838,  and 
then  removed  to  Illinois,  where  on  the  banks  of  the  Missis- 
sippi they  founded  a  city  called  Nauvoo  ("beautiful"). 
Here  also  they  became  obnoxious  because  of  their  resistance 
to  the  legal  government,  and  their  supposed  immoralities. 
In  1844  the  Governor  of  the  State  called  out  the  militia, 
but  Smith  and  his  brother  surrendered  on  the  Governor's 
pledge  of  their  safety.  A  mob,  however,  broke  into  the  jail 
where  they  were  confined  and  killed  both  of  them.  Brig- 
ham  Young  took  Smith's  place  at  the  head  of  the  church, 
and  resistance  to  the  legal  authorities  was  continued.  In 
1846  the  emigration  of  the  Mormons  to  a  new  and  un- 
settled region  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  began.  In  1848 
they  were  collected  at  Salt  Lake  City  and  in  other  parts 
of  Utah,  which  is  still  their  stronghold,  though  the  neigh- 
boring- Territories  and  even  more  distant  places,  contain 
some  of  the  sect.  They  attempted,  without  success,  in  1850, 
to  obtain  Utah's  admission  to  the  Union  as  "the  State  of 
Deseret"  ("the  land  of  the  honey-bee").  When  Utah  was 
organized  as  a  Territory  in  that  year,  Young  was  appointed 
Governor  by  President  Fillmore.  The  Mormons  for  many 
years  continued  a  course  of  terrorizing,  which  drove  away 
federal  officers,  judges  and  other  "gentiles,"  as  they  called 
non-believers,  and  Young  was  removed  from  the  governor- 
ship. In  1857  the  Mormons  were  guilty  of  the  murder  of 
a  hundred  emigrants.  This  "Mountain  Meadows  massacre" 
was  not  avenged  till  1877,  when  John  D.  Lee  was  exe- 
cuted for  his  participation  in  it.  From  1857  to  1859  fed- 
eral soldiers  were  in  the  neighborhood  to  support  the  na- 
tional officials,  and  they  met  with  some  resistance.  On 
March  14,  1882,  Congress  passed  what  is  known  as  the 
Edmunds  Bill,  approved  March  22d,  making  polygamy  a 
misdemeanor  and  practically  denying  the  franchise  to  po- 
lygamists.  In  1877  Young  died  and  was  succeeded  by  John 
Taylor  as  head  of  the  church.  Utah  was  admitted  as  a 
State  in  1896,  but  there  was  much  trouble  in  admitting  its 
representatives  to  Congress  on  account  of  their  obligations 
to  Mormonism. 
Morrill  Bill.  A  tariff  bill  passed  in  1861. 


278     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Morris,  Gouverneur.  A  member  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress :  a  member  of  the  committee  which  drafted  the  Con- 
stitution, 1787;  Minister  to  France,  1792-94;  United 
States  Senator  from  New  York,  1800-03.  Born  at  Mor- 
risania,  New  York,  January  31,  1752;  died  at  Morrisania, 
New  York,  November  6,  1816. 

Morris,  Robert.  A  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; established  the  Bank  of  North  America,  1781; 
superintendent  of  finance,  1781-84:  member  of  the  Con- 
stitutional Convention,  1787;  United  States  Senator  from 
Pennsylvania,  1789-95.  Born  in  England,  January  20, 
1734;  died  at  Philadelphia,  Pennsylvania,  May  8,  1806. 

Morrison  Tariff  Bill.  On  March  11,  1884,  William  E. 
Morrison,  of  Illinois,  reported  from  the  Committee  of  Ways 
and  Means  to  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  a  bill  reduc- 
ing most  of  the  existing  duties  on  imports  twenty  per  cent, 
and  putting  additional  articles  on  the  free  list  of  the 
tariff.  The  bill  is  called  the  "Morrison  bill"  and  the  "hori- 
zontal bill/'  On  May  6th,  by  a  vote  of  159  to  155  (10  not 
voting),  the  House  struck  out  the  enacting  clause^  thus  kill- 
ing the  bill.  Of  the  majority  42  were  Democrats,  and  of 
the  minority  4  were  Eepublicans. 

Morton,  Levi  Parsons,  was  born  at  Shoreham,  Vermont, 
May  16,  1824.  From  a  clerk  in  a  country  store  he  became 
a  prominent  and  successful  merchant.  Having  removed  to 
New  York  he  founded,  in  1863,  the  banking  house  of  Mor- 
ton, Bliss  &  Co.  In  1878  he  was  elected  to  Congress,  and 
he  was  re-elected  in  1880.  He  was  Minister  to  France  from 
1881  to  1885.  In  1888  he  was  elected  by  the  Eepublicans 
for  Vice-President. 

Mother  of  Presidents.  Virginia  is  sometimes  so  called 
because  it  was  the  birth-place  of  seven  Presidents. 

Mother  of  States.  A  name  occasionally  given  to  Vir- 
ginia because  several  States  have  been  partly  or  wholly 
formed  of  territory  that  once  belonged  to  it. 

Mountain  Meadows  Massacre.      (See  Mormons.) 

Mud-Sill  is  another  name  for  the  cross-ties  used  as  a 
foundation  for  the  rails  in  railroad  building.  In  1858 
Senator  Hammond,  in  referring  to  the  working  classes  as 
the  foundation  of  society  and  government,  used  the  words, 
the  "very  mud-sill  of  society/'  The  term  spread  and  was 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     279 

considered  an  equivalent  for  the  working  classes.  During 
the  Civil  War,  the  Southerners,  who  had  aristocratic  ten- 
dencies, often  referred  to  inhabitants  of  the  manufacturing 
States  of  the  North  as  "Northern  mud-sills." 

Mugwump.  This  term  arose  in  the  Presidential  cam- 
paign of  1884  as  an  appellation  of  the  Independent  Re- 
publicans  who  seceded  from  their  party  and  supported  the 
Democratic  candidate,  Grover  Cleveland,  chiefly  owing  to 
a  strong  feeling  against  their  own  candidate,  James  G. 
Blaine.  The  word  is  said  to  be  derived  from  the  language 
of  the  Algonquin  Indians,  among  whom  it  meant  a  chief 
or  a  person  of  importance.  It  came  to  be  applied  deris- 
ively to  persons  who  exaggerated  their  wisdom  and  im- 
portance, and  was  used  in  this  sense  to  designate  the  In- 
dependents; but  they  adopted  the  name  themselves,  ignor- 
ing the  reproach  it  was  intended  to  convey.  Another 
explanation  of  the  word  derives  it  from  the  vernacular  of 
the  old  Virginia  families,  where  the  word  is  applied  to  a 
bull-frog  in  its  intermediate  stages  from  a  tadpole,  when 
it  is  really  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other — a  kind  of  non- 
descript ;  whence  the  name  was  thought  to  characterize  very 
aptly  the  Independents. 

Mulligan  Letters.  This  name  has  been  applied  to  two 
series  of  letters  between  James  G.  Blaine  and  Warren 
Fisher  on  certain  business  transactions.  In  1876  charges 
of  corruption  in  connection  with  legislation  favoring  the 
Little  Rock  and  Fort  Smith  railroad,  and  with  other  official 
transactions,  were  made  against  Blaine.  A  resolution  to 
investigate  these  matters  was  passed  by  the  House  of  Rep- 
resentatives, of  which  Blaine  was  a  member.  The  letters 
above  referred  to  had  been  written  in  relation  to  this  mat- 
ter and  they  had  passed  into  the  hands  of  one  Mulligan, 
a  former  clerk  of  Fisher.  Mulligan  came  to  Washington 
at  the  instance  of  the  investigating  committee;  in  an  inter- 
view Blaine  obtained  possession  of  the  letters  and  con- 
fronted the  committee  with  them  and  a  statement  which 
he  had  prepared  showing  his  connection  with  the  matter. 
This  was  just  prior  to  the  meeting  of  the  National  Re- 
publican convention.  During  the  meeting  of  the  conven- 
tion Blaine  was  sunstruck  and  the  investigation  was 
dropped.  The  charges  were  again  brought  up  against 


280     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

him  during  his  candidacy  for  the  Presidency  in  1884. 
During  that  campaign  another  series  of  Mulligan  letters 
relating  in  part  to  the  same  and  in  part  to  other  matters, 
were  published.  His  friends  have  always  declared  their 
inability  to  see  anything  improper  or  incriminating  in 
either  series ;  his  opponents  believe  them  to  be  perfect  proof 
of  guilt.  Certain  it  is,  that  many  of  the  detached  sentences 
have  a  suspicious  sound,  and  during  the  campaign  these 
were  industriously  disseminated  and  many  have  passed 
into  currency. 

Mutual  Protection  Society.  (See  American  Knights.) 
National  Banking  System.  A  system  of  national  banks, 
authorized  to  issue  bank  notes  secured  by  the  pledge  of 
United  States  bonds,  was  recommended  to  Congress  in  the 
report  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  Chase  in  December, 
1861,  as  a  means  of  raising  the  revenue  necessary  to  carry 
on  the  war.  The  alternative  put  by  him  was  a  further 
issue  of  demand  notes,  of  which  fifty  millions  had  already 
been  issued,  and  the  continuance  of  which  he  regarded  as 
dangerous.  The  advantages  claimed  by  him  for  the  na- 
tional bank  system  were  a  safe  and  uniform  currency, 
greater  ease  for  the  government  in  obtaining  loans,  a  de- 
creased rate  of  interest  (equivalent  to  the  participation  of 
the  people  in  the  profits  on  circulation),  avoidance  of  a 
money  monopoly,  and  the  distribution  of  government  se- 
curities among  the  moneyed  institutions  of  the  country,  thus 
identifying  their  interests  with  those  of  the  government. 
The  suggestion  was  not  acted  upon  at  that  time,  and  legal 
tender  treasury  notes,  amounting  in  the  aggregate  to  $300,- 
000,000,  were  authorized.  At  length,  on  February  25,  1863, 
the  National  Bank  Act,  having  been  passed  by  Congress, 
was  signed  by  the  President.  It  provided  for  the  organiza- 
tion of  national  banks  by  not  less  than  five  persons ;  for  all 
capital  stock  to  be  fully  paid  up;  for  circulation  to  the 
extent  of  ninety  per  cent,  of  the  market  value  of  govern- 
ment bonds  deposited  (though  later  on  permitted  to  issue  to 
the  par  value)  ;  the  circulation  was  guaranteed  by  the  gov- 
ernment, which  had  in  return  a  first  lien  on  all  the  assets 
of  the  bank  to  cover  any  deficit  provided  the  bonds  de- 
posited did  not  fully  protect  it.  The  total  circulation  was 
limited  to  $300,000',000.  This  was  subsequently,  in  1870, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     281 

raised  to  $354,000,000,  and  finally,  in  1875,  all  restrictions 
on  the  total  amount  of  circulation  were  removed.  Late 
in  the  year  1904  the  total  circulation  outstanding  was 
$335,000,000,  $102,719,440  of  which  had  been  withdrawn 
and  legal  tender  notes  deposited  for  its  redemption.  No 
bank  was  allowed  to  organize  with  a  capital  stock  of  less 
than  $50,000,  and  then  only  in  towns  of  less  than  6,000  in- 
habitants ;  in  larger  places  a  minimum  of  $100,000  capital, 
and  in  cities  of  50,000  inhabitants  or  more,  of  $200,000,  is 
required.  Subsequently  banks  were  permitted  to  be  organ- 
ized in  towns  of  3,000  or  less,  with  a  minimum  capital  of 
$25,000.  The  conversion  of  State  banks  into  national 
banks  was  authorized,  but  only  a  few  banks  availed  them- 
selves of  the  privilege  until  the  passage  of  the  Act  of  1865, 
which  placed  a  tax  of  ten  per  cent,  on  all  notes  of  State 
banks  or  of  individuals  used  as  circulation  or  paid  out  by 
them.  The  banks  are  subject  to  rigid  government  super- 
vision, and  besides  reports  made  at  stated  intervals,  they 
are  liable  to  be  called  upon  at  any  moment  for  a  statement 
of  their  affairs,  or  to  subject  themselves  to  an  examination 
at  the  hands  of  the  bank  examiner.  They  are  prohibited 
from  making  loans  on  real  estate,  or  on  the  shares  of  their 
own  capital  stock,  or  on  their  own  notes,  or  on  legal  tender 
notes,  or  from  making  loans  to  any  one  concern  to  the  extent 
of  more  than  one-tenth  of  their  capital  stock.  The  na- 
tional banks  are  subject  to  a  national  tax  of  one  per  cent, 
on  their  circulation,  if  bonds  given  as  security  are  four  per 
cent,  bonds,  and  of  one-half  per  cent,  on  their  average  cir- 
culation, if  the  bonds  given  as  security  are  two  per  cent, 
bonds,  besides  the  tax  of  the  State  in  which  they  are 
located.  The  banks  have  answered  the  expectations  of 
their  promoters,  for  they  have  provided  a  currency  uni- 
formly safe  and  current  everywhere.  They  proved  during 
the  war  and  immediately  after  it  a  valuable  aid  in  placing 
government  loans.  The  currency,  indeed,  is  regarded  as 
too  valuable  a  feature  of  the  system  to  be  allowed  to  perish, 
a  fate  to  which  the  rapid  extinction  of  the  public  debt  at 
present  seems  to  point.  In  Januarv,  1905,  the  number  of 
national  banking  associations  that  had  filed  reports  of  their 
condition  with  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency  was  5,528. 
The  paid-in  capital  stock  of  the  reporting  banks  was  $776,- 


282     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

916,147;  their  surplus  funds  and  other  undivided  profits 
were  $406,177,675  and  $183,994,737,  respectively.  The 
outstanding  circulating  notes  of  the  reporting  banks 
amounted  to  $424,345,433  and  their  individual  deposits  to 
$3,612,499,599.  The  aggregate  resources  of  the  associa- 
tions, it  is  affirmed,  were  $7,1 1 7, 800,553,  an  increase  since 
January  22,  1904  of  $540,922,390.  Against  the  deposit 
liabilities  of  $4,416,877,711  in  these  institutions  a  reserve 
was  held  aggregating  $1,008,064,321.  As  showing  the 
growth  in  the  number  of  national  banks  of  the  United 
States,  at  successive  periods,  the  following  figures  are  ap- 
pended, representing  their  condition  in  the  years  1882, 
1892,  and  1902  respectively: 

No.  of  Total  Total  Net 

Banks.        Capital.            Furplnit.  Dividends.  Earnings, 

(1882) 2,197  1*73,941715  $133.570,931  $40,791,928  $53,321,234 

(1892) 3,701  619.076,6.>0          237.761,865  50,400,713  66,658,015 

(1902) 4,306         667,354,275         305,211,716  68,199,494  106,581,477 

National  Bank  Notes.  (See  Currency;  National  Bank- 
ing System.) 

National  Christian  Association  was  formed  at  a  conven- 
tion held  in  Pittsburgh,  Pennsylvania,  in  May,  1868.  Its 
main  principle  is  opposition  to  secret  societies.  The  asso- 
ciation has  spread  widely,  and  now  has  branches  in  many 
States.  About  1872  it  began  action  as  a  political  party, 
for  an  account  of  which  see  American  Party  II. 

National  Debt.     (See  Delt  of  United  States.) 

National  League  of  Democratic  Clubs.  A  movement 
started  by  the  Young  Men's  Democratic  Club  of  New 
York,  resulted  in  a  meeting  of  representatives  from  Demo- 
cratic clubs  in  various  parts  of  the  country  in  New  York 
City  on  April  21,  1888.  An  association  was  formed  with 
the  above  name.  The  general  objects  are  the  support  of 
the  principles  of  the  Democratic  party.  In  particular  it 
indorses  the  policy  proposed  in  President  Cleveland's  tariff 
message  to  Congress  in  December,  1887,  and  also  the  civil 
service  laws.  It  advocates  legal  prohibition  of  the  forma- 
tion of  "trusts,"  and  the  reservation  of  public  lands  for 
actual  settlers,  and  it  maintains  that  federal  taxation  shall 
not  be  "for  the  benefit  of  individual  or  class  interests." 
The  management  of  the  league  is  entrusted  to  a  general 
committee,  of  which  Charles  Ogden,  of  Omaha,  was  elected 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     283 

chairman.  Soon  after  the  formation  of  the  league  a  call 
was  issued  for  a  convention  to  assemble  at  Baltimore, 
Maryland,  on  July  4,  1888. 

National  Party.  The  formal  name  of  the  Greenback- 
Labor  party,  adopted  at  the  convention  of  1878. 

National  Republican  Party.  During  the  administration 
of  John  Quincy  Adams,  the  unity  that  had  so  long  prevailed 
in  the  Democratic-Republican  party  showed  signs  of  com- 
ing to  an  end.  The  differences  between  the  Adams  and 
Clay  Republicans  and  the  Jackson  Republicans  were  not 
merely  on  the  surface,  they  had  roots  deep  down.  Each 
acknowledged  the  other  to  be  members  of  the  same  party, 
it  is  true,  but  they  nevertheless  contained  the  elements  of 
distinct  parties.  The  Adams  section  was  devoted  to  prin- 
ciples much  resembling  those  of  the  old  Federalists,  but 
they  brought  to  politics  many  of  the  popular  elements  of 
Jefferson's  methods.  They  favored  a  national  bank,  in- 
ternal improvements  and  a  protective  tariff.  In  the  elec- 
tion of  1828,  though  defeated,  they  made  an  excellent 
showing,  polling  509,000  popular  votes  to  647,000  for 
Jackson.  Through  lack  of  tact  Adams  forfeited  the  sup- 
port of  many  followers,  and  the  leadership  naturally  fell 
to  Clay,  and  by  common  consent  the  name  of  National  Re- 
publican was  adopted  about  1830.  In  1831  the  party  nomi- 
nated Clay,  but  adopted  no  platform.  An  address  to  the 
voters  was  issued,  declaring  its  principles  to  be  as  above 
stated,  but  the  party  was  defeated.  In  practice,  its  main 
aim  was  now  opposition  to  the  President,  Jackson,  and  it 
welcomed  as  allies  men  of  all  shades  of  opinions  on  other 
topics — the  nullifiers  of  South  Carolina,  the  State's-right 
factions  of  other  States.  To  all  these  heterogeneous  ele- 
ments the  name  of  Whigs  was  applied  in  1834,  and  a  large 
proportion  of  them  formed  the  Whig  party,  whose  existence 
dates  from  that  year. 

Nativism  is  the  principle  that  all  political  power  should 
be  in  the  hands  of  natives  of  the  country,  or  that  the 
requisites  for  naturalization  should  be  rendered  very  strin- 
gent, so  as  to  exclude  aliens  as  far  as  possible  from  par- 
ticipation in  the  government.  (See  American  Party  I.) 

Nat  Turner's  Rebellion.  In  August,  1831,  a  slave  revolt 
broke  out  in  Southampton  County,  Virginia.  It  was  led 


284     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

by  Nat  Turner,  who  believed  himself  inspired  to  do  this, 
an  eclipse  of  the  sun  in  February  of  that  year  being  the 
sign.  The  excitement  of  the  supposed  revelation,  however, 
caused  him  to  fall  ill,  and  it  was  not  until  August  that 
the  design  was  executed.  He  and  his  fifty  followers  gave 
no  quarter.  The  uprising  was  at  once  put  down,  however, 
and  Turner  was  executed.  About  sixty  whites  and  one 
hundred  negroes  lost  their  lives  in  the  struggle. 

Navigation  Acts,  The.  In  1650  an  act  was  passed  by 
the  British  Parliament  with  a  view  to  stop  the  gainful  trade 
of  the  Dutch,  prohibiting  all  ships  of  foreign  nations  from 
trading  with  any  English  plantation  without  a  license  from 
the  Council  of  State.  In  1651  the  prohibition  was  extended 
to  the  mother  country,  and  no  goods  were  suffered  to  be 
imported  into  England  or  any  of  its  dependencies  in  any 
other  than  English  bottoms,  or  in  the  ships  of  that  Euro- 
pean nation  of  which  the  merchandise  was  the  genuine 
growth  or  manufacture.  In  the  year  1660  foreign  vessels 
were  prohibited  from  entering  the  colonial  ports.  In  1663 
a  duty  was  laid  upon  goods  shipped  from  one  colony  to 
another,  and  two  years  later  the  colonists  were  forbidden  to 
manufacture  any  goods  which  would  be  likely  to  compete 
with  English  ones  in  their  own  as  well  as  foreign  markets. 
These  laws,  like  all  others,  were  enacted  by  a  power  which 
supposed  it  could  enforce  them;  but  they  were,  in  part 
or  as  a  whole,  denounced  and  disregarded  by  the  colonies 
as  unjust  and  tyrannical,  and  were  one  of  the  causes  of  the 
Kevolutionary  War. 

Navigation  laws.  The  navigation  laws  of  the  United 
States  remain  to-day  practically  the  same  as  when  passed 
in  1792  and  1793.  They  are  too  long  and  complicated  to 
admit  of  full  description,  but  their  chief  features  may  be 
briefly  stated  as  follows:  No  vessel  is  deemed  American 
and  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the  American  flag  unless 
she  is  wholly  built  in  this  country  and  wholly  owned  and 
officered  by  Americans.  Foreign  vessels  cannot  engage  in 
our  coasting  trade,  which  is  held  to  include  voyages  from 
Atlantic  to  Pacific  ports.  American  vessels  cease  to  be 
such  if  even  a  part  owner  (except  in  a  few  instances)  re- 
sides abroad  for  a  short  time.  An  American  vessel  once 
transferred  by  any  process  to  foreigners,  can  never  sail 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     285 

under  our  flag  again.  Duty  must  be  paid  on  the  value  of 
all  repairs  which  an  American  vessel  makes  in  foreign  ports 
on  her  return  to  this  country.  Restrictions  are  placed  on 
the  repairing  of  foreign  vessels  in  our  ports  with  imported 
materials.  Vessels  engaged  in  trade  to  ports  not  in  North 
or  Central  America,  and  a  few  specified  adjacent  places 
(except  fishing  and  pleasure  vessels),  pay  a  tax  on  entry 
of  six  cents  per  ton  of  their  burden,  but  the  maximum 
aggregate  tax  in  any  one  year  does  not  exceed  thirty  cents. 
This  is  called  a  tonnage  tax.  Foreign  vessels  pay  the  same 
tax,  but  an  American  vessel  is  forced  to  pay  an  additional, 
tax  of  fifty  cents  per  ton  if  one  of  her  officers  is  an  alien. 
Materials  for  the  construction  of  vessels  for  foreign  trade 
may  be  imported  free  of  duty,  but  the  duty  must  be  paid  if 
the  vessel  engages  for  more  than  two  months  a  year  in  the 
coasting  trade.  Foreign  vessels,  often  at  great  inconven- 
ience, must  unload  at  a  port  of  entry,  which  is  a  single 
designated  port  in  each  customs  district  of  the  United 
States,  except  when  laden  with  coal,  salt  or  similar  mer- 
chandise in  bulk.  American  vessels  may  unload  at  any 
port  of  delivery  in  the  district.  Foreign  capital  is  thus 
kept  out  of  our  ship-building  and  ship-repairing  industries. 
While  England  and  other  states  have  been  modifying  their 
old  rigid  navigation  laws,  the  United  States  has  kept  hers 
practically  unchanged  for  a  century.  In  the  earlier  years 
of  that  period  we  were  developing  a  fine  carrying  trade  and 
a  prosperous  ship-building  industry.  The  result  of  these 
laws  has  been  to  drive  our  commercial  marine  from  the  seas, 
to  divert  our  capital  into  other  channels  or  to  foreign  ship- 
ping, to  close  our  shipyards  and  to  deprive  us  of  a  valu- 
able interest,  ship-repairing.  The  navigation  laws  and 
their  operation  are  not  easy  to  be  grasped  thoroughly  by 
the  people  generally,  but  the  effect  they  have  had  on  our 
shipping  interests  shows  that  they  are  radically  defective 
and  have  failed  to  accomplish  the  object  intended,  namely, 
the  protection  and  encouragement  of  these  interests. 

Navy,  Department  of  the.  This  is  one  of  the  executive 
departments  of  the  government.  It  was  created  in  1798. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  its  bead,  is  a  member  of  the 
President's  Cabinet,  by  custom,  not  by  law.  He  is  appointed 
by  the  President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  His  salary 


286     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

is  $8,000.  This  department  has  charge  of  the  vessels,  navy 
yards,  guns  and  all  other  matters  pertaining  to  the  navy. 
Moreover,  the  hydrographic  office  at  which  nautical  charts 
with  sailing  directions  are  prepared  for  the  use  of  seamen, 
is  under  the  direction  of  the  department,  as  is  also  the 
preparation  of  the  Nautical  Almanac,  a  work  of  incalcul- 
able use  to  seamen.  The  heads  of  the  bureaus  into  which 
the  department  is  divided  are  chosen  from  the  officers  of 
the  navy  above  the  rank  of  captain.  They  hold  office  four 
years,  and  draw  the  sea  pay  of  their  grade  or  rank,  not  less 
than  commodore.  These  bureaus  were  created  by  Act  of 
Congress  in  1862  and  are  the  bureaus  of  (1)  Yards  and 
Docks;  (2)  Equipment;  (3)  Navigation;  (4)  Ordnance; 
(5)  Construction  and  Eepair;  (6)  Steam  Engineering; 
(7)  Medicine  and  Surgery;  (8)  Supplies  and  Accounts. 
In  addition  to  the  chiefs  of  these  bureaus,  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  department  includes  assistant  secretary,  chief 
clerk,  president  of  the  general  board,  judge-advocate-gen- 
eral, president  of  the  naval  examining  board,  president  of 
naval  retiring  board,  chiefs  of  intelligence  office,  superin- 
tendent of  naval  observatory,  director  of  nautical  almanac, 
hydrographer,  and  commandant  of  the  marine  corps — nine- 
teen in  all,  in  addition  to  the  secretary.  As  the  President 
is  commander-in-chief  of  the  navy,  the  Secretary  is  gen- 
erally under  his  orders,  and  to  the  President  he  makes  an 
annual  report  of  the  operations  of  the  department;  but 
the  law  imposes  on  him  a  number  of  specific  duties  in 
which  he  is  not  subject  to  the  direction  of  the  President. 
The  Assistant  Secretary  is  also  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  in  the  absence  or  incapacitation  of  the  Secre- 
tary acts  for  him,  taking  the  title  of  Acting  Secretary.  As 
the  duties  of  the  Secretary  and  his  assistant  are  administra- 
tive, these  officers  are  usually  appointed  from  civil  life. 
The  judge-advocate-general  is  appointed  from  the  marine 
corps.  It  is  his  duty  "to  receive,  revise,  and  record  the 
proceedings  of  courts-martial,  courts  of  inquiry,  boards  for 
the  examinations  of  officers  for  retirement  and  promotion 
in  the  naval  service,  and  to  give  opinions  on  such  legal 
questions  as  arise  in  the  course  of  the  administration  of 
the  navy."  This  office  was  created  by  Act  of  Congress  in 
1880. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     287 

Navy  of  the  United  States.  During  the  Revolution  this 
country  had  practically  no  navy,  the  largest  force  at  an}7 
one  time  being  twenty-five  vessels  in  1776.  After  that  year 
the  navy  dwindled,  and  by  the  end  of  the  war  but  few 
vessels  remained,  and  those  were  sold.  Under  the  stress  of 
threatened  war  with  France  and  of  actual  war  with  the  Bar- 
bary  pirates  (see  Algerine  War),  vessels  were  constructed, 
but  of  these  only  a  few  were  retained  after  the  immediate 
necessity  for  their  use  had  passed.  The  Federalists  favored 
the  establishment  of  a  navy;  the  Eepublicans  (Democrats) 
opposed  it.  The  complications  between  this  country  and 
Great  Britain,  about  the  year  1812,  caused  fresh  activity, 
and  steps  were  taken  to  the  formation  of  a  navy.  At  that 
time  we  had  but  three  first-class  frigates,  the  Constitution, 
the  President  and  the  United  States.  In  1812,  $200,000 
annually  for  three  years  was  appropriated  for  the  construc- 
tion of  a  navy,  and  its  permanent  establishment  dates 
from  that  year.  Thereafter  it  was  recognized  as  a  necessity 
by  both  parties.  In  1816,  $1,000,000  annually  for  eight 
years  was  appropriated.  During  the  next  year  live  oak 
and  red  cedar  on  government  lands  were  ordered  to  be 
withdrawn  from  future  sales  and  reserved  for  building  war 
vessels,  and  agents  to  supervise  and  protect  these  woods 
were  appointed,  but  in  1861,  when  this  provision  might 
have  been  of  use,  the  necessary  papers  could  not  be  found. 
The  navy  was  not  used  actively  in  the  Mexican  War,  and 
the  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  found  it  again  in  a  dilapi- 
dated condition.  Moreover,  at  this  time  many  officers  re- 
signed, and  the  government  property  in  the  Southern  States 
was  seized.  At  the  outbreak  of  that  war  there  were  forty- 
two  vessels  in  commission.  Of  these  twenty-six  employed 
steam  as  auxiliary  motive  power,  thirteen  were  sailing  ves- 
sels, and  three  were  store  ships.  Only  twelve  were  of  the 
home  squadron,  and  of  these  only  four  were  in  Northern 
ports.  The  strides  made  under  these  discouraging  condi- 
tions were  enormous.  Over  3,500  miles  of  coast  were  to  be 
blockaded,  besides  vessels  for  the  Mississippi  River  and 
the  capture  of  privateers  and  cruisers  were  needed.  More- 
over, armor  was  just  coming  into  use,  and  the  government 
yards  were  in  no  condition  to  turn  out  modern  vessels. 
In  1862  there  were  427  vessels,  carrying  3,268  guns;  in 


288     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

1863  there  were  588  vessels,  carrying  4,443  gims;  in  1864 
there  were  671  vessels,  carrying  4,610  guns.  By  December, 
1866,  the  war  being  over,  these  had  decreased  to  115  ves- 
sels in  active  service.  The  pay  of  seamen  is  $258  per  an- 
num; or  ordinary  seamen,  $210.  The  pay  of  the  retired 
list  of  naval  officers  is  seventy-five  per  cent,  of  the  sea  pay  of 
the  rank  held  at  the  time  of  retirement.  They  are  to  be  re- 
tired from  active  service  at  the  age  of  sixty-two  years,  or 
may  (except  in  certain  grades)  be  retired  after  forty 
years  of  service,  regardless  of  age.  The  most  important 
navy  yard  is  at  Brooklyn,  on  the  East  Eiver,  where  there 
are  four  dry  docks,  a  clothing  factory  where  naval  uniforms 
are  made  for  enlisted  men,  and  other  adjuncts.  In  addition 
to  this,  the  other  yards  are  as  follows:  Charlestown  (at 
Boston),  Portsmouth  (near  Norfolk,  Virginia),  Kittery 
(opposite  Portsmouth,  New  Hampshire),  League  Island 
(Philadelphia),  Mare  Island  (San  Francisco  Bay),  Pensa- 
cola  (Florida),  Washington  (District  of  Columbia),  New 
Orleans  (at  Algiers,  Louisiana),  and  Puget  Sound  (Brem- 
erton, Washington).  There  are  naval  stations  at  the  fol- 
lowing places:  New  London,  Connecticut;  Port  Eoyal  and 
Charleston,  South  Carolina ;  Key  West,  Florida ;  a  torpedo 
and  training  station  a.t  Newport,  Rhode  Island ;  a  training 
station  on  Yerba  Buena  Island,  California;  also  at  San 
Juan,  Porto  Rico;  Havana,  Cuba;  Honolulu,  Hawaiian 
Islands,  and  Cavite,  Philippine  Islands.  The  officers  of 
the  navy  are  trained  for  their  profession  at  the  United 
States  Naval  Academy  at  Annapolis  (which  see).  It  is 
the  custom  of  foreign  ships  of  war  entering  the  harbor,  or 
in  passing  in  the  vicinity  of  a  fort,  to  hoist  at  the  fore  the 
flag  of  the  country  in  whose  waters  they  are  and  salute  it ; 
on  the  completion  of  the  salute  to  the  flag,  a  salute  (of  21 
guns)  is  returned  as  soon  as  possible  by  the  nearest  fort 
or  battery;  if  there  are  several  forts  or  batteries  in  sight, 
or  within  the  radius  of  six  miles,  the  principal  fort  returns 
the  salute.  The  Presidential  salute  of  twenty-one  guns 
was  adopted  that  a  uniformity  in  national  salutes  might 
be  maintained,  it  being  the  same  number  of  guns  as  the 
royal  salute  of  England.  The  reason  why  twenty-one 
should  have  been  selected  as  the  number  of  guns  has  been 
a  source  of  search  and  guess,  with  no  satisfactory  results. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     289 

Of  the  many  surmises,  the  two  carrying  the  most  weight 
of  opinion  are :  First,  that  twenty-one  was  the  same  num- 
ber of  years  fixed  by  English  law  as  the  age  of  majority ; 
the  second,  that  seven  was  the  original  salute,  and  three 
times  seven  would  signify  one  seven  for  each  of  the  divi- 
sions, England  and  Wales,  Scotland,  and  Ireland.  It  is 
also  asserted  that  the  United  States  adopted  this  salute 
to  signify  to  the  mother  country  that  her  child  had  reached 
his  majority,  and  was  prepared,  in  law,  to  inherit  the  land ; 
and  to  this  end  fired  the  "gun  of  1776,"  the  figures  of 
which  year  added  together  equaled  twenty-one.  The  sa- 
lutes given  in  addition  to  the  Presidential  salute  are  as 
follows:  To  the  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  and 
the  President  of  the  Senate,  19  guns;  members  of  Cabinet, 
Chief  Justice  of  United  States,  Speaker  of  the  House  of 
Representatives,  17  guns;  rear-admiral,  13  guns;  commo- 
dore, 11  guns;  captain,  9  guns;  to  a  sovereign  or  chief 
magistrate  of  any  foreign  country,  21  guns;  to  the  heir 
apparent  or  consort  of  a  reigning  sovereign,  21  guns.  A 
salute  in  accordance  with  their  rank  is  also  given  to  the 
viceroy,  governor-general  or  governors  of  provinces  be- 
longing to  foreign  states,  to  ambassadors  extraordinary  and 
plenipotentiary,  to  envoys  extraordinary  and  plenipoten- 
tiary, to  ministers  resident  accredited  to  the  United  States, 
to  charges  d'affaires  in  charge  of  missions  in  the  United 
States,  to  consuls-general  accredited  to  the  United  States, 
and  to  officers  of  foreign  services.  The  war  with  Spain 
brought  the  importance  of  the  navy  into  prominence,  and 
resulted  in  a  general  desire  for  its  enlargement,  for  it  be- 
came evident  that  if  this  country  should  be  attacked  by  a 
foreign  power,  that  attack  would  be  by  sea;  and  the  true 
method  of  defense  would  be  by  means  of  a  navy  that  could 
meet  the  enemy,  pursue  and  destroy  them  on  the  seas,  not 
by  means  of  mere  harbor  defenses.  The  rapidity  of  this 
enlargement  can  be  judged  by  the  comparative  expenses. 
For  the  year  ending  June  30,  1897,  the  year  before  the 
war  with  Spain,  the  cost  of  the  navy  was  $34,661,546;  and 
for  the  year  1904  the  cost  was  $102,956,102.  The  number 
of  vessels  in  the  navy  June  30,  1904,  was  as  follows :  Ves- 
sels fit  for  service,  including  those  under  repair,  265,  of 
which  number  eleven  were  first  class,  and  one  a  second- 


290     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

class  battleship;  vessels  under  construction,  or  authorized, 
47,  of  which  number  fourteen  were  first-class  battleships; 
total,  312.  The  active  list  of  the  navy  includes  29,894  en- 
listed men,  557  warrant  officers,  and  1,625  commissioned 
officers.  To  this  number  must  be  added  the  marine  corps, 
mentioned  above.  The  active  list  of  flag  officers  com- 
prises the  admiral  and  25  rear-admirals.  The  grade  of 
commodore  on  the  active  list  has  been  abolished.  The  pay 
of  the  admiral  is  $13,500 ;  of  the  first  nine  rear-admirals, 
$7,500  at  sea,  and  $6,375  on  shore  duty;  of  the  second 
nine,  $5,500  at  sea,  and  $4,675  on  shore  duty;  of  captains, 
$3,500  and  $2,975;  of  commanders,  $3,000  and  $2,550; 
of  lieutenant-commanders,  $2,500  and  $2,125;  of  lieuten- 
ants, $1,500  to  $1,800,  and  $1,275  to  $1,530;  of  ensigns, 
$1,400  and  $1,190;  of  naval  cadets,  $500  at  sea  or  on  shore 
duty.  The  pay  of  petty  officers  ranges  from  $360  to  $840 
a  year.  The  term  of  enlistment  is  for  four  years,  and  the 
pay  ranges  from  $35  a  month  for  first-class  firemen  down 
to  $9  a  month  for  third-class  apprentices. 

Nebraska  was  originally  a  part  of  the  Louisiana  Pur- 
chase. (See  Annexations  I;  Territories.)  In  1854  it  was 
organized  as  a  separate  territory,  including  Montana,  Da- 
kota, Wyoming  and  part  of  Colorado,  as  these  now  exist. 
On  March  1,  1867,  the  President's  proclamation,  following 
an  act  of  Congress,  declared  it  to  be  a  State.  The  capital 
is  Lincoln.  Its  name  is  of  Indian  origin,  and  is  supposed 
to  mean  "shallow  water." 

Neutrality  is  the  abstention  from  engaging  in  a  war  car- 
ried on  between  other  nations  and  the  preservation  of  com- 
plete impartiality  toward  all  the  belligerents.  The  territory 
of  the  neutral  is  inviolable,  but  if  permission  to  use  it  is 
granted  to  one  belligerent  it  must  be  granted  to  all.  War 
vessels  with  their  prizes  may  enter  neutral  ports  unless  for- 
bidden; by  the  laws  of  the  United  States  prizes  are  not 
admitted  to  our  ports.  The  right  of  belligerents  to  raise 
forces  in  a  neutral  country,  if  granted  to  one,  must  be 
granted  to  all;  the  United  States  permits  this  to  none. 
It  is  practically  recognized  at  present  that  a  neutral  flag 
protects  both  vessel  and  cargo,  except  articles  contraband 
of  war,  and  that  neutral  goods,  with  the  same  exception, 
are  protected  even  on  a  belligerent  vessel.  Neutral  vessels 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     291 

must  be  provided  with  proper  papers  and  must  submit  to 
reasonable  examination.  (See  Blockade;  Contraband  of 
War.)  The  persons  and  property  of  belligerents  are  pro- 
tected while  in  neutral  jurisdiction.  War  ships  of  belliger- 
ents must  preserve  peace  with  each  other  while  in  neutral 
harbors,  or  within  a  marine  league  of  a  neutral  coast.  If 
a  warship  leaves  a  neutral  port,  warships  of  its  enemy  are 
not  permitted  to  leave  till  a  day  later;  this  is  called  the 
"twenty-four  hour  rule."  The  person  and  property  of  a 
neutral  are  inviolable  even  when  among  belligerents,  so 
long  as  he  abstains  from  participating  in  hostilities. 

Nevada  was  originally  a  part  of  Mexico  and  was  ceded 
to  us  by  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  in  1848.  (See 
Annexations  IV.)  It  was  organized  as  a  separate  Territory 
in  1861,  and  was  admitted  to  the  Union  on  October  31, 
1864,  by  the  President's  proclamation,  in  accordance  with 
an  act  of  Congress.  The  capital  is  Carson  City.  Its  name 
is  of  Spanish  origin  and  means  "snow-covered."  Popu- 
larly it  is  known  as  the  Sage  Hen  State. 

New  Breeches.  A  nickname  applied  to  the  Constitution 
while  it  was  before  the  people  for  ratification. 

New  England  Confederation.  A  union  of  the  colonies  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  Connecticut,  and  New  Haven,  effected 
in  1643  for  defense  against  the  Indians  and  Dutch.  Dis- 
solved 1684. 

New  England  Emigrant  Aid  Company  was  a  corpora- 
tion chartered  by  the  Massachusetts  Legislature  in  1855, 
to  aid  free  State  emigration  to  Kansas,  in  which  region 
the  struggle  between  the  free  State  and  the  slave  parties 
was  then  at  its  height.  (See  Border  War.) 

New  Hampshire  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the 
Union.  The  capital  is  Concord.  It  was  named  for  Hamp- 
shire County  in  England,  and  is  known  familiarly  as  the 
Granite  State,  from  its  extensive  granite  quarries. 

New  Hampshire  Grants.  The  early  colonial  name  for 
that  territory  now  known  as  the  State  of  Vermont. 

New  Jersey  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
The  capital  is  Trenton.  It  was  named  for  the  Island  of 
Jersey,  one  of  the  Channel  Islands. 

New  Mexico  was  organized  as  a  Territory  of  the  United 
States  by  Act  of  September  9,  1850,  from  territory  ceded 


292     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

by  Mexico.  (See  Annexations  IV.)  In  1854  the  region 
acquired  by  the  Gadsden  purchase  (see  Annexations  V) 
was  added  to  New  Mexico,  which  then  included  Arizona 
and  parts  of  Nevada  and  Colorado,  as  these  now  exist.  A 
few  years  later  the  northwestern  and  northeastern  corners 
were  given  to  Nevada  and  Colorado,  respectively,  and  in 
1863  the  western  half  was  formed  into  the  Territory  of 
Arizona.  Santa  Fe  is  the  capital. 

New  Roof.  A  nickname  applied  to  the  Constitution 
while  it  was  before  the  people  for  ratification. 

New  York  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
The  capital  is  Albany.  It  was  named  in  honor  of  the  Duke 
of  York,  one  of  its  colonial  governors.  Popularly  it  is 
known  as  the  Empire  State,  from  its  importance,  and  as 
the  Excelsior  State,  from  the  motto  on  its  coat  of  arms. 

Nez  Perce  War.      (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Nicholas  Biddle's  United  States  Bank.  Under  this  name 
the  second  United  States  Bank  was  known,  after  it  was 
re-chartered  by  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  in  1836.  The 
bank  paid  the  State  $2,000,000  for  the  charter.  Nicholas 
Biddle,  the  president,  claimed  for  the  bank  a  large  surplus 
after  paying  for  the  charter.  The  bank  failed  in  1841. 
In  1838  the  stock  was  quoted  as  high  as  125;  in  1841  it 
dropped  to  3J. 

Night-Soilers.  A  derisive  name  applied  by  the  Hunkers 
to  those  members  of  the  Democratic  party  that  called  them- 
selves Free-Soilers.  (See  Free-Soil  Party.) 

Noblest  Roman  of  Them  All.  This  phrase  occurs  in 
Shakespeare's  tragedy  of  "Julius  Caesar,"  and  is  applied  to 
Brutus.  Allen  G.  Thurman,  of  Ohio,  is  sometimes  popu- 
larly so  called. 

No  Man's  Land.      (See  Cimarron.) 

Nominating  Conventions.  When  the  Congressional  cau- 
cus came  to  an  end  the  present  system  of  nominating  con- 
ventions sprang  up.  In  this  country  the  earliest  political 
influences  were  wielded  by  groups  of  leaders.  Then  fol- 
lowed the  caucus  in  the  Legislature  for  the  nomination  of 
State  officers,  and  the  Congressional  caucus  (which  see)  to 
nominate  the  President.  The  present  system  had  its  origin 
in  the  State  of  New  York,  where  it  was  suggested  by  the 
Tammany  Society  as  early  as  1813.  The  caucuses  of  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     293 

Legislatures  had  from  time  to  time  admitted  citizens  to 
their  councils.  This  caucus,  containing  only  members  of 
the  Legislature,  did  not,  of  course,  represent  those  parts 
of  the  State  in  which  the  opposite  party  had  been  success- 
ful, and  in  1817  these  unrepresented  parts  in  New  York 
sent  delegates  to  the  caucus.  Here  was  laid  the  foundation 
of  the  present  system,  but  it  was  not  fairly  adopted  even 
in  New  York  until  1824,  and  by  1830  it  was  well  estab- 
lished in  most  of  the  States.  By  1835  the  system,  includ- 
ing the  national  conventions,  was  completely  established. 
The  first  adoption  of  the  system  was  by  the  Democratic 
party.  Its  opponents  were  slower  in  making  use  of  it,  and 
it  was  not  until  1844  that  the  Whig  party  had  a  complete 
organization  on  this  basis.  The  voters  of  a  party  in  a  town 
or  election  district  hold  a  primary  convention,  as  it  is 
called,  and  this  primary  is  the  unit  which  is  compounded 
into  the  county,  State  and  national  conventions  of  the 
party,  each  of  these  nominating  the  officers  for  its  respec- 
tive domain.  The  national  conventions  of  both  the  Demo- 
cratic and  Republican  parties  admit  from  each  State  two 
delegates  for  every  electoral  vote,  but  while  the  Republi- 
cans give  a  vote  to  two  delegates  from  every  territory,  the 
Democrats  do  not.  In  Democratic  national  conventions 
every  State  votes  as  a  unit,  the  will  of  the  majority  deter- 
mining the  choice  of  the  State  delegation,  the  vote  of  two- 
thirds  of  the  delegates  being  required  to  nominate.  (It 
has  never  been  determined  whether  two-thirds  of  all  the 
delegates  to  the  convention,  or  two-thirds  of  those  present, 
is  requisite.)  In  the  convention  of  1884  the  opposition  to 
Cleveland  made  strong  efforts  to  break  the  "unit  rule." 
In  Republican  national  conventions  every  delegate  votes 
as  an  individual  merely,  and  a  majority  vote  is  sufficient 
to  nominate.  The  only  real  attempt  to  introduce  the  "unit 
rule,"  or  vote  by  States,  was  made  in  1880,  in  the  interest 
of  Grant's  nomination  for  a  third  term  (his  second  term 
expired  in  1877),  but  it  failed.  These  rules  have  been 
adopted  by  convention  after  convention,  although  their 
adoption  by  any  subsequent  convention  is  in  no  way 
assured.  The  Territorial  delegates,  who  are  admitted  in 
the  Republican  convention,  but  not  in  the  Democratic,  are 
chosen  in  the  same  way  as  a  Congressional  delegate. 


294     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Non-Importation.  An  act  of  Congress  prohibiting  the 
importation  of  certain  merchandise,  or  merchandise  from 
specified  countries,  is  known  as  a  non-importation  law.  The 
chief  one  in  our  history  was  passed  in  April,  1806,  forbid- 
ding the  importation  of  certain  articles  produced  by  Eng- 
land or  her  colonies.  It  went  into  effect  in  November,  but 
was  soon  suspended,  and  afterward  the  Embargo  and  Non- 
Intercourse  Acts  took  its  place. 

Non-Intercourse.  Congressional  prohibition  of  com- 
merce with  a  particular  nation,  or  with  particular  nations, 
is  called  a  non-intercourse  law.  On  March  1,  1809,  a  Non- 
Intercourse  Act  was  passed  to  take  the  place  of  the  Embargo 
Act.  It  prohibited  commerce  with  England  and  France, 
and  forbade  the  entrance  of  vessels  of  these  nations  or 
goods  produced  by  them  or  their  colonies.  With  several 
modifications,  it  remained  in  force  against  Great  Britain 
till  the  War  of  1812. 

Non-interference,  Doctrine  of.  A  name  applied  to  the 
doctrine  of  Calhoun,  that  Congress  had  no  right  to  inter- 
fere with  slavery  in  the  States  and  Territories.  It  is  best 
explained  by  the  following  resolution,  introduced  in  the 
.National  Democratic  Convention  of  1848,  by  William  L. 
Yancey,  of  Alabama:  "Resolved,  That  the  doctrine  of  non- 
interference with  the  rights  of  property  of  any  portion  of 
the  people  of  this  confederacy,  be  it  in  the  States  or  Terri- 
tories thereof,  by  any  other  than  the  parties  interested  in 
them,  is  the  true  Kepublican  doctrine  recognized  by  this 
body."  At  that  time  it  was  rejected.  The  Kansas-Ne- 
braska Bill,  passed  in  1854,  is  the  first  law  countenancing 
this  principle,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  this  bill  refers 
to  the  Compromise  of  1850  as  having  recognized  it. 

North  Carolina  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the 
Union.  A  State  convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  seces- 
sion on  May  21,  1861,  and  by  act  of  June,  25,  1868,  the 
State  was  re-admitted.  The  capital  is  Raleigh.  The  two 
Carolinas  were  named  after  Charles  II  of  England  (in 
Latin,  Carolus).  Popularly  it  is  called  the  Old  North 
State,  the  Tar  State,  and  the  Turpentine  State. 

North  Dakota.      (See  Dakota.^ 

Northeast  Boundary.  The  Treaty  of  1783,  between 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States,  defined  the  northern 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     295 

boundary  of  the  latter  between  the  St.  Lawrence  and  the 
Atlantic.  For  nearly  sixty  years,  however^  the  meaning 
of  the  language  used  was  in  dispute,  especially  as  to  the 
"highlands"  and  the  true  source  of  the  Connecticut  River. 
Commissioners  appointed  under  Jay's  Treaty  of  1794 
helped  to  settle  some  of  the  boundary  marks,  but  the  ques- 
tion remained  unsettled,  as  a  whole,  despite  efforts  made 
in  1803,  in  1814  by  the  Treaty  of  Ghent,  in  1827  and  in 
other  years.  By  the  convention  of  1827,  the  matter  was 
referred  for  arbitration  to  the  King  of  the  Netherlands, 
but  his  award,  rendered  in  1831,  was  accepted  by  neither 
nation.  In  1838  and  1839  there  were  some  hostilities  on 
the  border  (called  the  Aroostook  disturbance),  Maine  sent 
armed  men  thither  and  erected  forts,  and  Congress  author- 
ized the  President  to  resist  encroachments  of  British  sub- 
jects. General  Scott,  however,  arranged  for  a  truce  and  a 
joint  occupation.  Great  Britain  finally  appointed  Lord 
Ashburton  to  settle  the  matter  with  our  government,  and 
he  concluded  a  treaty  (see  Ashburton  Treaty)  with  Daniel 
Webster,  then  Secretary  of  State,  on  August  9,  1842.  This 
treaty  fixed  the  boundary  line  favorably  to  British  claims, 
on  the  whole,  though  New  York  and  New  Hampshire 
gained  some  territory.  Maine  and  Massachusetts  were  to 
be  compensated  by  the  United  States  for  territory  given  up, 
grants  of  land  in  the  disputed  region  were  confirmed,  and 
the  navigation  of  the  St.  John  River  was  made  free  for 
people  of  both  nations.  Much  popular  indignation  was  felt 
in  this  country  at  the  yielding  of  any  portion  of  oivr  claims. 

Northern  liberties.  The  name  given  in  early  days  to  a 
portion  of  what  is  now  known  as  the  city  of  Philadelphia, 

Northwest  Boundary.  Russia,  Spain,  Great  Britain  and 
the  United  States  have  each  at  one  time  or  another  laid 
claim  to  part  or  all  of  the  territory  lying  west  of  the  Rocky 
Mountains  and  between  latitude  forty-two  degrees  north, 
the  present  northern  boundary  of  California,  and  fifty-four 
degrees  forty  minutes  north.  This  whole  region  was  known 
as  Oregon.  Russia  withdrew  her  claims  to  the  territory 
south  of  fifty-four  degrees  forty  minutes  (the  pres- 
ent southern  limit  of  Alaska)  by  a  treaty  with  the 
United  States  of  1824  (ratified  by  our  govern- 
ment January  11,  1825),  and  by  a  treaty  with  Great 


296     A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMEKICAN  POLITICS 

Britain  of  February,  1825.  The  claim  of  Spain 
passed  to  France  by  treaty,  along  with  the  region  known 
as  Louisiana  in  1800,  and  was  transferred  to  the  United 
States  in  1803  by  the  purchase  of  Louisiana.  (See  Annex- 
ations I.)  Spain  still  held  what  is  now  a  part  of  our  Pa- 
cific coast,  but  by  the  treaty  of  1819  (ratified  by  Spain  in 
1821)  she  named  the  latitude  of  forty-two  degrees 
as  the  northern  limit  of  her  territory.  (See  Annexations 
II.)  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States  were  now  the 
only  claimants  to  Oregon.  Both  based  their  claims  on  dis- 
covery, exploration  and  occupation.  Great  Britain,  how- 
ever, showed  a  willingness  to  compromise  on  the  Columbia 
River  as  the  boundary,  while  the  United  States  would  not 
entertain  the  thought  of  compromise  short  of  the  forty- 
ninth  degree.  At  the  same  time  our  government  claimed  as 
far  north  as  the  headwaters  of  the  Columbia,  in  about  lati- 
tude fifty-two  degrees,  and  a  strong  popular  opinion  pre- 
vailed that  the  territory  up  to  fifty-four  degrees  forty 
minutes  belonged  to  us.  This  was  probably  caused  by  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  with  Eussia,  which,  of  course,  had  no 
force  as  between  this  country  and  Great  Britain.  The 
Treaty  of  Peace  of  1783,  which  closed  the  Revolution,  set- 
tled our  northern  boundary  as  far  west  as  the  Mississippi, 
which  was  at  that  time  the  western  limit  of  our  territory. 
After  the  purchase  of  Louisiana,  the  convention  of  1818 
between  England  and  the  United  States  carried  the  bound- 
ary as  far  west  as  the  Rocky  Mountains,  along  the  forty- 
ninth  parallel  of  latitude,  leaving  the  region  west  of  those 
mountains  open  to  joint  occupation  for  ten  years.  A  con- 
vention, ratified  by  the  United  States  in  April,  1828,  con- 
tinued this  joint  occupation  indefinitely,  providing,  how- 
ever, that  either  nation  might  terminate  the  arrangement 
by  a  year's  notice.  The  yielding  to  British  claims  as  to 
the  Northeast  Boundary  (which  see}  by  the  Treaty  of  1842, 
led  to  a  popular  desire,  especially  marked  in  the  Democratic 
party,  to  enforce  our  extreme  claims  in  the  northwest,  and 
gave  rise  to  the  political  cry  of  "fifty-four  forty  or  fight." 
In  the  latter  part  of  Tyler's  administration  (1844-45) 
Calhoun,  then  Secretary  of  State,  had  made  an  offer  to 
accept  the  forty-ninth  degree  as  the  boundary,  which  a 
calm  view  of  the  facts  seems  to  show  was  the  utmost  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

United  States  could  rightfully  claim.  England,  however, 
insisted  on  the  Columbia  River  from  the  forty-ninth  par- 
allel to  the  Pacific.  On  Calhoun's  refusal  an  arbitration 
was  proposed,  which  was  also  declined.  A  strong  war  feel- 
ing was  now  aroused  in  Great  Britain,  to  avoid  the  conse- 
quences of  which  Folk's  Secretary  of  State,  Buchanan,  in 
July,  1845,  again  offered  to  accept  the  forty-ninth  parallel. 
This  was  refused  by  England  and  also  withdrawn  by  Bu- 
chanan, because  of  the  indignation  aroused  in  this  country 
at  the  thought  of  yielding.  Congress  debated  the  matter 
and  advised  giving  the  notice  necessary  to  terminate  the 
joint  occupancy,  which  was  done.  Great  Britain  was  avow- 
edly making  war  preparations.  Finally,  however,  in  June, 
1846,  the  British  ambassador  made  an  offer  to  accept  as 
the  boundary  the  forty-ninth  parallel,  as  far  as  the  chan- 
nel between  Vancouver's  Island  and  the  mainland,  and 
from  that  point  a  line  through  the  middle  of  that  channel 
and  the  Strait  of  Fuca  to  the  Pacific.  Both  nations  were 
to  have  free  navigation  of  the  channel  and  the  Columbia 
River.  By  the  advice  of  the  Senate  ratifications  were  ex- 
changed to  a  convention  on  this  basis  on  July  17,  1846. 
The  Treaty  of  Washington,  1871,  provided  for  the  decision 
by  the  Emperor  of  Germany  of  a  dispute  which  had  arisen 
under  the  settlement  of  1846.  The  United  States  claimed 
the  Canal  de  Haro  as  the  channel  through  which  the  bound- 
ary was  to  run,  while  Great  Britain  claimed  the  Rosario 
Straits ;  San  Juan  and  other  islands  were  thus  in  dispute ; 
Emperor  William  in  1872  decided  in  favor  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  boundary  was  thus  at  last  and  completely 
defined. 

Northwest  Conspiracy.  By  this  name  is  known  a  plot 
that  was  hatched  by  Southern  sympathizers  at  the  North, 
during  the  Civil  War,  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  the  South 
by  an  insurrection  of  large  proportions.  It  takes  its  name 
from  the  section  of  the  country  in  which  it  was  formed. 
Illinois  was  probably  the  headquarters.  In  June,  1864, 
exposures  in  regard  to  it  were  made,  arms  seized  and  leaders 
arrested.  The  execution  of  the  design  was  thus  thwarted. 

Northwest  Territory.    (See  Territories.) 

No  Union  with  Slaveholders.  One  of  the  mottoes  of  the 
abolition  newspaper,  The  Liberator.  (See  Abolitionists.) 


298     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Nullification  is  the  act  of  nullifying  or  declaring  void  a 
law.  In  our  history  the  term  is  applied  to  the  nullification 
by  a  State  of  a  national  law.  The  Cherokee  Case  is  the 
first  successful  instance  of  it,  but  the  word  usually  has  rela- 
tion to  the  case  of  South  Carolina,  where  the  result  was 
different.  The  nullification  doctrine  of  Hayne  differed 
.slightly  from  that  of  Calhoun,  Hayne  declaring  that  the 
right  to  nullify  resided  in  the  State  Legislature,  while 
Calhoun  maintained  that  it  must  be  exercised  by  the  people 
in  a  State  convention.  These  doctrines  were  called  into 
being  under  the  following  circumstances.  The  tariffs  of 
1824  and  of  1828  had  gradually  introduced  a  system  of  pro- 
tection of  home  manufactures.  The  South,  employing  un- 
skilled and  untaught  slave  labor,  had  no  manufactures, 
and  therefore  objected  to  a  system  protecting  Northern 
manufactures  at  its  expense.  A  tariff  bill,  slightly  reducing 
some  duties,  became  a  law  July  14,  1832,  but  the  South, 
and  pre-eminently  South  Carolina,  was  not  satisfied.  This 
State  now  took  steps  to  carry  into  execution  threats  previ- 
ously made.  A  State  convention  was  called  to  meet  No- 
vember 19,  1832,  and  on  November  24th  an  ordinance  of 
nullification  was  passed.  This  ordinance  declared  the 
Tariff  Acts  of  1828  and  1832  void;  forbade  the  payment 
of  duty  under  these  acts  after  February  1,  1833 ;  declared 
an  appeal  to  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  re- 
garding the  validity  of  the  ordinance  to  be  contempt  of 
the  State  court;  caused  every  juror  and  every  State  officer 
to  swear  to  support  the  ordinance;  and  declared  that  if 
force  were  used  against  her,  she  would  consider  herself 
no  longer  a  member  of  the  Union.  President  Jackson 
acted  with  energy.  He  issued  a  proclamation  pointing  out 
that  nullification  was  inconsistent  with  the  Constitution, 
and  "disunion  by  armed  force"  treason.  General  Scott 
was  ordered  to  Charleston.  The  collector  of  that  city  was 
instructed  to  take  precautions  to  insure  the  payment  of 
duties,  and  a  naval  force  entered  its  harbor.  In  January, 
1833,  a  private  meeting  of  the  nullifiers  had  decided  to 
postpone  the  operations  of  the  ordinance  until  after  the 
adjournment  of  Congress,  and  duties  were  paid  after  the 
1st  of  February  as  they  had  been  before.  Nullification 
had  been  crushed  by  the  energy  of  Andrew  Jackson.  Toward 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     299 

the  end  of  February,  1833,  a  new  tariff  bill  was  passed, 
though  by  no  means  one  entirely  satisfactory  to  the  South, 
and  on  March  l(>th  a  State  convention  repealed  the  ordi- 
nance of  nullification. 

October  States.  Those  States  of  the  Union  which  hold 
elections  in  October  instead  of  November. 

Offensive  Partisans.  This  phrase  occurs  in  a  confiden- 
tial circular  letter  of  Postmaster-General  Vilas,  dated  April 
29,  1885.  It  treats  of  the  removal  from  office  of  certain 
Republican  postmasters  and  the  appointment  of  Demo- 
cratic successors,  and  declares  that  in  order  to  secure  a 
removal,  proof  must  be  furnished  that  the  incumbent  was 
an  "offensive  partisan."  The  phrase  has  become  common. 

Office  of  President  is  Essentially  Executive  in  Its  Nature. 
Grover  Cleveland  in  his  letter  of  August  18,  1884,  accept- 
ing the  Presidential  nomination  of  the  Democratic  party, 
used  the  following  words,  which  have  since  passed  into 
current  use :  The  office  of  President  is  essentially  executive 
in  its  nature." 

0  Grab  Me  Act.  The  opponents  of  the  Embargo  Act  of 
1807,  spelling  the  name  backwards,  called  it  the  "0  Grab 
Me"  Act,  in  allusion  to  the  inequality  with  which  it  bore 
on  the  different  sections  of  the  country,  favoring  the  agri- 
cultural interests  of  the  South  at  the  expense  of  the  ship- 
ping and  commercial  interests  of  New  England. 

Ohio  was  cut  off  from  the  Northwest  Territory  in  1800, 
and  organized  separately.  (See  Territories.)  It  is  some- 
what doubtful  whether  the  date  of  its  admission  to  the 
Union  should  be  November  29,  1802,  or  that  of  the  act  of 
February  19,  1803,  but  probably  the  former.  The  capital 
is  Columbus.  The  name  is  of  Indian  origin  and  means 
"beautiful  river."  Popularly  Ohio  is  called  the  Buckeye 
State  and  its  inhabitants  Buckeyes,  from  the  buckeye  tree, 
a  species  of  horse-chestnut,  which  abounds  in  the  State. 
(See  Toledo  War.) 

Ohio  Company,  The.  An  association  of  Virginia  and 
Maryland  colonists  who  held,  from  the  British  Govern- 
ment, a  grant  of  500,000  acres  of  land  in  the  Ohio  Valley 
for  colonizing  purposes.  The  grant  was  given  in  1749. 

Ohio  Idea.  The  suggestion  that  such  parts  of  the  United 
States  debt  as  were  not  in  terms  made  payable  in  coin  be 


300     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

paid  in  greenbacks  passed  under  the  above  name.  (See 
Greenback-Labor  Party.) 

Oklahoma  Territory  was  originally  a  part  of  the  Indian 
Territory,  but  was  organized  as  a  separate  Territory  by 
Act  of  May  2,  1890.  Previous  to  its  organization  several 
attempts  were  made  to  settle  in  it  by  white  men  who  were 
known  as  "Oklahoma  Boomers,"  but  as  the  land  there 
belonged  to  the  Indians  this  was  not  permitted.  The  capi- 
tal is  Guthrie. 

Old  Abe.  A  familiar  name  by  which  Abraham  Lincoln 
came  to  be  known  among  the  people. 

Old  Bullion  was  a  nickname  given  to  Thomas  H.  Benton, 
of  Missouri,  by  reason  of  his  advocacy,  during  the  discus- 
sion as  to  rechartering  the  United  States  Bank  in  Jack- 
son's administration,  of  the  adoption  of  gold  and  silver 
as  the  currency  of  the  country. 

Old  Colony.  A  familiar  name  for  the  State  of 
Massachusetts. 

Old  Dominion.  A  term  frequently  applied  to  Virginia. 
Its  origin  is  not  settled. 

Old  Glory.  A  popular  name  for  the  flag  of  the  United 
States. 

Old  Guard  Dies,  But  Never  Surrenders.  The  flower  of 
Napoleon's  army  was  known  as  the  Old  Guard.  In  the 
battle  of  Waterloo  they  were  reserved  to  make  the  final  and 
decisive  charge,  which,  though  gallantly  carried  out,  was 
unsuccessful.  All  hope  of  a  French  victory  was  lost,  and 
retreat  was  ordered.  The  Old  Guard  were  surrounded  and 
called  on  to  surrender.  Then  General  Cambronne  is  said 
to  have  replied  (though  the  phrase  is  claimed  by  some  to 
have  been  an  after  invention),  "The  Old  Guard  dies,  but 
never  surrenders,"  and,  making  another  charge,  they  per- 
ished almost  to  a  man.  In  our  political  history  the  sup- 
porters of  Grant  in  the  Republican  convention  of  1880 
were  known  as  the  Old  Guard,  and  of  this  famous  but  un- 
successful "Three  Hundred  and  Six"  it  was  said,  "The 
Old  Guard  dies,  but  never  surrenders." 

Old  Hickory.  A  sobriquet  of  Andrew  Jackson,  first 
given  by  his  soldiers  in  1813.  It  is  supposed  by  some  to 
have  originated  in  the  example  Jackson  set  his  soldiers, 
when  short  of  rations,  of  feeding  on  hickory  nuts.  But 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     301 

Parton  says:  "It  was  not  an  instantaneous  inspiration,  but 
a  growth.  First  of  all,  the  remark  was  made  by  some  sol- 
dier who  was  struck  with  his  commander's  pedestrian  pow- 
ers, that  the  general  was  'tough/  Next  it  was  observed 
that  he  was  as  'tough  as  hickory.'  Then  he  was  called 
'Hickory/  Lastly,  the  affectionate  adjective  'old'  was  pre- 
fixed, and  the  general  thenceforth  rejoiced  in  the  completed 
nickname,  usually  the  first-won  honor  of  a  great  com- 
mander." 

Old  Ironsides.  A  name  given  to  the  United  States 
frigate  Constitution. 

Old  Man  Eloquent.     John  Quincy  Adams  was  so  called. 

Old  Pathfinder.  A  popular  name  given  to  John  C.  Fre- 
mont, in  allusion  to  his  success  as  an  explorer. 

Old  Public  Functionary  is  a  phrase  by  which  James 
Buchanan  was  known.  He  applied  the  term  to  himself 
in  his  annual  message  to  Congress  in  1857.  During  his 
life  he  was  referred  to  as  0.  P.  F. 

Old  Put.     A  name  given  to  General  Israel  Putnam. 

Old  Reliable.  A  nickname  bestowed  upon  General 
George  H.  Thomas. 

Old  Rough  and  Ready.  A  nickname  of  General  Zachary 
Taylor. 

Old  Saddle-Bags  is  a  name  applied  to  Joseph  E.  Mc- 
Donald, of  Indiana 

Omnibus  Bill,  The.     (See  Compromise  of  1850.) 

Omnibus  Bills.  Bills  "embracing  numerous  distinct  ob- 
jects" are  called  omnibus  bills. 

Once  an  Englishman  Always  an  Englishman.  (See  War 
0/1812). 

On  the  Fence.  In  political  parlance  a  man  is  said  to 
be  on  the  fence  when  he  is  undecided  whether  or  not  to 
support  a  particular  measure  or  man,  or  when  he  stands 
between  two  parties,  allied  with  neither.  The  comparison 
implied  will  be  still  plainer  when  we  add  the  contemptuous 
phrase  sometimes  applied  to  a  political  time-server,  that 
he  is  "on  the  fence  ready  to  drop  on  either  side." 

On  to  Richmond,  This  cry,  started  during  the  Civil  War 
by  Horace  Greeley  in  the  New  York  Tribune,  was  re- 
echoed by  the  Federal  army  and  those  who  advocated  an 
immediate  forward  movement  on  the  Confederate  capital. 


302     A  DiCTIOtfAKY  Otf  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

On  to  Washington.  This  was  the  cry  of  the  Confederate 
army  in  the  early  part  of  the  Civil  War,  when  they  were 
crowding  toward  the  capital  and  thought  it  lay  within 
their  grasp. 

Open  Letter.  An  open  letter  is  one  published  in  a  news- 
paper or  other  public  print  instead  of  being  sent  as  usual 
to  the  person  addressed.  This  course  is  sometimes  pursued 
where  the  controversy  is  of  general  interest  either  from  its 
nature  or  from  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  the  case. 

Order  of  American  Knights.     (See  American  Knights.) 

Order  of  Knights  of  Labor  is  the  name  of  one  of  the 
largest  national  labor  organizations  of  the  United  States. 
It  is  a  secret  order  and  was  established  in  1869.  It  is  at 
present  composed  of  about  200,000  members,  comprising 
about  3,400  assemblies.  At  its  head  is  the  General  Master 
Workman.  Its  object  is  the  amelioration  of  the  condition 
of  its  members — that  is,  laboring  men,  and  to  that  end 
strikes  are  resorted  to,  but  only  when  absolutely  necessary, 
arbitration  being  preferred. 

Order  of  the  Sons  of  Liberty.    (See  American  Knights.) 

Order  of  the  Star-Spangled  Banner.  (See  American 
Party.) 

Orders  in  Council.      (See  Embargo  Act.) 

Ordinance  of  1784.  At  the  close  of  the  Revolution  it 
was  regarded  as  unjust  that  the  States  having  unsettled 
Western  possessions  should  hold  the  same  solely  for  their 
own  benefit,  and  it  was  agreed  that  these  should  be  ceded 
to  the  general  government.  In  1784  Jefferson  presented 
to  the  Continental  Congress,  at  Philadelphia,  Virginia's 
deed  of  cession  of  all  her  territory  northwest  of  the  Ohio, 
and,  as  chairman  of  a  committee  appointed  for  the  purpose, 
he  submitted  a  plan  for  the  government  of  that  tract  and 
of  any  other  that  might  be  ceded  within  certain  geographi- 
cal limits.  This  is  known  as  the  Ordinance  of  1784.  As 
reported,  it  provided,  among  other  regulations,  for  the 
division  of  the  territory  into  embryo  States,  and  ordained 
that  it  should  forever  remain  a  part  of  and  subject  to  the 
government  of  the  United  States,  and  finally  it  abolished 
slavery  in  the  territory  after  the  year  1800.  Its  conclud- 
ing section  declared  it  to  be  a  compact  between  the  thirteen 
original  States  and  "those  newly  described/'  and  to  be 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     303 

unalterable  except  by  the  consent  of  Congress  and  of  the 
State  concerned.  The  vote  on  the  section  prohibiting  slav- 
ery showed  six  States  in  favor  of  the  section  and  three 
against  it,  but  as  it  could  not  be  adopted  by  less  than  a 
majority  of  all  the  States,  it  failed.  In  this  shape  the 
ordinance  was  carried. 

Ordinance  of  1787.  "An  ordinance  for  the  government 
of  the  Territory  of  the  United  States  northwest  of  the 
river  Ohio"  was  reported  to  the  last  Continental  Congress 
at  New  York,  in  1787,  by  a  committee  appointed  for  the 
purpose.  This  ordinance  followed  the  lines  of  Jeffwson's 
Ordinance  of  1784,  from  which  it  differed,  among  other 
things,  in  providing  for  the  immediate  abolition  of  slavery 
As  the  act  applied  only  to  territory  north  of  the  Ohio,  and 
as,  moreover,  it  contained  a  provision  for  the  return  of 
fugitive  slaves,  the  Southern  States  offered  no  opposition, 
and  it  was  adopted  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  States. 

Oregon  was  acquired  by  purchase  from  France  in  1803. 
(See  Annexations  I.)  Its  southern  boundary  was  defined 
by  the  Treaty  of  1819  with  Spain  (see  Annexations  //), 
and  its  northern  boundary  by  the  convention  of  1846.  (See 
Northwest  Boundary.)  It  was  organized  as  a  Territory, 
including  what  are  now  called  Washington  and  Idaho  Ter- 
ritories, in  1848.  On  February  14,  1859,  it  was  admitted 
to  the  Union.  Its  capital  is  Salem.  Its  name  is  of  Spanish 
origin,  and  means  "wild  thyme." 

Oregon  Boundary.     (See  Northwest  Boundary.) 

Orleans,  Territory  of.     (See  Territories.) 

Ossawattomie  Brown ;  or,  John  Brown,  of  Ossawattomie. 
A  name  which  John  Brown  acquired  while  in  Kansas.  His 
sons  had  settled  near  the  village  of  Ossawattomie,  in  that 
State,  and  here  he  joined  them.  (See  Brown,  John.) 

Ostend  Manifesto.  The  expeditions  of  Lopez  in  1850  and 
1851  to  assist  the  Cubans  in  their  revolutionary  plans,  and 
Secretary  of  State  Everett's  declination  in  1852  to  engage 
with  France  and  England  in  the  proposed  Tripartite  Treaty 
(see  Filibusters  and  Tripartite  Treaty),  attracted  much  at- 
tention to  the  question  of  annexing  Cuba  to  the  United 
States.  President  Pierce  in  1854  directed  our  ministers  to 
Great  Britain,  France  and  Spain — James  Buchanan,  John 
Y.  Mason  and  Pierre  Soule — to  meet  and  consider  the 


304     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

subject.  Accordingly  they  met  at  Ostend,  in  Belgium, 
whence  they  adjourned  to  Aix  la  Chapelle.  From  this 
place,  in  October,  1854,  they  addressed  a  letter  to  our  gov- 
ernment declaring  that  the  purchase  of  Cuba  would  be 
advantageous,  both  to  Spain  and  to  the  United  States,  but 
urging  that  if  the  island  could  not  be  acquired  by  pur- 
chase it  was  advisable,  and  would  be  justifiable  for  our  own 
protection,  to  seize  it.  This  dispatch  is  known  as  the  Ostend 
Manifesto  and  was  chiefly  the  work  of  Buchanan.  No 
practical  results  followed.  In  1856  it  was  denounced  by 
the  Republican  platform  and  not  defended  by  the  Demo- 
cratic. But  the  latter  party  in  1860  advised  the  acquisi- 
tion of  Cuba  by  purchase. 

Our  Country  is  the  World — Our  Countrymen  are  all 
Mankind.  One  of  the  mottoes  of  the  abolition  newspaper, 
The  Liberator.  (See  Abolitionists.) 

Our  Country,  Right  or  Wrong.  At  a  dinner  in  Norfolk, 
Virginia,  in  1816,  Commodore  Stephen  Decatur  gave  the 
following  toast:  "Our  country!  In  her  intercourse  with 
foreign  nations  may  she  always  be  in  the  right;  but  our 
country,  right  or  wrong." 

Our  Federal  Union,  It  Must  be  Preserved.  On  April  13, 
1830,  a  dinner  was  given  in  the  city  of  Washington  in 
honor  of  Jefferson's  birthday.  One  of  its  objects  was,  if 
possible,  to  commit  the  Democratic  party  to  the  doctrine 
of  nullification.  The  regular  toasts  had  been  adapted  to 
that  end,  but  when  they  were  over  a  call  on  Jackson  for  a 
toast  of  his  own  drew  out  the  above. 

Our  Lives,  Our  Fortunes  and  Our  Sacred  Honor.  These 
are  the  closing  words  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
which  is  from  the  pen  of  Thomas  Jefferson. 

Our  Own  Evarts.  A,  name  by  which  William  M.  Evarts, 
of  New  York,  is  known. 

Pacific  Blockade  is  a  blockade  enforced  while  there  is 
no  war  existing  between  the  blockading  and  the  blockaded 
countries.  It  is  hardly  justified  by  international  law,  but 
is  sometimes  employed  as  a  coercive  measure  by  a  powerful 
nation  against  a  weak  one. 

Pacific  Mail  Subsidies.      (See  Subsidies.) 

Pacific  Railroads.  This  name  is  applied  collectively  to 
various  railroads,  as  stated  below,  to  which  the  aid  of  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     305 

National  government  was  extended  in  order  to  facilitate 
railroad  connection  between  the  Pacific  Coast  and  the  re- 
mainder of  the  country.  Such  communication  had  long 
been  regarded  as  necessary  to  prevent  a  gradual  divergence 
of  interest  between  these  sections  and  consequent  ultimate 
separation.  As  early  as  1846  the  scheme  had  been  broached. 
In  1855  surveys  were  made,  and  in  18GO  both  of  the  great 
political  parties  recommended  government  aid  to  the  pro- 
ject. In  1862  an  act  was  accordingly  passed  granting  to 
the  companies  five  sections  of  public  land  and  $16.000  in 
government  bonds  for  every  mile  constructed,  the  land  and 
bonds  for  every  stretch  of  forty  miles  to  be  turned  over 
to  the  company  only  on  the  completion  of  such  stretch. 
For  different  portions  of  the  route  the  grants  of  bonds 
varied,  some  being  as  high  as  $48,000  per  mile  for  the 
more  difficult.  On  the  other  hand,  all  transportation  or 
other  service  performed  for  the  government  was  to  be 
applied  to  its  reimbursement  for  the  principal  and  interest 
of  the  bonds  so  issued.  Meanwhile  the  bonds  were  to  be 
a  first  lien  on  all  the  property  of  the  company.  In  1864 
the  grant  of  land  per  constructed  mile  was  increased  from 
five  to  ten  sections.  (See  Land  Grants.)  The  stretch  of 
forty  miles  required  to  be  completed  each  time  before  bonds 
and  land  on  any  part  of  it  were  granted,  was  reduced  to 
twenty  miles,  and  the  company  was  authorized  to  issue 
bonds  not  exceeding  the  amount  of  the  government  bonds, 
the  mortgage  of  the  latter  in  favor  of  the  government  to 
be  postponed  to  that  of  the  new  bonds;  moreover,  it  was 
provided  that  only  one-half  of  the  value  of  the  company's 
services  to  the  government  was  to  be  retained  to  extinguish 
the  debt;  the  other  half  was  to  be  paid  in  cash  to  the  com- 
pany. The  Union  Pacific  Road  was  built  westward  over 
the  mountains,  and  the  Central  Pacific  Road  was  built 
eastward  from  Sacramento.  These  two  lines  were  joined, 
with  impressive  ceremonies,  at  Promontory  Point,  Utah, 
May  10,  1869.  The  last  tie,  of  laurel  wood,  with  a  plate 
of  silver  upon  it,  was  laid,  and  the  last  spike,  made  of  iron, 
silver  and  gold,  was  driven  in  the  presence  of  distinguished 
men.  The  officers  of  the  road  and  a  large  concourse  of  vis- 
itors from  East  and  West  were  present.  Telegraph  wires 
were  attached  to  the  last  rail,  and  the  last  blows  were  sig- 


306     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

naled  upon  bells  in  Washington  and  other  large  cities. 
In  many  places  large  crowds  had  gathered  to  receive  the 
first  intimation,  conveyed  almost  instantaneously  over  the 
electric  wires,  that  the  great  work  was  complete.  When 
the  signal  was  received  in  San  Francisco  and  elsewhere 
all  the  church  bells  were  rung,  and  cannon  were  fired. 
In  May,  1878,  an  act,  known  as  the  Thurman  Act,  was 
passed,  prescribing  more  stringent  terms  for  the  repayment 
of  government  advances.  In  addition  to  the  amounts  re- 
tained out  of  sums  due  for  government  service,  the  Act 
of  1862  provided  for  the  payment  of  five  per  cent,  of  the 
net  earnings  of  the  company.  The  Act  of  1878  retained 
the  entire  amount  due  to  the  companies  for  government 
service,  one-half  to  be  applied  to  interest  payments,  one- 
half  to  form  a  sinking  fund  for  the  principal,  and  it  re- 
quired, moreover,  the  annual  payment  of  a  fixed  sum 
($850,000  for  the  Union  Pacific  and  $1,200,000  for  the 
Central  Pacific),  or  so  much  thereof  as  might  be  necessary 
to  make  the  total  obtained  by  adding  the  five  per  cent, 
of  net  earnings  and  the  whole  of  the  compensation  re- 
tained, equal  to  twenty-five  per  cent,  of  the  net  earnings. 
The  method  of  computing  the  net  earnings  was  prescribed, 
and  it  was  provided  that  the  additional  payments  thus 
required  were  not  to  be  exacted  unless  the  net  earnings 
were  sufficient  to  meet  the  interest  on  the  bonds  prior  in 
lien  to  the  government  mortgage. 

Pairs.  An  agreement  between  two  members  of  a  legis- 
lative body,  that  would  have  voted  on  opposite  sides  of  a 
question,  for  each  to  abstain  from  voting,  is  called  a  pair ; 
the  result  is  thus  left  unaffected,  and  one  or  both  of  the 
members  is  enabled  to  be  absent. 

Palmer,  John  McCauley.  Served  as  an  officer  during  the 
Civil  War;  Governor  of  Illinois,  1869-73;  United  States 
Senator  from  Illinois,  1891-93;  candidate  for  the  Presi- 
dency as  a  "sound  money  Democrat,"  1896.  Born  at  Eagle 
Creek,  Kentucky,  September  13,  1817;  died  at  Springfield, 
Illinois,  September  25,  1900. 

Pan-American  Congress.  In  1889  the  United  States 
government  invited  the  countries  of  North  and  South 
America  to  send  representatives  to  a  congress  to  meet  at 
Washington.  In  the  autumn  of  the  same  year  seventeen 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     307 

countries,  represented  by  sixty-six  delegates,  met  at  Wash- 
ington to  discuss  closer  business  relations  between  them- 
selves. The  most  important  of  the  recommendations  was 
that  the  several  republics  should  settle  by  arbitration  all 
disputes  and  difficulties  that  might  arise  among  them. 

Pan-Electric  Scandal.  The  Pan-Electric  Company  is  a 
company  claiming  patents  which  would  be  valuable  if  the 
Bell  Telephone  patents  were  declared  invalid.  The  pro- 
moters of  the  scheme  are  alleged  to  have  distributed  some 
of  the  stock  among  Senators  in  order  to  secure,  if  possible, 
legislation  favorably  affecting  their  company.  A.  H.  Gar- 
land, at  that  time  Attorney-General,  received  some  of  the 
stock  while  Senator,  it  is  charged,  and  when  the  Pan-Elec- 
tric Company  applied  to  the  Attorney-General  to  begin 
suit  in  the  name  of  the  United  States  government  for  the 
annulment  of  the  Bell  patents,  comment  was  naturally  rife. 
The  application  was  heard  by  the  Solicitor-General,  the 
Attorney-General  being  on  a  vacation,  and  after  mature 
deliberation  favorably  decided.  The  holding  of  this  stock 
by  the  Senators  had  previously  been  the  subject  of  inquiry 
by  a  Congressional  committee. 

Panics.     (See  Commercial  Crises.) 

Panic  of  1837  and  Wild-Cat  Banks.  After  the  closing 
up  of  the  United  States  banks  in  1832,  and  the  transfer 
of  its  deposits  to  State  banks,  there  was  a  great  increase 
in  the  number  of  small  banks,  especially  in  the  South  and 
West,  where  the  influx  of  population  was  a  constant  stimu- 
lus to  the  desire  for  speculation.  The  scarcity  of  capital 
in  those  regions  made  it  easy  to  put  in  circulation  anything 
that  purported  to  be  money.  Thus,  any  enterprising  indi- 
vidual could,  with  a  very  limited  capital,  or  indeed  with 
no  capital  at  all,  open  a  bank,  issue  $10,000  or  more  in 
small  notes,  and  pass  them  over  in  easy  loans  to  land  specu- 
lators. Another  way  of  playing  the  same  game  was  to 
nominally  establish  the  headquarters  of  a  bank  in  a  remote 
or  inaccessible  point  in  the  State,  say  of  Georgia  or  Illi- 
nois, where  the  bills  purported  to  be  issued  and  to  be  pay- 
able. The  real  place  of  business,  however,  for  the  circu- 
lation of  the  notes  of  the  bank  was  a  distant  city — New 
Orleans,  perhaps,  or  Buffalo.  These  institutions  were 
called  wild-cat  banks,  and  this  mode  of  doing  business 


308     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAS  POLITICS 

wild-cat  banking.  It  took  only  about  four  years  of  this 
method  of  swindling  to  bring  on  the  crash  of  1837,  one  of 
the  most  painful  and  prolonged  crises  in  our  financial 
history. 

Paper  Blockade.     (See  Blockade.) 

Pardon.  A  pardon  in  its  legal  sense  is  the  remission  of 
the  penalty  imposed  for  the  commission  of  a  crime.  When 
partial  it  is  called  a  commutation  of  sentence.  The  effect 
of  a  full  pardon  is  to  restore  the  criminal  to  all  his  rights 
and  privileges  as  a  citizen.  It  is  regarded  as  a  deed  and 
must  be  accepted  to  be  valid.  It  cannot,  however,  be  recalled 
when  once  made  complete  by  delivery  and  acceptance.  The 
pardoning  power  is  inherent  in  the  sovereign.  In  the 
United  States  the  power  of  granting  pardons  for  offenses 
against  Federal  laws  is  delegated  to  the  President.  In  the 
States  it  is  usually  given  to  the  Governor,  but  it  may  be 
left  to  the  Legislature,  or  entrusted  to  a  Court  of  Pardons, 
as  in  New  Jersey. 

Paris  Monetary  Conference.  There  have  been  three 
such  conferences.  I.  The  Conference  of  1867  met  in  Paris, 
June  17,  18G7,  at.  the  invitation  of  France.  The  United 
States  was  represented  by  Samuel  B.  Euggles,  of  New  York. 
The  Conference  voted  in  favor  of  the  single  gold  standard, 
"leaving  each  State  the  liberty  to  keep  its  silver  standard 
temporarily,"  and  also  in  favor  of  the  five-franc  gold  piece 
of  France  as  the  common  denominator  for  an  international 
coinage.  The  conclusions  of  the  Conference  were  to  be 
referred  to  the  governments  taking  part  in  it.  The  answers 
were  to  be  sent  to  France,  to  which  nation  the  power  of 
reassembling  the  Conference  was  given.  The  Conference 
adjourned  July  6th.  It  was  not  reassembled.  II.  The  Act 
of  Congress  of  1878,  authorizing  the  coinage  of  the  stand- 
ard silver  dollar  (see  Coinage),  directed  the  President  to 
invite  the  European  governments  to  a  conference  for  the 
purpose  of  fixing  the  relative  value  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
of  promoting  international  bimetallism.  The  Conference 
assembled  in  Paris  August  16,  1878,  the  United  States 
being  represented  by  Reuben  E.  Fenton,  of  New  York ;  W. 
S.  Groesbeck,  of  Ohio;  Francis  A.  Walker,  of  Connecticut, 
and  S.  Dana  Horton,  secretary.  The  Conference  voted 
that  silver  as  well  as  gold  was  necessary  for  use  as  money, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     309 

but  that  all  questions  connected  with  its  adoption  as  a 
standard  alone,  or  together  with  gold,  ought  to  be  left  to 
each  country  to  settle  for  itself;  that  the  restriction  of  the 
coinage  of  silver  was  similarly  a  question  for  the  determina- 
tion of  each  nation  for  itself  and  that  the  establishment  of  a 
fixed  ratio  between  the  two  metals  was  impossible,  in  view  of 
the  differences  of  opinion  that  prevailed.  The  Conference 
adjourned  August  29th.  III.  The  Conference  of  1881  was 
called  by  France  and  the  United  States  for  the  purpose  of 
devising  a  plan  for  the  establishment  "of  the  use  of  gold 
and  silver  as  bimetallic  money,"  and  of  fixing  a  ratio  be- 
tween these  metals.  The  Conference  met  at  Paris  April  19, 

1881.  S.  Dana  Horton  again  represented  the  United  States, 
as  did  also  William  M.  Evarts,  of  New  York;  Allen  G. 
Thurman,  of  Ohio,  and  Timothy  0.  Howe,  of  Wisconsin. 
After  considerable  discussion  the  delegates  of  France  and 
the  United  States  declared  their  belief  that  the  fluctua- 
tions in  the  relative  value  of  silver  and  gold  were  injurious 
to  commerce,  that  free  coinage  (see  Bimetallism)  of  gold 
and  silver  by  the  principal  commercial  countries  would  give 
the  stability  desired.    That  the  ratio  of  15 J  to  1  was  the 
ratio  best  adapted  to  the  purpose,  and  that  the  agreement 
of  England,  France,  Germany  and  the  United  States  would 
suffice  to  insure  the  success  of  any  such  combination.    An 
adjournment  was  requested  to  give  time  for  diplomatic 
negotiations,  and  it  was  voted  to  adjourn  until  April  12, 

1882.  The  Conference  never  reassembled. 
"Parson"  Brownlow.    (See  Brownlow,  William  G.) 
Particularists  were  those  American  Whigs  that,  in  the 

early  history  of  our  government,  feared  that  the  Federal 
government  would  be  unduly  strengthened  to  the  detriment 
of  the  independence  of  the  States. 
Partizan  Rangers.     (See  Guerrillas.) 
Party  Conventions.     (See  Nominating  Conventions.) 
Passports.     Passports  are  not  used  within  the  countries 
of  England  and  the  United  States,  nor  are  they  required 
by  these  countries  from  visitors  to  their  shores,  except  in 
the  case  of  Chinese  visiting  the  United  States.    The  gov- 
ernments of  these  countries,  however,  give  passports  to 
those  of  their  citizens  who  wish  to  travel  abroad.     These 
documents  give  the  name,  age,  residence  and  occupation 


310     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

of  the  holder,  with  a  description  of  his  person  and  appear- 
ance, which  is  meant  to  give  the  means  of  identifying  him 
if  necessary.  They  also  assure  to  the  holder  the  support  of 
his  own  government  in  any  difficulty,  and  claim  for  him  the 
protection  of  all  governments  at  peace  with  his  own.  They 
are  issued  in  this  country  by  the  United  States  Secretary 
of  State,  who  also  regulates  their  issue  by  the  government's 
agents  abroad.  Passports  are  required  by  all  vessels  of 
the  United  States  sailing  for  foreign  ports.  The  system 
is  of  considerable  advantage  in  Europe  in  the  detecting 
and  tracking  of  suspicious  and  troublesome  characters. 

Paternalism  means  the  system  of  government  that,  in- 
stead of  confining  its  attention  to  the  preservation  of  order 
and  the  enforcement  of  justice,  descends  to  the  regulation 
of  the  details  in  the  life  of  an  individual.  These,  experi- 
ence has  shown,  can  best  be  left  to  the  individual  himself. 
As  the  term  implies,  it  is  fatherly  care  and  supervision 
over  the  individual  by  the  state.  One  of  the  most  highly 
developed  examples  thereof  is  the  German  Empire  of  to-day. 

Pathfinder.  A  popular  name  given  to  John  C.  Fremont, 
in  allusion  to  his  success  as  an  explorer. 

Patriot  War.    (See  Canadian  Rebellion.) 

Patronage.    (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 

Patrons  of  Husbandry.     (See  Grangers.) 

Patrons  of  Industry.     (See  Grangers.) 

Patton  Resolutions.     (See  Gag  Laws.) 

Pauper  Labor  is  a  phrase  which  we  hear  chiefly  in  con- 
nection with  a  discussion  of  free  trade  and  protection,  the 
advocates  of  the  latter  doctrine  maintaining  that  protective 
duties  are  necessary  to  prevent  the  competition  between 
American  labor  and  so-called  European  pauper  labor.  The 
lower  wages  and  less  comfortable  position  of  laborers 
abroad  has  led  to  the  adoption  of  the  phrase.  It  came  into 
use  about  1842  and  has  been  reiterated  ever  since. 

Peace  Conference,  Congress  or  Convention.  In  January, 
1861,  several  States  having  already  seceded,  Virginia  is- 
sued an  invitation  to  the  other  States  of  the  Union  to  send 
delegates  to  a  conference  to  be  held  at  Washington  for  the 
purpose  of  devising  a  plan  for  the  peaceable  settlement 
of  the  existing  difficulties.  The  conference  met  February 
4th,  fourteen  free  States  and  seven  slave  States  being  rep- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     311 

resented.  The  voting  was  by  States.  Ex-President  John 
Tyler  was  chosen  to  preside.  A  committee  of  one  from 
each  State  was  appointed  to  report  "what  they  may  deem 
right,  necessary  and  proper  to  restore  harmony  and  pre- 
serve the  Union/'  There  were  several  minority  reports ;  the 
majority  report  was,  however,  adopted.  It  recommended 
several  amendments  to  the  Constitution,  as  follows :  1.  In 
the  Territories  north  of  thirty-six  degrees  thirty  minutes 
slavery  was  to  be  prohibited.  In  Territories  south  of  that 
line  the  institution  was  to  remain  as  it  then  was,  and  no 
law  was  to  be  passed  abridging  the  right  of  a  man  to  take 
his  slave  thither.  The  status  of  new  States  was  to  be  de- 
termined by  the  Constitution  adopted  by  them.  2.  No 
new  territory  was  to  be  acquired  except  by  discovery  or 
for  naval  and  commercial  stations  or  depots,  without  the 
concurrence  of  a  majority  of  the  Senators  from  the  free 
States  and  a  majority  of  the  Senators  from  the  slave 
States.  3.  Neither  the  Constitution  nor  any  amendment 
thereof  was  to  be  construed  as  giving  Congress  power  to 
interfere  with  slavery  in  any  State;  nor  to  abolish  it  in 
the  District  of  Columbia  without  the  consent  of  the  State 
of  Maryland  and  of  the  owners,  nor  without  compensation 
to  the  latter;  nor  to  prohibit  Eepresentatives  and  others 
from  taking  their  slaves  to  the  District  and  bringing  them 
away  again ;  nor  to  prohibit  slavery  in  any  place  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  United  States,  if  within  a  slave  State ;  nor 
to  prohibit  the  inland  slavetrade  between  slave  States,  but  not 
in  or  through  free  States.  The  slave  trade  in  the  District  was 
prohibited.  Section  4  provided  for  the  delivery  of  fugitive 
slaves,  section  5  for  the  prohibition  of  the  foreign  slave 
trade,  section  7  for  the  payment  to  owners  by  the  United 
States  of  the  value  of  slaves  that  might  escape  by  reason 
of  the  interference  of  mobs  with  Federal  officers,  and  for 
"securing  to  the  citizens  of  each  State  the  privileges  and 
immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States,"  while  section 
6  ordained  that  sections  1,  3,  and  5  and  Article  1,  section 
2,  clause  3,  and  Article  4,  section  2,  clause  3,  of  the  Consti- 
tution were  to  be  amended  or  abolished  only  by  the  unani- 
mous consent  of  the  States.  This  plan  was  introduced  into 
the  Senate,  but  was  voted  down,  and  in  the  House  it  like- 
wise failed.  It  was  satisfactory  to  neither  party. 


312     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Peace  Organization.    (See  American  Knights.) 

Peace  with  Dishonor.     (See  War,  the,  a  Failure.) 

Peanut  Politics  is  an  expression  used  to  indicate  polit- 
ical acts  having  in  view  some  peculiarly  small  party  ad- 
vantage. 

Peacemaker.  A  title  given  to  Henry  Clay  because  of  the 
part  he  took  in  securing  the  Missouri  Compromise  (which 
see)  in  1820,  and  the  compromise  in  1833. 

Pendleton  Bill.     (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 

Pendleton,  Edmund.  Member  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress from  Virginia,  1774 ;  president  of  the  Virginia  Con- 
vention, and  author  of  the  resolutions  instructing  the  Vir- 
ginia delegates  in  Congress,  1776,  to  propose  a  Declaration 
of  Independence.  Born  in  Virginia,  September  9,  1721; 
died  at  Eichmond,  Virginia,  October  23,  1803. 

Pennsylvania  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
The  capital  is  Harrisburg.  It  was  named  after  William 
Penn,  its  founder.  Popularly  it  is  called  the  Keystone 
State,  because  it  occupies  the  place  of  the  keystone  in  an 
arch  representing  the  thirteen  original  States. 

Pennsylvania  of  the  West.  A  name  applied  to  the  State 
of  Missouri. 

Penn,  William.  The  founder  of  Pennsylvania.  In  1675 
he  was  part  proprietor  of  New  Jersey;  obtained  the  grant 
of  Pennsylvania,  1681 ;  founded  Philadelphia,  1682.  Born 
at  London,  October  14,  1644;  died  at  Euscombe,  England, 
July  30,  1718. 

People's  Party.  In  1884  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  of  Massa- 
chusetts, was  nominated  for  the  Presidency  by  the  Anti- 
Monopoly  party  at  Chicago,  May  14th,  and  by  the  Green- 
back-Labor party  at  its  convention  in  Indianapolis,  May 
27th  and  28th.  This  common  ticket  of  the  two  parties 
was  known  as  the  People's  party. 

Pensions.  A  pension  is  a  regular  payment  of  money 
to  a  person  by  the  government  in  consideration  of  past 
services  in  its  employ.  Pensions  were  formerly  granted 
in  the  United  States  only  to  enlisted  men  of  the  army  or 
navy  who  had  suffered  during  our  various  wars,  except  in 
a  few  special  instances.  But  in  1869  an  act  was  passed 
providing  pensions  at  the  rate  of  their  salary  to  United 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     313 

States  judges  who  have  served  ten  years  and  resigned  at 
seventy  years  or  upward.  Pensions  have  also  been  granted 
to  the  widows  of  former  Presidents,  Mrs.  Lincoln,  Mrs. 
Garfield,  Mrs.  Polk  and  Mrs.  Tyler.  Employes  in  the 
life-saving  service,  in  the  quartermaster's  and  paymaster's 
departments,  and  nurses,  have  also  received  them.  Private 
pension  bills  are  often  passed,  but  by  far  the  largest  num- 
ber of  pensioners  of  the  United  States  are  such  under  gen- 
eral laws.  As  early  as  1806  the  United  States  had  adopted 
a  system  of  pensions  for  those  who  had  become  disabled  in 
its  military  and  naval  services.  In  1818  the  system  was 
extended  to  persons  in  reduced  circumstances  who  had 
served  at  least  nine  months  at  any  period  of  the  Kevo- 
lution,  whether  disabled  or  not.  Abuses  at  once  began  to 
be  apparent,  and  many  persons  received  money  who  were 
not  entitled  to  it.  From  that  time  till  the  period  of  the 
Civil  War,  the  general  rule  in  the  many  successive  pension 
acts  that  were  passed  was  to  extend  the  government's 
bounty.  Since  1862  the  pension  laws  have  been  more 
numerous  and  generous  than  ever,  especially  for  the  last 
few  years,  when  a  surplus  in  the  national  treasury  has  made 
Congress  liberal  in  the  extreme.  One  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous of  these  laws  was  the  "Arrears  of  Pensions  Act/' 
approved  by  President  Hayes  on  January  25,  1879.  It  pro- 
vided for  the  payment  of  pensions  from  the  date  of  dis- 
charge or  disability,  and  not  from  the  date  of  application, 
as  previous  laws  had  provided  in  case  the  claim  was  not 
made  within  a  certain  time.  The  political  parties  seem  of 
late  years  to  be  afraid  of  alienating  the  votes  of  soldiers  if 
they  refuse  to  pass  the  most  extravagant  laws.  This  par- 
ticular bill  was  a  measure  rushed  through  by  the  claim 
agents  almost  without  debate,  and  has  given  rise  to  count- 
less abuses.  Widows  (till  remarriage)  of  soldiers  or  sailors 
who  have  died  of  wounds  contracted  in  the  line  of  duty 
in  the  United  States  service,  children  under  sixteen,  and 
mothers,  and  sisters  under  sixteen,  who  were  dependent  on 
the  deceased,  are  entitled  to  a  pension  in  the  above  order 
of  priority.  Only  one  full  pension  is  allowed,  and  if  it 
goes  to  children  or  to  sisters,  it  is  equally  divided  between 
them.  It  is  impossible  to  enumerate  all  the  causes  for 
which  pensions  are  granted,  or  the  circumstances  under 


314     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

which  they  are  allowed.  The  United  States  is  probably 
the  most  liberal  nation  in  the  world  in  this  respect.  The 
Forty-ninth  Congress  passed  a  multitude  of  private  pen- 
sion bills,  most  of  which  were  vetoed  by  President  Cleve- 
land, and  only  one  of  which  was  passed  over  his  veto.  The 
"Old  Age  pension  order"  was  issued  by  the  Commissioner 
of  Pensions,  with  the  approval  of  the  President,  on  March 
15,  1904.  It  recites  that  in  determining  the  inability  of  a 
claimant  to  earn  a  support,  every  infirmity  should  be  con- 
sidered; that  old  age  is  an  infirmity,  the  average  nature 
and  extent  of  which  the  experience  of  the  Pension  Bureau 
has  established  with  reasonable  certainty;  that  thirty-nine 
years  after  the  Mexican  War  all  the  soldiers  of  that  war 
were  placed  on  the  pension  roll;  and  that  on  April  13,  1904, 
thirty-nine  years  had  elapsed  since  the  Civil  War ;  therefore 
it  was  ordered : 

"1.  In  the  adjudication  of  pension  claims  ...  it 
shall  be  taken  and  considered  as  an  essential  fact,  if  the 
contrary  does  not  appear  .  .  .  that  when  a  claimant 
has  passed  sixty-two  years  he  is  disabled  one-half  in  ability 
to  perform  manual  labor,  and  is  entitled  to  be  rated  at  six 
dollars  per  month;  after  sixty-five  years,  at  eight  dollars 
per  month;  and  after  seventy  years,  at  twelve  dollars  per 
month. 

"2.  Allowance  at  a  higher  rate,  not  exceeding  twelve 
dollars  per  month,  will  continue  to  be  made  as  heretofore 
where  disability  other  than  age  shows  condition  of  dis- 
ability to  perform  manual  labor. 

"3.  This  order  .  .  .  shall  not  be  deemed  retroac- 
tive .  .  .  The  Pension  Bureau  is  in  the  Department 
of  the  Interior  (which  see). 

Pernicious  Activity.  On  July  14,  1886,  President  Cleve- 
land directed  a  circular  letter  "to  the  heads  of  departments 
in  the  service  of  the  general  government,"  warning  them 
and  their  subordinates  against  using  "their  official  posi- 
tions in  attempts  to  control  political  movements  in  their 
localities."  The  letter  contained  the  following  sentence: 
"Office-holders  are  neither  disfranchised  nor  forbidden  the 
exercise  of  political  privileges ;  but  their  privileges  are  not 
enlarged,  nor  is  their  duty  to  party  increased  to  pernicious 
activity  by  office-holding." 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     315 

Personal  Liberty  Laws.  A  name  given  to  laws  passed 
by  many  of  the  Northern  States  for  the  purpose  of  im- 
peding the  operation  of  "fugitive  slave  laws."  They  gen- 
erally forbade  the  use  of  State  jails  for  the  purposes  of  the 
fugitive  slave  laws;  forbade  the  State  magistrates  to  act 
under  them ;  provided  counsel  for  the  fugitives,  and  secured 
to  them  trial  by  jury  and  the  benefit  of  "habeas  corpus." 
The  fugitive  slave  law  of  1850  placed  its  operation  entirely 
in  the  hands  of  federal  officers.  Changes  were  made  in  the 
personal  liberty  laws  to  correspond  to  the  increased  strin- 
gency of  the  laws  of  1850.  Most  of  the  Northern  States 
passed  acts  of  this  nature,  and  thus  was  the  Compromise  of 
1850  met  in  the  North.  This  was  one  of  the  main  griev- 
ances that  at  this  time  so  increased  Southern  bitterness 
against  the  North. 

Personal  Liberty  Party.  The  strict  enforcement  in  New 
York  of  laws  directed  against  the  sale  of  liquor  on  Sundays, 
caused  the  formation  there  of  an  organization  favoring  the 
abolition  of  such  restrictions  on  the  sale  of  liquor  as  are 
deemed  to  conflict  with  the  liberty  of  the  individual,  that 
is,  the  total  prohibition  of  its  sale  on  Sunday.  This  or- 
ganization took  the  name  of  Personal  Liberty  Party,  and 
in  New  York,  on  October  6,  1887,  adopted  a  platform 
declaring  that  laws  of  the  above  description  have  notoriously 
failed  to  improve  morality  while  they  interfere  with  the 
personal  liberty  of  the  individual,  and  citing  as  people 
whose  habits  of  life  are  thus  interfered  with  the  German 
element  of  our  population  who  are  "assiduous,  temperate 
and  law-abiding  people." 

Personation  is  a  fraud  practised  in  elections  and  con- 
sists in  voting  under  different  names  at  the  same  polling 
place. 

Peruvian  Guano  Troubles.  In  the  early  part  of  1881 
Chili  had  practically  brought  Peru  to  her  feet  in  a  war 
which  the  two  countries  had  been  waging  against  each  other. 
Chili  seemed  inclined  to  press  for  a  cession  of  the  south- 
ern part  of  Peru  as  part  of  the  war  indemnity.  This 
region  is  especially  rich  in  guano  deposits  which  have  been 
found  to  be  very  valuable.  Claims  for  discovering  these  de- 
posits— the  two  principal  ones  being  known  as  the  Landreau 
and  Cochet  Claims — had  for  many  years  been  pressed  on 


316     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  Peruvian  government  without  success,  though  the  gov- 
ernment had  virtually  acknowledged  their  justice.  At  this 
time  they  were  owned  by  Americans,  who,  fearing  that  their 
claims  would  be  hopeless  if  the  territory  should  be  trans- 
ferred to  Chili,  sought  the  aid  of  our  government  to  prevent 
Chili  from  acquiring  the  territory;  it  is  asserted  that  the 
diplomacy  of  Blaine,  Secretary  of  State  at  the  time,  was 
exerted  in  favor  of  this  scheme,  by  reason  of  which  fact 
he  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  the  "guano  statesman,"  and 
his  foreign  plans  as  a  "guano  policy.'7  Our  Minister  to 
Peru,  General  Stephen  A.  Hurltmt,  seems  to  have  threat- 
ened the  displeasure  of  the  United  States  should  Chili  in- 
sist on  the  cession.  This  was  unwarranted,  even  by  Elaine's 
instructions,  and  of  course  unjustified  by  the  rules  of  inter- 
national comity  in  a  war  with  which  we  had  nothing  to  do. 
When,  however,  Chili  arrested  C  alder  on,  the  President  of 
that  one  of  the  two  conflicting  governments  in  Peru  which 
we  had  recognized,  President  Arthur  in  December,  1881, 
sent  a  special  envoy,  William  H.  Trescott,  of  South  Caro- 
lina, accompanied  by  Walker  Blaine,  son  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  to  the  scene  of  the  difficulties.  Elaine's  instruc- 
tions to  Trescott  implied  that  the  administration  felt  some 
reason  to  suppose  that  Chili  had  intentionally  offended  us 
by  the  arrest  of  Calderon,  and  that  we  had  determined  to 
assume  a  severer  tone  with  Chili.  About  this  time  Freling- 
huysen  succeeded  Blaine.  He  revoked  part  of  Elaine's  in- 
structions to  Trescott  and  ordered  a  more  pacific  course, 
and  Trescott  was  soon  recalled.  Chili  subsequently  se- 
cured the  coveted  territory.  It  is  asserted  by  some  that 
government  officials  were  interested  in  the  guano  claims 
and  secured  the  following  of  a  policy,  so  long  as  Blaine  was 
Secretary,  that  must  soon  have  plunged  us  into  a  war  with 
Chili,  had  not  a  more  pacific  tone  been  adopted  and  our 
interference  with  Chili  been  brought  to  an  end. 

Pet  Banks.  A  name  applied  to  the  State  banks  in  which 
United  States  funds  were  deposited  by  President  Jackson 
after  he  had  removed  these  funds  from  the  United  States 
Bank. 

Petition  of  Eight.  The  arbitrary  course  of  action  of 
Charles  I,  of  England,  led  Parliament,  in  1628,  to  draw 
up  a  "Petition  of  Eight,"  which  demanded  that  the  king 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     317 

should  not  levy  taxes  without  the  consent  of  Parliament, 
not  try  the  people  by  court-martial,  nor  imprison  any  one 
without  due  process  of  law.  Charles  agreed  to  it,  and  the 
liberties  which  had  been  secured  to  Englishmen  by  Magna 
Charta  were  thus  confirmed  and  enlarged.  The  Petition  of 
Right  is  one  of  the  steps  by  which  English-speaking  people 
secured  their  protection  from  tyrannical  acts  of  the  govern- 
ment. (See  Magna  Charta;  Bill  of  Rights.) 

Petition,  Right  of.  The  right  of  petition  is  a  right  ante- 
dating the  Constitution.  It  is  embodied  in  Magna  Charta, 
and  again  in  the  English  Bill  of  Eights.  It  was  a  part  of 
the  common  law  in  this  country  at  the  time  of  the  adoption 
of  the  Constitution.  The  first  amendment  to  that  instru- 
ment created  no  new  right  by  providing  that  "Congress 
shall  make  no  law  .  .  .  abridging  .  .  .  the  right 
of  the  people  peaceably  to  assemble  and  to  petition  the 
government  for  a  redress  of  grievances."  It  simply  de- 
clared an  old  right,  and  guarded  it  from  interference  on 
the  part  of  Congress.  The  power  to  protect  the  right  was 
not  taken  from  the  States.  That  power  had  resided  in 
them,  and  it  was  left  in  their  hands.  Citizens  must  look 
to  the  State  governments  for  its  enforcement.  But  the 
right  is  implied  in  the  idea  of  a  republican  government, 
and  is  therefore  guaranteed  by  the  National  Government 
(Constitution,  Article  4,  section  4).  Minnesota,  Virginia 
and  West  Virginia  are  the  only  States  whose  Constitutions 
make  no  mention  of  the  right.  A  petitioner  is  not  guilty 
of  libel  on  account  of  the  facts  recited  in  his  petition,  even 
if  these  be  false,  unless  malice  is  proven.  Before  December 
12,  1853,  all  petitions  to  the  House  of  Representatives  were 
presented  in  the  House,  and  the  introduction  of  petitions 
relating  to  the  abolition  of  slavery  led  to  heated  debates, 
and  between  1836  and  1844  to  rules  that  practically  nulli- 
fied the  right.  (See  Gag  Laws.)  On  the  above  date  the 
rules  were  modified  so  that  now  petitions  are  endorsed  with 
the  name  of  the  member  presenting  them  and  the  committee 
to  which  they  are  to  be  referred ;  they  are  sent  to  the  clerk, 
who  enters  them  in  full  on  the  journal  and  transmits  them 
to  the  proper  committee;  they  appear  in  the  Congressional 
Record. 


318     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Pewter  Muggers  was  a  name  given  to  a  faction  of  the 
Democratic  party  in  New  York  City  about  1828,  in  which 
year,  with  the  help  of  the  Adams  men  (the  administra- 
tion party)  and  the  anti-Masons,  they  defeated  the  Tam- 
many candidates  for  several  important  offices.  The  name 
originated  from  the  resort  in  Frankfort  Street  which  the 
leaders  of  the  faction  patronized  extensively. 

Phillips,  Wendell.  A  noted  orator  and  abolitionist. 
President  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  1865-70;  unsuccess- 
ful candidate  of  the  labor  reformers,  and  prohibitionists 
for  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  1870.  Born  at  Boston, 
Massachusetts,  November  29,  1811;  died  at  Boston,  Massa- 
chusetts, February  2,  1884. 

Pierce,  Franklin,  was  born  at  Hillsborough,  New  Hamp- 
shire, November  23,  1804,  and  died  at  Concord,  New  Hamp- 
shire, October  8,  1869.  He  was  a  lawyer  and  a  graduate  of 
Bowdoin.  In  politics  he  was  a  Democrat.  He  was  a  mem- 
ber of  the  State  Legislature  from  1829  to  1833,  and  a 
Congressman  from  1833  to  1837.  From  1837  to  1842  he 
was  a  Senator.  During  the  Mexican  War  he  held  a  com- 
mission as  major-general  and  saw  some  active  service.  In 
1852  he  was  elected  President.  The  principal  events  of 
his  administration  were  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill,  the  Gadsden  Purchase  and  the  exploits  of  filibusters. 
He  retired  to  private  life  at  the  expiration  of  his  term.  He 
was  an  anti-war  Democrat  during  the  Civil  War. 

Pinckney's  Resolutions.    (See  Gag  Laws.) 

Pinckney,  Thomas.  Governor  of  South  Carolina,  1787- 
89;  Minister  to  Great  Britain,  1792-94;  Minister  to  Spain, 
1794-96;  unsuccessful  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  1796; 
member  of  Congress  from  South  Carolina,  1797-1801. 
Born  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  October  23,  1750;  died 
at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  November  2,  1828. 

Pivotal  State.  Any  State  upon  the  result  of  whose  vote 
an  election  depends  (the  votes  of  the  other  States  being 
so  equally  divided)  is  called  a  pivotal  State.  The  title  has 
been  more  particularly  earned  by  New  York,  which  in  every 
Presidential  election,  in  any  way  doubtful,  has  been  carried 
by  but  small  pluralities  or  majorities.  Thus  in  1884  a 
different  result  in  New  York  would  have  meant  a  different 
result  in  the  election  of  President,  and  the  successful  party 


FRANKLIN  PIERCE. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     319 

carried  New  York  by  but  1,047  plurality,  in  a  total  of 
1,150,000. 

Platforms,  Party.  The  platform  of  a  political  party  is 
the  public  declaration  of  the  principles  that  the  party  rep- 
resents. In  the  Appendix  are  given  the  platforms  of  the 
principal  parties. 

Plumed  Knig'ht  A  sobriquet  of  James  G.  Elaine,  orig- 
inating in  a  speech  of  Colonel  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  who 
said  :  "Like  an  armed  warrior,  like  a  plumed  knight,  James 
G.  Elaine  marched  down  the  halls  of  the  American  Con- 
gress and  threw  his  shining  lance  full  and  fair  against  the 
brazen  forehead  of  every  defamer  of  this  country  and 
maligner  of  its  honor." 

Political  Bargain  is  a  corrupt  arrangement  whereby  a 
politician  promises  support  to  a  measure  or  man  in  consid- 
eration of  similar  support  to  be  given  to  some  measure  or 
man  of  his  choice.  The  election  of  John  Quincy  Adams  in 
1824  was  charged  to  a  bargain  between  him  and  Henry 
Clay,  the  price  being  the  Secretaryship  of  State.  Clay  was, 
as  a  matter  of  fact,  appointed  to  this  position,  but  although 
the  charge  clung  to  him,  and  in  after  years  injured  him 
politically,  there  is  no  proof  of  its  truth.  Clay  always 
denied  the  charge.  Political  bargains  are  now  so  common 
as  not  to  be  matters  either  for  surprise  or  comment. 

Political  Boss  is  a  politician  that  absolutely  controls  his 
party  or  faction.  Such  were  Tweed  and  Kelly  in  New 
York,  and  Quay  in  Pennsylvania. 

Political  Workers.      (See  Boys,  The.) 

Polk,  James  Knox,  was  born  in  Mecklenburg  County, 
North  Carolina,  November  2,  1795.  He  died  at  Nashville, 
Tennessee,  June  15,  1849.  He  was  graduated  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  North  Carolina  and  admitted  to  the  bar.  In 
politics  he  was  a  Democrat.  He  was  a  member  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  from  1825  to  1839,  and  during 
the  last  four  years  was  speaker.  From  1839  to  1843  he 
was  Governor  of  Tennessee;  from  1845  to  18-19  he  was 
President.  During  his  administration  the  Mexican  War 
was  fought  and  the  Oregon  boundary  dispute  was  settled. 

Poll  Tax.  A  poll  tax  is  a  tax  levied  on  every  head  or 
pott  of  the  population.  It  is  a  direct  tax,  and  in  ite 
original  form  bears  necessarily  more  heavily  on  the  poor 


320     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

than  on  the  rich;  the  tendency  at  present,  therefore,  is  to 
supply  its  place  with  an  income  tax.  Congress  has  power, 
by  Article  1,  section  9,  of  the  Constitution,  to  levy  a  poll 
tax  in  proportion  to  the  census,  but  this  power  has  never 
been  exercised.  The  States,  however,  have  very  generally 
levied  such  taxes.  In  1860  it  was  employed  by  twenty- 
seven  of  the  States  and  Territories.  It  is  not  now  so  com- 
mon, and  some  of  the  State  Constitutions  forbid  it.  In 
some  States,  as  in  Massachusetts,  its  payment  is  a  neces- 
sary pre-requisite  for  voting.  Where  it  is  employed  it  is 
not  uncommon  to  except  certain  classes,  as  ministers,  from 
its  payment. 

Pond  Tax  Law.     (See  Prohibition.) 

Poor  Man's  Dollar.  The  silver  dollar  is  so  called  by 
those  favoring  its  compulsory  coinage.  (See  Silver 
Question.) 

Poor  Richard.  In  1732  Benjamin  Franklin  began  the 
publication  of  Poor  Richard's  Almanac.  It  has  become 
renowned  by  reason  of  the  homely  but  striking  maxims  it 
contained. 

Popular  Sovereignty.  This  name  was  applied  to  the  doc- 
trine that  the  principle  of  slavery  "should  be  kept  out  of 
the  national  Legislature,  and  left  to  the  people  of  the 
Confederacy  in  their  respective  local  governments."  It  was 
first  stated  as  above  by  Lewis  Cass  in  1847.  Behind  this 
doctrine  the  Northern  Democrats  sought  refuge,  both  from 
the  Wilmot  Proviso  and  from  the  Southern  demands  for 
active  measures  in  behalf  of  slavery.  On  the  other  hand, 
Calhoun  maintained  that  a  man's  right  to  his  property,  even 
though  it  be  in  slaves,  must  everywhere  Be  maintained,  so 
that  a  man  could  take  his  slave  into  any  territory  regardless 
of  the  wishes  of  the  inhabitants  thereof.  Calhoun  nick- 
named the  doctrine  "squatter"  sovereignty.  Douglas,  its 
chief  supporter,  maintained  that  it  was  the  basis  of  the 
Compromise  of  1850,  and  in  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill 
another  attempt  to  apply  it  was  made.  But  when  it  be- 
came evident  that  this  doctrine  meant  the  admission  of  all 
future  Territories  as  free,  the  interpretation  was  strained 
so  as  to  bring  it  within  Calhoun's  declarations,  on  the 
ground  that  a  Territory  could  not  manifest  its  intentions 
on  the  subject  until  it  was  ready  to  be  admitted  as  a  State, 


JAMES  K.  POLK. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     321 

In  other  words,  not  through  its  Territorial  government.  A 
disagreement  on  this  subject  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  a 
part  of  the  Democratic  national  convention  which  nom- 
inated Douglas  in  1860. 

Population  of  the  United  States.  In  1800  the  popula- 
tion of  the  United  States  was  5,308,483,  and  its  center  was 
23  miles  east  of  Baltimore;  in  1900  the  population  was 
76,303,387,  and  its  center  was  six  miles  southeast  of  Co- 
lumbus, Indiana.  The  statistics  of  the  population  are 
gathered  by  the  census,  which  is  provided  for  by  the  Con- 
stitution and  is  taken  once  every  ten  years.  The  first  census 
(1790)  was  taken  under  the  supervision  of  the  President, 
and  the  five  following  (including  that  of  1840)  under  the 
supervision  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  It  then  passed  to 
the  control  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior,  where  it  re- 
mained for  more  than  half  a  century  (including  1900).  In 
1902  Congress  made  the  Census  Office  a  permanent  bureau 
of  the  government,  and  when  the  Department  of  Commerce 
and  Labor  was  created,  in  1903,  this  office  was  transferred 
to  that  newly  created  department.  The  organization  of 
the  office  consists  of  the  Director  (who  is  appointed  by  the 
President),  chief  clerk,  disbursing  officer,  four  chief  sta- 
tisticians, and  such  subordinates  as  may  be  required.  The 
work  of  the  Bureau  covers  a  wide  range  of  topics,  and  the 
ten  volumes  of  the  main  reports  (not  including  secondary 
reports)  aggregate  about  10,000  pages.  Among  the  topics 
treated  statistically  are  the  following:  Population,  manu- 
factures, agriculture,  and  vital  statistics ;  the  insane,  feeble- 
minded, deaf,  dumb  and  blind;  crime,  pauperism,  and  be- 
nevolence; births  and  deaths;  social  statistics  of  cities, 
wealth,  debt  and  taxation;  religious  bodies;  electric  light 
and  power,  telephones  and  telegraphs;  transportation  by 
water,  street  railways,  mines  and  mining.  This  work  is 
constantly  enlarging. 

Popular  Names  of  Cities.  The  nicknames  given  to  the 
various  prominent  cities  in  the  United  States  are  as  follows : 
Brooklyn,  New  York,  City  of  Churches ;  Boston,  Hub  of  the 
Universe;  Baltimore,  Monumental  City;  Buffalo,  Queen 
City  of  the  Lakes ;  Chicago,  Garden  City ;  Cincinnati,  Queen 
City;  Cleveland,  Forest  City;  Detroit,  City  of  the  Straits; 
Hannibal,  Bluff  City;  Indianapolis,  Eailroad  City;  Keokuk, 


322     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Gate  City;  Louisville,  Falls  City;  Lowell,  City  of  Spindles; 
New  York,  Gotham,  Empire  City ;  New  Orleans,  Crescent 
City;  Nashville,  City  of  Rocks;  New  Haven,  City  of  Elms; 
Philadelphia,  Quaker  City,  City  of  Brotherly  Love;  Pitts- 
burg,  Iron  City ;  Portland,  Maine,  Forest  City ;  Rochester, 
Flour  City;  St.  Louis,  Mound  City;  Springfield,  Illinois, 
Flower  City;  Washington,  District  of  Columbia,  City  of 
Magnificent  Distances. 

Populist  or  People's  Party.  A  political  party  formed  in 
1891,  chiefly  composed  of  the  Farmers'  Alliance  and  kin- 
dred organizations.  In  1892  the  party  had  twenty-two 
electoral  votes.  (See  Platform  of  People's  Party  in 
Appendix.) 

Porcelaine  Currency — or  more  properly  Wampum — was 
a  kind  of  money  used  originally  by  the  Indians  and  later 
adopted  by  the  English,  Dutch  and  French  colonists.  It 
consisted  of  coins  or  beads  made  from  the  black  or  purple 
eye  of  the  common  hard-shell  clam  and  from  the  stem 
of  the  shell  of  the  periwinkle.  Through  the  center  of  the 
coin  or  bead  a  small  hole  was  drilled,  and  they  were  then 
strung  on  threads  or  strings  made  from  the  sinews  of  deer, 
or  else  woven  into  various  kinds  of  belts.  The  English, 
French  and  Dutch  colonists  adopted  wampum  as  a  medium 
of  exchange;  New  Netherlands  colony  records  of  1662  note 
"kept  in  wampum  and  beaver  skins."  Massachusetts  colony 
in  1G87  ordered  it  should  pass  "six  a  penny"  for  any  sum 
under  twelve  pence;  Connecticut  and  New  Haven  in  1640 
adopted  it  also,  a  fair  fathom  of  purple  wampum  being 
worth  ten  shillings,  and  one  fathom  of  white  wampum  five 
shillings.  The  records  of  New  Amsterdam  (New  York 
City)  of  1641  authorize  "four  beads  of  good,  black,  well- 
strung  wampum  pr  eight  of  the  white"  to  be  reckoned  the 
value  of  one  stuyver,  a  Dutch  coin  worth  about  one  cent. 
Wampum  was  called  by  the  Dutch,  Zewant. 

Pork.  A  term  used  in  politics  to  designate  the  spoils 
of  legislation.  (See  Log  Rolling.) 

Postal  Currency.  This  currency  was  the  invention  of 
General  Spinner,  who  represented  the  Syracuse  district  of 
New  York  in  Congress  and  was  appointed  Tr<  usurer  of  the 
United  States  by  President  Lincoln.  During  the  war  and 
until  the  resumption  of  specie  payment  there  was  a  great 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     323 

scarcity  of  change.  Spinner  being  appealed  to  from  all 
quarters  to  take  some  measure  to  supply  the  demand  for 
small  change,  silver  having  vanished,  was  powerless,  as 
he  had  no  law  under  which  he  could  act.  In  his  dilemma 
he  thought  of  the  postage  stamp,  and  sent  down  to  the 
post-office  department  and  purchased  a  quantity  of  stamps. 
He  then  ordered  a  package  of  the  paper  upon  which  gov- 
ernment securities  are  printed,  which  he  cut  into  various 
sizes.  On  these  pieces  he  pasted  stamps  to  represent  dif- 
ferent amounts,  thus  initiating  a  substitute  for  fractional 
silver.  This  was  not,  however,  a  government  transaction 
in  any  sense;  it  could  not  be.  The  General  distributed  his 
improvised  currency  among  the  clerks  of  the  department, 
and  finally  through  imitation  it  became  the  medium  of 
small  exchange.  From  this  General  Spinner  got  his  idea 
of  fractional  currency,  and  went  before  Congress  with  it, 
which  body  readily  adopted  it  by  an  act,  July  17,  1862,  au- 
thorizing it  to  be  used  as  currency  in  sums  of  less  than  five 
dollars. 

Postal  Service.  The  first  mention  of  a  postal  service  in 
the  United  States  is  that  of  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts in  1639:  "It  is  ordered  that  notice  be  given  that 
Richard  Fairbanks,  his  house  in  Boston  is  the  place  ap- 
pointed for  all  letters  which  are  brought  from  beyond  the 
seas,  or  are  to  be  sent  thither  to  be  left  with  him,  and 
he  is  to  take  care  that  they  are  to  be  delivered  or  sent 
according  to  the  direction.  And  he  is  allowed  for  every 
letter  a  penny,  and  must  answer  all  miscarriages  through 
his  own  neglect  in  this  kind." 
Postmaster-General.  (See  Post-Office  Department.) 
Post-Office  Department  is  one  of  the  executive  depart- 
ments of  the  government.  It  was  established  by  Act  of 
May  8,  1794.  The  Postmaster-General,  who  is  at  its  head, 
is  a  member  of  the  President's  Cabinet,  by  virtue  of  a 
custom  that  originated  in  the  time  of  Andrew  Jackson. 
His  salary  is  $8,000  per  annum.  He  is  appointed  by  the 
President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  The  department 
has  charge  of  the  transmission  of  mail  matter,  the  prepara- 
tion of  stamps  jand  postal  cards,  the  issue  of  money  orders 
and  postal  notes,  the  establishment  and  discontinuance  of 
post-offices,  and  the  appointment  of  postmasters  whose 


324     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

salaries  are  $1,000  or  under.  Since  the  year  1880  the  busi- 
ness of  the  post-office  has  grown  with  great  rapidity.  In 
that  year  the  revenue  of  the  department  was  $33.315,479, 
and  its  expenditure  was  $36,542,804.  Twenty-four  years 
later  the  revenue  had  risen  to  $143,582,624,  and  its  ex- 
penditure to  $152,362,117.  This  is  an  increase  of  more 
than  four-fold.  During  that  period  the  number  of  post- 
offices  increased  from  42,989  to  71,131,  or  about  65  per 
cent. ;  and  the  miles  of  post  routes  increased  from  343,888 
to  406,818,  or  about  12-J  per  cent.  The  two  cities  afford- 
ing the  largest  revenue  are  the  New  York  and  Chicago,  and 
the  two  States  affording  the  largest  revenue  are  New  York 
and  Illinois.  It  is  probable  that  the  United  States  does 
about  one-fifth  of  all  the  actual  post-office  business  of  the 
world. 

The  department  consists  of  Postmaster-General,  four 
assistant  postmaster-generals,  an  assistant  attorney-general, 
superintendent  of  the  railway  mail  service,  of  foreign  mails, 
and  of  money  orders,  and  six  others.  The  post-office  de- 
partment has  usually  been  administered  honestly  and  effi- 
ciently; but  in  1881  great  frauds  were  discovered  (see  Star 
Route  Trials),  and  in  1903  other  frauds  of  various  kinds 
were  discovered.  Some  of  the  criminals  in  the  latter  case 
escaped  punishment  under  the  statute  of  limitations,  and 
some  for  other  reasons,  but  others  have  been  dealt  with 
according  to  law.  In  this  affair  the  investigation  and 
prosecution  were  carried  on  under  the  urgent  orders  of  the 
President. 

President  by  Three  Votes.  John  Adams  was  so  called, 
he  having  seventy-one  electoral  votes  to  sixty-eight  for 
Jefferson. 

Presidential  Bee.  When  a  man  has  Presidential  aspira- 
tions and  allows  his  public  acts  to  be  influenced  by  his 
desire  to  draw  votes,  his  action  is  frequently  ascribed  to  his 
having  the  Presidential  bee  in  his  bonnet.  The  reference 
is  probably  to  a  certain  uneasiness  in  the  deportment  of  an 
individual  under  both  circumstances. 

Presidential  Fever.  When  a  man  is  thought  to  be  very 
anxious  to  become  President,  his  acts  are  frequently  ex- 
plained on  the  theory  that  he  has  the  Presidential  fever, 
as  it  is  called,  meaning  thereby  that  his  aspirations  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     325 

his  consequent  desire  to  become  popular  have  rendered  his 
public  acts  abnormal,  just  as  fever  does  the  physical 
system. 

Presidential  Flag.  (See  Flag,  Presidential.) 
Presidential  Succession.  The  Constitution,  Article  2, 
section  1,  provides  that  "in  case  of  the  removal  of  the  Presi- 
dent from  office,  or  of  his  death,  resignation  or  inability  to 
discharge  .  .  .  the  duties  of  the  said  office,  the  same 
shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,"  the  power  to  provide 
for  further  contingencies  being  left  with  Congress.  This 
Congress  did  by  means  of  the  Act  of  March  1,  1792.  In 
cases  of  death,  of  removal  by  impeachment,  or  of  resigna- 
tion no  difficulties  are  met  with,  but  the  power  to  declare 
the  "inability"  of  the  President  in  cases  where  the  same 
is  not  on  the  surface,  as  in  insanity,  is  lodged  nowhere.  In 
such  a  case  the  Vice-President  would  probably  take  it  upon 
himself  to  act  as  President,  and  the  Supreme  Court  would 
be  the  final  judge  of  the  validity  of  his  acts.  The  law  of 
1792  declares  that  in  case  of  inability  of  the  Vice-President 
the  office  devolves  on  the  president  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate,  and  after  him  on  the  Speaker  of  the  House,  until 
a  new  election  can  be  ordered.  It  also  provided  that  the 
Secretary  of  State  should  notify  the  Executives  of  the 
States  of  any  vacancy  in  the  Executive  office  by  reason  of 
failure  on  the  part  of  the  Vice-President,  and  if  at  that 
date  there  be  still  two  months  intervening  before  the  first 
Wednesday  in  December  (the  day  on  which  the  electors 
vote),  then  an  election  for  President  shall  be  ordered  to 
be  held  within  thirty-four  days  preceding  the  latter  day. 
If  the  intervening  time  be  less  than  two  months,  and  the 
current  Presidential  term  expire  on  the  4th  of  March  fol- 
lowing, then  no  election  for  the  unexpired  term  takes  place ; 
but  if  the  time  be  less  than  two  months,  and  the  term  does 
not  so  expire,  then  a  new  election  shall  be  ordered  for  the 
following  year.  The  twelfth  amendment  provides  that  in 
cases  in  which  the  House  has  not  exercised  its  right  of 
choosing  a  President  (when  the  choice  falls  to  it)  by  March 
4th  following,  the  Vice-President  shall  act  as  President; 
but  fails  to  provide  for  a  contingency  where  neither  Presi- 
dent nor  Vice-President  is  selected,  and  where  no  President 
pro  tempore  of  the  Senate  has  been  chosen.  The  assassina- 


$26     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  of  Garfield  at  a  time  when  the  House  was  not  organ- 
ized and  while  there  was  no  President  pro  tempore  of  the 
Senate,  led  to  agitation  of  the  subject,  and  in  1883  a  bill 
was  introduced  into  the  Senate  to  regulate  this  matter,  but 
it  was  not  considered  by  the  House.  In  December,  1885, 
substantially  the  same  bill  was  again  introduced  and  this 
time  passed.  It  was  approved  January  19,  1886.  Its  pro- 
visions 'are  as  follows :  In  case  of  inability  on  the  part  of 
both  President  and  Vice-President,  the  Executive  office 
falls  to  the  Cabinet  officers  in  the  following  order,  provided 
the  officer  on  whom  it  devolves  has  been  confirmed  by  the 
Senate,  and  is  by  birth  and  otherwise  qualified  to  hold  the 
office:  The  Secretaries  of  State,  of  the  Treasury,  of  War, 
the  Attorney- General,  the  Postmaster-General,  the  Secre- 
taries of  the  Navy,  of  the  Interior.  The  officer  thus  selected 
serves  out  the  unexpired  term. 

President  Pro  Tempore  of  the  Senate.  (See  Vice-Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.) 

Presidents,  Coincidence  in  the  Ages  of.  John  Adams, 
Thomas  Jefferson,  James  Madison,  James  Monroe  and 
John  Quincy  Adams,  each  of  them,  except  John  Adams, 
was  in  his  fift}r-eighth  year  when  inaugurated,  as  was  also 
Washington.  Each,  except  John  Quincy  Adams,  closed  his 
term  in  his  sixty-sixth  year.  Each  was,  therefore,  eight 
years  older  than  his  successor. 

President  of  the  United  States.  For  the  powers  of  the 
President,  see  Executive. 

Presidents  de  Facto  and  de  Jure.  The  Presidential  elec- 
tion of  1876  was  practically  decided  by  the  Electoral  Com- 
mission. Many  of  the  adherents  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden,  the 
defeated  nominee,  asserted  that  his  defeat  was  the  result 
of  fraud,  and  to  emphasize  this  belief  they  persisted  in 
speaking  of  him  as  President  de  jure  (by  right)  and  of 
Rutherford  B.  Hayes,  the  successful  candidate,  as  President 
de  facto  (actual  President  as  distinguished  from  rightful 
President). 

President's  Message.  Article  2,  section  3  of  the  Consti- 
tution declares  that  the  President  "shall  from  time  to  time 
give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the  state  of  the  Union 
and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such  measures  as 
he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient/'  This  section  has 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     327 

led  to  the  annual  messages  which  it  is  the  custom  of  the 
President  to  lay  before  Congress  immediately  on  its  assem- 
bling. Washington  and  Adams  read  these  to  Congress  in 
person.  Jefferson  inaugurated  the  custom  since  followed  of 
sending  it  to  the  House.  This  message  deals,  in  more  or 
less  detail,  with  the  internal  and  foreign  affairs  of  the 
nation,  stating  what  steps  have  been  taken  in  any  direction, 
and  recommending  such  as  the  President  deems  necessary. 
The  message  of  President  Cleveland  to  the  Fiftieth  Con- 
gress at  its  first  session  was  an  exception  in  this  respect, 
dealing  only  with  the  subject  of  the  reduction  of  the  tariff, 
his  object  being  to  emphasize  the  importance  of  that  subject, 
in  view  of  the  rapidly  increasing  surplus.  This  course  had 
been  adopted  by  but  one  President  before  him.  President 
Madison's  messages  in  1813  and  1814,  during  the  War  of 
1812,  related  exclusively  to  that  struggle. 
Primary  Convention.  (See  Nominating  Conventions.) 
Privateer.  A  privateer  is  an  armed  vessel  owned, 
equipped  and  manned  by  private  parties,  which  bears  a 
commission  (called  letters  of  marque  or  letters  of  marque 
and  reprisal)  from  a  government  to  attack  and  seize  the 
property  of  enemies  at  sea.  The  inducement  to  individ- 
uals to  engage  in  privateering  is  a  share  in  the  prizes  cap- 
tured. The  practice  has  been  recognized  by  international 
law.  The  advantage  to  a  belligerent  State  is  an  increase 
of  its  effective  naval  forces,  which  is  especially  desirable 
when  the  regular  navy  is  small.  The  drawbacks  to  the 
system  are  that  privateers,  actuated  by  the  hope  of  gain 
and  not  being  under  any  naval  discipline,  are  liable  to  in- 
fringe the  rights  of  neutrals  and  to  disregard  the  limits  of 
legitimate  war.  During  the  last  hundred  years  various 
steps  have  been  taken  to  abolish  privateering.  The  most 
important  step  was  taken  in  1856,  just  after  the  Crimean 
War,  when  by  the  Declarations  of  Paris  many  of  the  nations 
of  Europe  agreed  not  to  employ  privateers  against  each 
other.  All  the  chief  states  of  Europe  and  America  have 
since  given  their  adherence  to  this  declaration  except  Spain, 
the  United  States  and  Mexico.  The  United  States  was 
willing  to  become  a  party  to  the  agreement  only  on  condi- 
tion that  all  private  property  at  sea,  not  contraband,  should 
,be  exempt  from  capture.  But  this  "Marcy"  or  "American" 


328     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

amendment,  as  it  was  called,  was  not  accepted.  During  the 
Civil  War  the  Confederate  States  offered  letters  of  marque 
to  persons  of  all  countries,  but  no  admittedly  foreign  ves- 
sels were  so  commissioned.  During  the  saine  period  the 
Congress  of  the  United  States  empowered  the  President 
to  grant  commissions  to  privateers,  but  none  such  were 
granted.  In  1861  the  United  States  offered  to  assent  to  the 
Declarations  of  Paris,  but  England  and  France  declined 
our  adherence  unless  on  condition  (which  was,  of  course, 
not  accepted)  that  our  action  should  have  no  bearing  on 
the  "internal  differences  prevailing  in  the  United  States." 
This  government  is  far  from  favoring  the  system  of  pri- 
vateering, although  Congress  is  permitted  by  Article  1,  sec- 
tion 8,  of  the  Constitution,  to  "grant  letters  of  marque  and 
reprisal,"  and  among  civilized  nations  the  commissioning 
of  privateers  is  practically  at  an  end. 

Private  Legislation  is  the  passage  by  Congress,  or  a 
State  Legislature,  of  an  act  which  affects  only  individuals 
or  particular  classes  of  men  or  things.  "Private  act"  is  a 
term  used  in  opposition  to  a  "general  law"  which  affects 
the  whole  community. 

Proclamation  of  Amnesty.  In  the  history  of  this  coun- 
try there  have  been  five  such  proclamations ;  all  had  rela- 
tion to  the  Civil  War.  The  first  was  issued  by  President 
Lincoln,  December  8,  1863.  The  Act  of  Congress  of  July 
17,  1862,  had  authorized  it,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that 
a  general  pardoning  power,  in  cases  of  offense  against  the 
United  States,  is  granted  to  the  President  by  the  Constitu- 
tion. This  proclamation  offered  pardon  and  restoration  of 
all  property,  except  slaves  or  in  cases  where  rights  of  third 
parties  would  be  interfered  with,  to  all  persons  then  in 
rebellion  against  the  government,  on  condition  of  their 
taking  a  prescribed  oath.  This  oath  declares  adherence  to 
and  support  of  the  Constitution  and  the  Union  and  of  all 
laws  and  proclamations  regarding  slaves  and  slavery  "so 
long  and  so  far  as  not  modified  or  declared  void  by  the 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court."  From  this  offer  there 
were  excepted  all  persons  that  had  left  any  Federal  position 
or  office  to  join  the  Confederacy,  all  civil  or  diplomatic 
officers  and  army  or  navy  officers  of  the  Confederate  States 
above  certain  rank,  and  those  that  had  treated  Federal 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     329 

colored  soldiers  otherwise  than  lawfully  as  prisoners  of  war. 
March  26,  1864,  a  supplemental  proclamation  stated  that 
the  offer  was  not  open  to  prisoners  of  war.  May  29,  1865, 
President  Johnson  issued  a  similar  proclamation,  the  oath 
being  somewhat  shorter,  but  of  the  same  import  as  of  the 
former.  To  the  former  exceptions  were  added  Confederate 
foreign  agents,  Confederate  soldiers  or  officers  who  were 
graduates  from  West  Point  and  Annapolis,  Governors  of 
rebel  States,  deserters,  privateersmen,  Canada  raiders,  per- 
sons worth  over  $20,000,  and  those  that  had  broken  an 
oath  taken  under  the  former  proclamation.  In  1867  a  bill 
was  passed  repealing  the  Act  of  July  17,  1862.  Johnson 
neither  signed  nor  vetoed  it,  and  it  became  a  law.  Septem- 
ber 7,  1867,  Johnson  issued  another  proclamation,  the  third 
of  the  kind.  It  offered  amnesty  to  all  that  would  take  an 
oath  almost  identical  with  that  of  the  proclamation  of  1865, 
excepting  only  the  President,  Vice-President  and  heads  of 
departments  of  the  Confederacy,  army  and  navy  officers 
above  certain  high  ranks,  foreign  agents,  Governors  of 
States,  those  that  had  treated  prisoners  of  war  unlawfully, 
those  held  in  legal  confinement  and  parties  to  Lincoln's 
assassination.  President  Johnson's  proclamation  of  July 
4,  1868,  offered  amnesty  to  all  except  those  under  indict- 
ment in  a  Federal  court,  and  his  proclamation  of  December 
25,  1868,  offered  it  to  all  unconditionally  without  the 
formality  of  any  oath.  Section  3  of  the  fourteenth  amend- 
ment places  disability  to  hold  office  on  those  that  had  held 
certain  offices  under  the  United  States  and  had  then  en- 
gaged in  rebellion,  but  Congress  was  empowered  to  remove 
the  disability  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  each 'House.  Many 
have  availed  themselves  of  this  power.  The  Act  of  May  22, 
1872,  removed  the  disability  of  all  except  only  those  that 
had  been  members  of  the  Thirty-sixth  and  Thirty-seventh 
Congresses,  judicial,  army  or  navy  officers,  heads  of  depart- 
ments of  foreign  ministers,  and  holding  such  offices  had 
engaged  in  rebellion.  An  attempt  to  sweep  away  even  these 
restrictions  failed  in  1873. 

Progressive  Labor  Party.  This  organization  began  its 
life  as  a  separate  political  party  after  seceding  from  the 
Syracuse  (New  York)  Convention  of  the  United  Labor 
Party.  (See  that  title.)  It  held  its  own  convention  in 


330     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

New  York,  September  28,  1887,  adopted  a  platform  and 
nominated  a  candidate  for  Secretary  of  State  of  New  York. 
He  received  7,622  votes  out  of  a  total  of  1,045,376,  most  of 
the  votes  coming  from  New  York  City.  The  principal 
points  of  its  platform  were  as  follows:  "That  all  should 
have  free  access  to  land  and  to  the  instruments  of  produc- 
tion without  tribute  to  landlords  and  monopolists" ;  women 
suffrage ;  "repeal  of  all  conspiracy  laws,  tramp  laws  and  all 
class  legislation  and  privileges" ;  "the  public  ownership  and 
management  of  ...  all  industries  involving  the  use  of 
public  franchises  or  the  performance  of  public  functions/' 
and  the  submission  to  the  people  for  rejection  or  approval 
of  all  important  laws. 

Prohibition.  The  object  of  the  Prohibitionists  is  to  ob- 
tain laws  prohibiting  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors,  except  for  the  purpose  of  manufacturing  indus- 
tries, science  and  art.  They  argue  that  this  is  advisable 
because  vast  sums  of  money  are  annually  wasted  by  the 
people  in  the  purchase  of  liquor,  and  its  consumption  re- 
duces the  productiveness  of  labor;  because  pauperism  and 
crime  are  largely  increased  thereby;  because  the  habit  of 
drinking  renders  the  citizen  less  able  to  serve  in  defense 
of  the  government  when  necessary ;  and  because  the  govern- 
ment should  protect  the  defenseless  women  and  children 
who  are  most  injured  by  drunkenness.  The  opponents  of 
prohibition  dispute  some  of  the  facts  of  its  advocates,  as- 
sert that  drunkenness  is  rather  the  accompaniment  than 
the  cause  of  pauperism  and  crime,  and  argue  that  in  any 
event  prohibitory  laws  cannot  be  enforced,  and  that  a  high 
license  system  (see  High  License)  will  be  more  effectual  in 
restraining  the  sale  of  liquor.  They  also  contend  that  pro- 
hibitory laws  infringe  the  individual  liberty  of  the  citizen. 
On  December  5,  1887,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United 
States  rendered  an  important  decision,  holding  that  it  is 
within  the  discretionary  police  powers  of  a  State  to  protect 
the  public  health,  safety  and  morals,  even  by  the  destruc- 
tion of  property,  and  that  the  Kansas  laws,  providing  for 
the  destruction,  without  compensation,  of  property  used  in 
connection  with  liquor-selling,  do  not  violate  the  provision 
in  the  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution  that  "no 
State  shall  make  or  enforce  any  law  which  shall  abridge 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     331 

the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens  of  the  United 
States,  nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of  ... 
property,  without  due  process  of  law/'  The  Prohibitionists 
have  been  a  factor  of  importance  in  the  politics  of  some  of 
the  States  since  about  the  middle  of  the  century.  A  pro- 
hibitory law  was  passed  in  Maine  in  1846,  and  in  1851  a 
more  stringent  one,  including  a  provision  for  the  seizure 
and  destruction  of  intoxicating  liquors  (known  as  the 
"Maine  Law"  and  drafted  by  General  Neal  Dow),  was 
enacted  and  has  since  been  in  force,  except  for  the  years 
1856  and  1857.  Vermont  in  1852,  New  Hampshire  in 
1855,  and  Connecticut  in  1854,  passed  the  Maine  Law;  the 
first  has  retained  and  enforced  it,  the  second  has  retained 
and  not  enforced  it,  and  the  last  never  enforced  it  and 
repealed  it  in  1872.  New  York  had  the  Maine  Law  on  the 
statute  books  between  1855  and  1857.  Ohio  and  Michigan, 
by  their  Constitutions,  forbade  the  passage  of  a  license  law, 
thus  leaving  the  mere  alternative  between  free  liquor  and 
prohibition.  This  clause  of  Michigan's  Constitution  has 
been  repealed :  the  question  of  replacing  it  was  defeated  in 
1887,  by  a  small  popular  majority.  In  Ohio  attempts  have 
been  made  to  tax  the  sak  of  liquor  by  the  "Pond  Tax  Law/' 
and  the  "Scott  Tax  Law,"  but  both  of  these -were  pro- 
nounced unconstitutional  by  the  courts.  A  Prohibitory 
Amendment  to  the  Constitution  of  Kansas  was  ratified  by 
the  people  in  1880,  and  this  has  been  enforced  by  legisla- 
tion. A  similar  amendment  was  passed  in  Iowa  in  1882, 
and  had  a  large  popular  majority,  but  the  next  year  it  was 
pronounced  unconstitutional  for  informalities  in  its  pass- 
age. In  1884  a  prohibitory  law  was  passed.  In  North 
Carolina,  in  1881,  a  prohibitory  law,  submitted  to  popular 
vote,  was  defeated  (166,000  to  48,000  in  round  numbers). 
After  several  previous  trials  of  prohibition,  Ehode  Island, 
in  1887,  passed  a  stringent  prohibitory  law.  In  1887,  on 
the  question  of  prohibitory  amendments  to  the  State  Con- 
stitutions, the  Prohibitionists  were  defeated  by  large  ma- 
jorities in  Oregon,  Tennessee  and  Texas.  Most  of  the  States 
have  passed  laws  prohibiting  the  sale  of  liquor  to  minors 
and  on  Sundays.  Many  States  have  adopted  local  option, 
and  a  few  are  trying  high  license.  (See  those  titles,)  Such 
is  a  brief  outline  of  the  more  important  successes  and  de- 


332     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

feats  of  prohibition  in  the  States.  National  conventions  of 
the  Prohibition  party  (previous  to  1884,  called  the  Prohi- 
bition Home  Protection  party)  have  been  held  from  time 
to  time  and  candidates  have  been  nominated  for  the  Presi- 
dency and  Vice-Presidency  of  the  United  States.  In  1884, 
Iowa  passed  a  prohibitory  law  which  was  repealed  in  1894. 
In  1886,  Rhode  Island  passed  a.  prohibitory  law  which  was 
repealed  in  1889.  In  1887,  President  Cleveland  estab- 
lished prohibition  in  Alaska,  but  Congress  substituted  a 
license  law  in  1899.  North  Dakota  and  South  Dakota 
came  into  the  Union  as  prohibition  States,  but  South  Da- 
kota adopted  the  license  system  in  1896.  At  one  time  or 
another  26  States  and  Alaska  have  had  a  prohibitory  law; 
but  in  1907  only  Maine,  Kansas  and  North  Dakota  had 
such  a  law.  For  the  platforms  adopted  by  the  conventions 
of  the  Prohibition  party,  see  Appendix. 

Pro-Slavery.  Those  that  sympathized  with  the  institu- 
tion of  slavery  in  this  country  were  said  to  hold  pro-slavery 
views. 

Protection,  in  relation  to  the  industries  of  a  country  (in 
which  sense  the  word  is  generally  used),  means  the  pre- 
vention of  ruinous  foreign  competition.  This  may  be  ac- 
complished (1)  by  absolutely  prohibiting  the  importation 
of  certain  articles;  (2)  by  levying  a  duty  on  them  that  is 
practically  prohibitive;  (3)  by  granting  premiums  on  cer- 
tain exports;  (4)  by  granting  drawbacks,  which  are  rebates 
of  the  whole,  or  nearly  the  whole,  duty  that  has  been  paid 
on  imported  materials  when  these  have  been  manufactured 
at  home  and  exported;  or  (5)  by  so  arranging  the  rates  of 
duty  on  importations  as  to  make  their  cost  to  the  consumer 
equal  to  or  greater  than  the  cost  of  similar  domestic  prod- 
ucts. The  first  three  methods  are  not  relied  on  in  this 
country  for  purposes  of  protection,  while  the  last  two  have 
been  and  are  still  extensively  used.  The  last  method  is  the 
more  prominent,  and  around  it  the  arguments  for  and 
against  protection  group  themselves.  The  reasoning  of  the 
protectionists  is  long  and  complicated.  A  few  of  their  more 
important  propositions  may  be  briefly  stated  as  follows: 
The  United  States  as  a  nation  is  bound  to  secure  advan- 
tages for  its  own  citizens  before  regarding  other  countries ; 
protective  duties  compel  foreigners  to  pay  part  of  our  taxes ; 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMEKICAtf  POLITICS     333 

without  protection  we  should  become  chiefly  an  agricultural 
country,  and  such  countries  are  comparatively  poor  and 
weak;  diversified  industries  are  called  into  being  or 
strengthened  by  a  protective  tariff,  and  these  are  valuable 
to  a  nation  in  time  of  peace  and  necessary  in  time  of  war.: 
the  destruction  of  protection  would  mean  that  the  labor  of 
this  country  would  have  to  compete  with  the  cheaper  labor 
(usually  called  "pauper  labor'3)  abroad;  wages  would  fall 
and  the  American  laborer  would  be  reduced  to  the  low  level 
of  life  common  to  laborers  abroad ;  the  investment  of  capi- 
tal at  home  is  encouraged  by  protection,  and  on  this  the 
working  classes  depend ;  even  if  protection  were  a  question- 
able policy  to  inaugurate,  now  that  it  is  established  in  this 
country  it  should  be  continued  for  the  sake  of  justice  to 
invested  capital  and  to  prevent  the  financial  disasters  that 
would  result  from  a  revolution  in  our  industries.  To  the  argu- 
ments of  the  free-traders  they  reply  that  governments  have 
very  generally  found  it  necessary  or  advisable  to  regulate 
to  some  extent  the  trade  of  their  citizens  or  subjects;  that 
protection  benefits  the  whole  nation,  not  merely  a  part,  by 
keeping  up  the  price  of  labor ;  that  no  free  trade  argument 
can  be  drawn  from  inter-State  commerce,  since  the  localiz- 
ing of  industries  can  do  no  harm  when  the  localities  are 
parts  of  a  single  whole;  that  competition  between  home  in- 
dustries will  keep  prices  down  to  a  fair  point.  Since  the 
Civil  War  the  Republican  party  has  been  practically  a  unit 
in  supporting  a  protective  tariff.  Before  that  period  mem- 
bers of  both  parties  were  found  on  each  side  of  the  line. 
The  tariff  has  never  been  the  main  issue  in  a  Presidential 
election,  though  in  1880,  1884  and  1892  the  Republicans 
strove  to  increase  its  importance.  (See  Free  Trade.) 

Protective  Tariff.  The  first  protective  tariff  was  laid  in 
1816;  but  because  the  duties  were  so  low  that  they  failed 
to  "protect,"  the  so-called  "high  tariff  of  1828"  was  passed. 

Put  None  But  Americans  on  Guard  To-night.  One  of 
the  mottoes  of  the  "Know  Nothings/'  This  sentence  is 
supposed  to  have  been  the  countersign  on  the  eve  of  an  im- 
portant Revolutionary  battle,  and  is  attributed  by  some  to 
Putnam  and  by  others  to  Washington. 

Qualifications  of  Voters.  The  "President  of  the  United 
States  is  chosen  by  electors  appointed  in  each  State  "in 


334     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

such  manner  as  the  Legislature  thereof  may  direct."  (Con- 
stitution, Article  2,  section  1.)  Senators  are  chosen  hy  the 
Legislatures  of  the  States.  (Constitution,  Article  1,  sec- 
tion 3.)  Representatives  are  chosen  by  the  people  "and  the 
electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite 
for  electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Leg- 
islature." (Constitution,  Article  1,  section  2.)  It  thus 
appears  that  the  qualifications  of  voters  for  all  the  Federal 
as  well  as  for  State  offices  are  subject  to  the  control  of  the 
respective  States  and,  as  might  be  expected,  vary.  The 
suffrage  in  general  elections  is  in  every  State  limited  to 
males  of  a  minimum  age  of  twenty-one  years.  Periods  of 
residence  in  the  State  varying  from  three  months  to  two 
years,  are  requisites  to  voting,  and  in  nearly  all  the  States 
shorter  periods  of  residence  in  the  county,  town  and  pre- 
cinct respectively.  Moreover,  in  eighteen  States  only  citi- 
zens by  nativity  or  otherwise  are  allowed  to  vote ;  in  fifteen, 
citizens  and  aliens  that  have  declared  their  intention  of  be- 
coming citizens :  the  restrictions  on  the  latter  vary ;  in  some 
States  mere  declaration  is  sufficient,  in  others  a  declaration, 
made  a  certain  length  of  time  (in  no  case  more  than  a 
year)  previous,  is  necessary.  In  addition  to  citizenship,  one 
State  (Connecticut)  requires  good  moral  character  and 
ability  to  read  any  article  of  the  Constitution  or  Statutes; 
another  (Delaware),  the  paying  of  the  county  tax  after  the 
age  of  twenty-two;  another  (New  York),  citizenship  for 
ten  days  previous;  another  (Pennsylvania),  citizenship  of 
the  United  States  for  one  month  and,  if  twenty-two  years 
of  age  or  over,  payment  of  a  tax  within  two  years ;  another 
(Rhode  Island),  on  the  part  of  foreign-born  citizens,  own- 
ership of  real  estate  to  the  value  of  $137,  or  seven  dollars 
annual  rental.  In  none  of  the  States  are  women  allowed  to 
vote  at  general  elections  save  in  the  States  of  Colo- 
rado, Idaho,  Wyoming  and  Utah.  In  every  State  certain 
classes  are  prohibited  from  voting;  among  these  are  in- 
cluded in  the  various  States,  idiots,  lunatics,  persons  con- 
victed of  crime  punishable  by  imprisonment,  Chinese,  pau- 
pers, persons  sending,  bringing  or  accepting  a  duelling  chal- 
lenge, non-payers  of  taxes  for  certain  periods,  United  States 
soldiers  and  marines,  persons  under  guardianship,  Indians, 
persons  convicted  of  blasphemy,  persons  betting  on  the  elec- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     335 

tion  at  which  they  attempt  to  vote,  deserters  from  the 
army  or  navy  during  the  Civil  War;  in  many  cases  those 
convicted  of  crime  may  have  the  right  of  suffrage  restored 
by  pardon. 

Quids.  A  name  given  to  the  few  supporters  of  Randolph 
when  he  seceded  from  the  Republican  party  in  1805.  The 
Latin  phrase  tertium  quid,  a  "third  something"  (as  dis- 
tinguished from  the  two  powerful  parties),  gave  rise  to  the 
name. 

Quorum.  The  number  of  members  of  any  constituted 
body  of  persons  whose  presence  at  or  participation  in  a 
meeting  is  required  to  render  its  proceedings  valid,  or  to 
enable  it  to  transact  business  legally.  If  no  special  rule 
exists,  a  majority  of  the  members  is  a  quorum;  but  in  a 
body  of  considerable  size  the  quorum  may  by  rule  be  much 
less  than  a  majority,  or  in  a  smaller  one  much  more,  (Cen- 
tury  Diet.) 

Race,  Color  or  Previous  Condition  of  Servitude.  These 
words  occur  in  the  fifteenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution. 
(See  Constitution  of  the  United  States.) 

Radical  Democracy.  In  1864,  the  Union  men  opposed  to 
Lincoln's  renomination  issued  a  call  for  a  convention  which 
met  accordingly  May  31st.  The  circular  had  attacked  the 
administration  vigorously.  Their  platform  called  for  the 
suppression  of  the  Eebellion,  the  preservation  of  the  habeas 
corpus,  of  the  right  of  asylum  and  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 
It  recommended  a  popular  vote  and  only  a  single  term  for 
Presidents,  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  prohibiting 
slavery,  and  called  for  the  confiscation  of  the  land  of  rebels 
and  its  distribution  among  actual  settlers.  The  name  Rad- 
ical Democracy  was  adopted ;  they  were  also  known  as  Rad- 
ical men.  General  John  C.  Fremont  was  nominated:  he 
accepted  the  nomination,  but  withdrew  in  Lincoln's  favor, 
September  21st. 

Radical  Men.    (See  Radical  Democracy.) 

Rag  Baby.  A  derisive  name  for  the  Greenback  idea. 
(See  Greenback  Labor  Party;  Rag  Currency.) 

Rag-  Currency.  A  term  of  derision  applied  to  the  cur- 
rency advocated  by  the  Greenbackers,  namely,  paper  money. 
(See  Greenback  Labor  Party.) 


336     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Raiders.  Members  of  a  legislative  body  are  said  to  be 
raiders  on  the  Treasury  when  they  expend  their  best  efforts 
in  attempts  to  secure  appropriations  for  purposes  which  are 
not  necessary  for  the  country,  but  which  they  desire  because 
of  the  patronage  connected  therewith  or  of  other  special  ad- 
vantages to  their  particular  locality. 

Railroading.  When  a  bill  is  passed  without  delay  in  a 
legislative  assembly  by  the  energetic  efforts  of  corrupt  mem- 
bers it  is  said  to  have  been  "railroaded"  through  the  House. 

Rail  Splitter.  A  sobriquet  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  who 
split  the  rails  for  fences  when,  in  his  early  life,  his  family 
made  a  clearing  in  Illinois  and  built  a  log-house. 

Randall,  Samuel  J.,  was  born  in  Philadelphia,  October 
10,  1828.  He  served  in  the  local  government  of  Phila- 
delphia and  also  in  the  State  Senate.  In  1862  he  was 
elected  to  Congress,  and  was  continuously  re-elected.  In 
the  Forty-fourth  Congress  he  was  elected  speaker  to  fill  the 
vacancy  caused  by  the  death  of  M.  C.  Kerr.  He  was  elected 
to  the  same  office  in  the  Forty-fifth  and  Forty-sixth  Con- 
gresses. He  was  the  leader  of  the  high  tariff  wing  of  the 
Democratic  party.  Died  April  13,  1890. 

Randolph,  Edmund.  Nephew  of  Peyton.  Delegate  to 
Congress  from  Virginia,  1779  and  1780-82;  Governor  of 
Virginia,  1786-88;  delegate  to  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, 1787,  when  he  introduced  the  "Virginia  Plan"  (which 
see) ;  Attorney-General,  1789-94;  Secretary  of  State,  1794- 
96.  Born  at  Williamsburg,  Virginia,  August  10,  1753; 
died  in  Virginia,  September  13,  1813. 

Randolph,  John,  of  Roanoke,  was  born  in  Chesterfield 
County,  Virginia,  June  2,  1773,  and  died  at  Philadelphia, 
May  24,  1833.  He  served  in  Congress  from  1799  to  1813, 
from  1815  to  1817  and  from  1819  to  1823 ;  from  1825  to 
1827  he  was  in  the  Senate  and  from  1827  to  1829  again  in 
the  House.  In  1830  he  was  for  a  short  time  Minister  to 
Eussia.  He  was  a  Democrat,  although  at  various  times  an- 
tagonizing his  party.  He  was  a  man  of  extraordinary  abil- 
ity, though  extremely  eccentric.  His  person  was  spare  and 
his  voice  very  shrill.  One  of  his  foibles  was  his  pride  in  his 
descent  from  Pocahontas. 

Raymond,  Henry  J.  Speaker  of  the  New  York  Assem- 
bly, 1850  and  1861;  founded  the  newspaper  New  York 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     337 

Times,  1851;  Lieutenant-Governor  of  New  York,  1855-57; 
member  of  Congress  from  New  York,  1865-67.  Born  at 
Lima,  New  York,  January  24,  1820;  died  at  New  York 
City,  June  18,  1869. 

Re-admission  of  Southern  States.  (See  Reconstruction; 
Admission  of  States  to  the  Union.) 

Rebel  Brigadiers  is  a  phrase  applied  to  men  in  public 
life  that  served  in  the  Confederate  Army  during  the  Civil 
War.  The  phrase  is  applied  irrespective  of  the  rank  they 
held.  It  is  a  venomous  phrase  and  used  only  by  their 
opponents. 

Rebellion.  The  name  given  in  the  North  to  the  Civil 
War  (which  see). 

Rebs.  An  abbreviation  for  rebels,  the  word  used  at  the 
North  to  characterize  the  Confederates. 

Receipts  and  Expenditures  of  the  United  States.  (See 
Expenditures  and  Receipts  of  the  United  States.) 

Recent  Unpleasantness,  The.  Same  as  Late  Unpleasant- 
ness (which  see). 

Reciprocity  is  the  granting  by  one  nation  of  certain  com- 
mercial privileges  to  another,  whereby  the  citizens  of  the 
latter  are  put  on  an  equal  basis  with  citizens  of  the  former 
in  certain  branches  of  commerce.  The  term  was  formerly 
used  chiefly  with  reference  to  shipping,  but  is  now  applied 
also  to  privileges  concerning  imports.  One  nation  agrees 
to  reduce  or  abrogate  entirely  the  duties  on  certain  mer- 
chandise imported  from  another,  in  return  for  like  con- 
cessions as  regards  itself.  It  is  customary  to  provide  that, 
should  either  of  the  parties  to  the  treaty  grant  more  favor- 
able conditions  to  a  third  nation,  such  privileges  should 
inure  also  to  the  benefit  of  the  other  party  to  the  treaty; 
such  an  agreement  is  called  the  "most  favored  nation" 
clause  of  the  treaty.  It  is  not  a  part  of  the  regular  policy 
of  the  United  States  to  engage  in  reciprocity  with  foreign 
nations,  but  the  subject  is  frequently  agitated  so  earnestly 
that  it  is  not  possible  to  predict  what  may  be  the  policy 
of  the  future.  At  present  there  are  agreements  in  force 
between  the  United  States  and  France,  Germany,  Italy, 
Portugal,  the  Azores  and  Madeira  Islands,  and  Cuba. 

Reconstruction.  The  end  of  the  Civil  War  saw  the  gov- 
ernments of  the  Southern  States  overthrown;  they  had 


338     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

been  declared  insurgent  and  they  were  now  practically  in 
the  position  of  conquered  territory.  The  problem  before 
the  country  was  how  these  States  were  now  to  be  treated. 
The  plans  to  this  end  have  by  some  writers  been  classified 
as  follows:  1.  The  theory  that  there  had  always  been  a 
large  number  of  Union  men  in  these  States  and  that  as 
soon  as  a  loyal  government  was  established  by  these,  the 
State  by  that  fact  again  became  regularly  constituted. 
2.  That  contained  in  President  Lincoln's  proclamation  of 
December  8,  1863,  agreeing  to  recognize  any  loyal  govern- 
ment set  up  by  one-tenth  of  the  number  of  voters  of  1860, 
after  they  had  taken  a.  prescribed  oath  of  allegiance,  and 
offering  amnesty  on  certain  conditions  to  all  but  a  specified 
portion  of  those  in  rebellion.  3.  Sumner's  theory  that  by 
secession  a  State  renounces  its  right  as  a  State,  that  thus 
slavery  (an  institution  resting  merely  on  State  authority) 
was  abolished,  and  that  Congress  should  take  measures  to 
establish  this  fact,  to  protect  all  the  inhabitants  of  the 
State  and  set  up  a  Eepublican  form  of  government  therein. 

4.  Thaddeus  Stevens'  theory  that  insuperable  resistance 
to  the  Constitution  suspended  its  operations  and  that  the 
National  government  must  decide  when  it  is  to  be  resumed. 

5.  The  Davis-Wade  plan,   introduced  by  Henry  Winter 
Davis  and  Benjamin  F.  Wade,  from  the  committee  on  re- 
bellious States,  providing  for  the  appointment  of  provi- 
sional governors,  the  enrolment  of  citizens  willing  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  the  adoption  and  approval  of  a 
Constitution,  and  the  admission  of  the  State.    6.  The  Con- 
gressional plan,  the  one  actually  carried  out.     The  Legis- 
latures reconstructed  under  the  proclamation  of  December 
8,    1863,   had   adopted   measures   strongly   discriminating 
against  the  negroes,  and  this  had  consolidated  Kcpublican 
opinion  at  the  North  against  the  President's  policy,  which 
feeling  was  reflected  in  the  Congress  that  assembled  in 
December,  1865.    Lincoln  had  meanwhile  been  assassinated 
and  Johnson  had  succeeded  him.    It  was  first  enacted  that 
no  State  should  be  represented  in  either  House  until  Con- 
gress had  declared  that  State  entitled  to  representation. 
And  here  the  President  and  Congress  began  to  diverge. 
Congress    then   passed   a   bill   proposing   the   Fourteenth 
Amendment  and  declaring  any  State  ratifying  it  to  be 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     339 

entitled  to  representation.  The  Civil  Rights  Bill  and  a  bill 
enlarging  the  power  of  the  freedmen's  bureau  followed, 
passed  over  the  President's  veto.  The  first  of  the  Confed- 
erate States  to  be  readmitted  to  representation  was  Ten- 
nessee, on  July  24,  1866.  According  to  Congress  the  rebel- 
lious States  had,  by  their  secession,  suspended  their  State 
governments;  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  how- 
ever, remaining  operative  as  regards  these  States  which, 
be  it  remembered,  were  not  regarded  as  destroyed,  but  as 
capable  of  restoration  to  their  "former  political  relations  in 
the  Union  by  consent  of  the  law-making  power  of  the 
United  States."  It  was  about  this  time  that  those  Republi- 
cans in  sympathy  with  the  President  held  the  "arm-in- 
arm" convention,  but  the  bulk  of  the  party  considered  ad- 
herence to  Johnson's  policy  as  treason  to  the  party.  More- 
over, the  President,  on  a  Western  trip  taken  about  this 
time,  delivered  many  indiscreet  speeches,  and  thus  widened 
the  gap  between  himself  and  Congress.  The  latter  now 
passed  a  series  of  laws,  many  of  them  over  the  President's 
veto,  and  all  intended  to  limit  his  opportunities  of  opposi- 
tion to  its  plans.  Among  these  were  the  Tenure  of  Office 
Act,  and  acts  establishing  universal  suffrage  in  the  Terri- 
tories, admitting  Nebraska  as  a  State  and  making  General 
Grant  irremovable  as  head  of  the  army.  The  Fourteenth 
Amendment  had  been  adopted  by  but  one  Southern  State, 
Tennessee,  and  so  Congress  was  obliged  to  take  further 
steps  looking  to  reconstruction.  For  this  purpose  the  South 
was  divided  into  five  military  districts;  military  governors 
were  appointed  with  power  to  protect  life  and  property, 
either  by  military  commissions  or  by  the  local  courts ;  these 
governors  were  also  to  supervise  the  election  of  delegates 
to  a  constitutional  convention,  to  which  all  but  certain  dis- 
qualified classes  were  eligible,  and  for  delegates  to  which 
only  those  eligible  were  allowed  to  vote.  These  constitu- 
tions were  to  be  ratified  by  a  popular  vote  and  then  to  be 
passed  on  to  Congress,  after  which  the  new  Legislature 
was  to  ratify  the  Fourteenth  Amendment,  and  when  that 
had  become  part  of  the  Constitution  the  State's  represent- 
atives were  to  be  admitted  to  Congress.  This  bill  was 
passed  over  the  President's  veto  March  2,  1867.  The  mili- 
tary governors  were  appointed  and  reconstruction  pro- 


A  DICTIONAKt  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


ceeded.  The  constitutions  thus  adopted  abolished  slavery, 
repudiated  the  debts  incurred  during  the  Civil  War,  re- 
nounced the  right  of  secession  and  agreed  to  pass  no  laws 
abridging  the  liberty  of  any  class  of  citizens.  Legislatures 
and  governors  were  elected  under  them,  and  on  June  22, 
1865,  Arkansas  was  readmitted  to  the  Union;  by  act  of 
June  25,  1868,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia, 
Florida,  Alabama  and  Louisiana  were  added  to  the  list. 
Virginia,  Mississippi  and  Texas  were  not  readmitted  till 
the  acts  of  January  26,  February  23  and  March  30,  1870, 
respectively;  Georgia  was  considered  by  Congress  to  have 
failed  in  complying  with  its  reconstruction  policy,  and 
her  readmission  was  not  complete  till  made  so  by  act  of 
July  15,  1870;  as  punishment  for  their  delay,  these  last 
four  States  were  obliged  to  ratify  the  Fifteenth  Amend- 
ment as  a  condition  precedent  to  admission.  The  Four- 
teenth Amendment  had  been  declared  adopted  July  11, 
1868.  Thus  the  Union  was  once  more  complete.  The  ac- 
tion of  Congress  was  declared  constitutional  by  the  Supreme 
Court  of  the  United  States  in  the  case  of  Texas  v.  White. 

Refunding  of  United  States  Debt.  At  its  highest  point 
(1865)  the  debt  of  the  United  States  exceeded  $2,800,- 
000,000.  This  was  composed  of  a  great  variety  of  different 
obligations,  some  bearing  as  high  as  seven  and  three-tenths 
per  cent,  interest.  Of  this  debt,  $830,000,000,  bearing  in- 
terest at  seven  and  three-tenths  per  cent.,  matured  in  1867 
and  1868,  and  about  $300,000,000  other  debt  matured  in 
the  same  period.  To  meet  this  there  were  issued  in  1865 
$332,998,950,  fifteen  years,  six  per  cent,  bonds;  in  1867 
$379,616,050,  fifteen  years,  six  per  cent,  bonds;  in  1868 
$42,539,350,  fifteen  years,  six  per  cent,  bonds;  in  1867  and 
1868  $85,150,000  demands,  three  per  cent,  certificates. 
The  refunding  act  of  1870  authorized  the  issue  of  not  more 
than  $200,000,000,  ten  years,  five  per  cent,  bonds;  of  not 
more  than  $300,000,OOOJ  fifteen  years,  four  and  a  half  per 
cent,  bonds;  of  not  more  than  $1,000,000,000,  thirty  years, 
four  per  cent,  bonds.  In  1871  this  was  amended,  increas- 
ing the  amount  of  five  per  cent,  bonds  to  $500,000,000, 
the  total  issue,  however,  not  to  be  increased  thereby.  Under 
this  act  there  were  issued  a  total  of  $412,806,450  of  five 
per  cent,  bonds,  and  after  1876  $250,000,000  four  and  a 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     341 

half  per  cent,  bonds.  In  1879  a  bill  was  passed  authorizing 
the  issue  of  $10  certificates,  bearing  four  per  cent,  interest 
and  exchangeable  into  the  four  per  cent,  bonds  of  the  acts 
of  1870  and  1871.  These  certificates  were  issued  as  a  part 
of  the  refunding  scheme,  and  were  intended  to  supply  a 
safe  means  of  investment  for  people  of  small  means,  an 
object  that  was  defeated  by  the  premium  at  which  the  four 
per  cent,  bonds  were  selling,  which  acted  as  an  inducement 
to  buy  up  these  certificates  and  to  exchange  them  for  the 
bonds.  On~December  1,  1891,  there  were  but  $88,720,000 
outstanding  (see  Debt  Statement,  December  1,  1891,  under 
Debt  of  United  States.)  In  1879  over  $741,000,000  four 
per  cent,  bonds  were  issued  under  the  acts  of  1870  and 
1871.  The  net  result  of  all  these  changes  was  that  the 
national  debt,  considerably  more  than  one-half  of  which 
was  in  1865  outstanding  at  six  per  cent,  and  over,  was  in 
1879  costing  but  four  and  four  and  a  half  per  cent,  for 
more  than  one-half  of  its  then  principal.  In  1881  over 
$670,000,000  of  the  public  debt  running  at  five  and  six  per 
cent,  matured.  Congress  failed  to  provide  the  means  for 
meeting  it,  and  there  was  at  the  disposal  of  the  Secretary 
for  this  purpose  only  the  surplus  revenue  and  somewhat 
over  $100,000,000  of  four  per  cent,  bonds  under  the  acts 
of  1870  and  1871.  Under  these  circumstances  the  Secre- 
tary (Windom),  forced  to  act  on  his  own  responsibility, 
made  a  general  offer  to  the  holders  of  these  bonds  to  extend 
the  bonds  of  such  as  might  desire  it  at  three  and  a  half 
per  cent.,  redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government. 
This  measure  was  a  complete  success,  over  $460,000,000 
bonds  being  extended  at  three  and  a  half  per  cent.  The 
next  Congress  (in  1882)  authorized  three  per  cent,  bonds, 
redeemable  at  the  pleasure  of  the  government,  to  be  issued 
instead  of  the  bonds  extended  at  three  and  a  half  per 
cent.,  and  more  than  $300,000,000  were  so  issued.  Mean- 
while the  reduction  of  the  debt  proceeded  so  rapidly  that 
the  last  of  the  three  and  a  half  per  cents,  were  called 
for  payment  November  1,  1883,  and  the  last  of  the  three 
per  cents.  July  1,  1887,  leaving  outstanding  only  the  four 
and  a  half  and  four  per  cent,  bonds.  The  rapid  extinction 
of  our  national  debt,  and  the  equally  rapid  decline  in  the 
interest  rates  on  the  same,  is  unparalleled.  For  further 


342     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

and  more  detailed  information  regarding  the  debt  and  its 
extinction  see  Debt  of  United  States  and  Surplus. 

Registration  is  a  precaution  taken  in  certain  States  to 
prevent  frauds  at  elections.  It  consists  of  the  preparation 
of  lists  of  the  voters  of  every  precinct,  each  voter  being 
required  to  present  himself  before  the  day  of  election  to 
have  his  name  recorded  and  to  answer  any  questions  as 
to  his  qualifications.  By  affording  opportunity  for  scrutiny 
and  comparison  of  lists  much  imposition  is  avoided. 
Seventeen  States  have  registration  laws;  eight  States 
require  registration  in  cities  or  towns  containing 
more  than  a  certain  specified  population;  in  one 
(Georgia)  local  law  exacts  it  in  some  counties.  In  Illinois 
registration  is  required,  but  (except  in  a  few  cities)  a 
vote  will  be  granted,  even  in  its  absence,  on  the  filing  of 
proper  affidavits.  Rhode  Island  requires  it  of  all  not  own- 
ing real  estate,  and  Minnesota  of  all  not  known  to  all  the 
election  judges.  Eight  States  do  not  require  it;  in  three 
of  these  (Arkansas,  Texas  and  West  Virginia)  it  is  con- 
stitutionally prohibited. 

Reid,  Whitelaw.  Editor-in-chief  of  the  New  York  Tri- 
bune, 1872;  minister  to  France,  1889-92;  unsuccessful  can- 
didate for  the  Vice-Presidency,  1892;  special  ambassador 
to  England,  1897;  member  of  the  Spanish  Peace  Commis- 
sion, 1898.  Born  in  Ohio,  October  27,  1837. 

Remember  the  Alamo.  The  war-cry  of  the  Texan  sol- 
diers at  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto,  during  the  Mexican 
"War.  (See  Alamo,  Tlie;  also  the  Thermopylae  of  Texas.) 

Remember  the  Maine.  An  expression  used  by  the  people 
of  the  United  States  generally  in  1898,  conveying  a  desire 
for  retaliation  against  the  Spanish  government  because  of 
the  destruction  of  the  U.  S.  S.  Maine.  (See  Spanish- 
American  War.) 

Remember  the  River  Raisin.  An  expression  used  during 
the  political  campaign  of  1840  by  the  enemies  of  Harrison, 
who  thus  referred  to  the  abortive  attempts  of  Generals 
Wadsworth,  Perkins,  Beall,  Harrison  and  others  to  succor 
the  settlers  on  or  near  the  river  Raisin  in  the  year  1812. 

Remonetization.     (See  Coinage.) 

Removal  of  Government  Deposits  from  the  United  States 
Bank,  President  Jackson  in  his  message  to  Congress  in 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     343 

1832  recommended  an  investigation  into  the  affairs  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  with  a  view  to  determining 
whether  the  government  deposits  could  safely  be  left  there. 
In  March,  1833,  the  House  passed  a  resolution  that  the 
deposits  could  with  safety  remain  in  the  bank.  The  Presi- 
dent, who  was  opposed  to  the  bank,  resolved,  neverthless, 
to  remove  them.  The  law  creating  the  bank  had  provided 
that  government  funds  were  to  be  left  in  it,  unless  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury  should  otherwise  direct,  in 
which  case  the  latter  was  to  lay  before  Congress  the  rea- 
sons for  the  removal.  In  January,  1833,  William  J.  Duane 
was  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  was  found 
opposed  to  the  removal,  especially  to  the  removal  before 
the  meeting  of  Congress,  and  Jackson  tried  in  vain  to 
change  his  determination.  In  September  Duane  asked  the 
President  to  make  a  written  request  for  his  (Duane's) 
resignation,  which  the  former  did  on  the  23d.  On  the 
same  day  Roger  B.  Taney,  the  Attorney-General,  was  ap- 
pointed Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  He  at  once  issued 
orders  directing  collectors  to  deposit  funds  collected  in 
certain  specified  State  banks,  while  the  funds  in  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States  were  withdrawn  as  needed.  There  was 
no  actual  transfer  from  the  latter  to  the  State  banks.  The 
only  result  of  a  long  debate  in  Congress  was  a  resolution 
of  censure  by  the  Senate.  Taney's  nomination  was  not  sent 
to  the  Senate  until  June  23,  1834,  and  it  was  rejected  by 
that  body. 

Removals  from  Office.    (See  Term  and  Tenure  of  Office.) 
Repeating  is  a  form  of  election  fraud  accomplished  by 

causing  the  same  men  to  vote  at  different  polls.    Men  that 

make  a  practice  of  this  are  called  repeaters. 

Republican  League  of  the  United  States  is  an  associa- 
tion of  the  various  Republican  clubs  of  the  country.  In 
response  to  a  call  issued  by  the  Republican  Club  of  New 
York,  delegates  met  in  that  city  in  December,  1887,  and 
organized  with  Senator  William  M.  Evarts  as  chairman. 
James  P.  Foster,  president  of  the  New  York  Republican 
Club,  was  elected  president  of  the  League.  Its  objects  are 
to  consolidate  the  Republican  party  and  to  secure  united 
and  harmonious  action,  especially  in  the  campaign  of  1888. 


344     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


Republican  Party.  This  was  the  original  name  of  the 
Democratic  party,  for  an  account  of  which  see  Democratic- 
Republican  Party.  It  is  also  the  name  of  the  principal 
opponent  of  that  party  from  1854  to  the  present  time. 
The  dissolution  of  the  Whig  party  in  1852  left  a  number 
of  factions  agreeing  in  nothing  but  in  their  opposition 
to  the  Democratic  party,  and  having  none  of  the  elements 
necessary  to  the  formation  of  a  united  party.  But  from 
these  there  sprang  the  most  powerful  party  the  Democratic 
party  has  yet  had  to  encounter — a  consistent  advocate  of 
broad  construction  and  internal  improvements,  more  popu- 
lar than  the  Federal  party  and  more  homogeneous  and 
courageous  than  the  Whigs.  The  name  was  adopted  partly 
because  its  associations  were  thought  well  suited  to  draw 
together  many  of  the  discordant  elements.  It  was  sug- 
gested at  a  meeting  of  a  number  of  members  of  Congress, 
and  was  first  formally  adopted  at  a  Michigan  convention 
in  July,  1854.  The  old  Whigs,  the  Free-Soilers,  many 
Know-Nothings  and  some  few  Democrats  were  the  elements 
that  went  to  make  up  the  party;  the  Abolitionists  were  a 
species  of  allies.  Its  success  in  the  States  was  at  first 
marked,  eleven  Senators  and  a  plurality  of  the  House  be- 
longing to  the  party.  In  1856  a  national  convention  was 
called  and  Fremont  was  nominated.  The  platform  declared 
against  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise  and  the 
extension  of  slavery,  and  in  favor  of  the  Pacific  Railroads, 
of  the  admission  of  Kansas  as  a  free  State,  and  of  the 
improvement  of  "rivers  and  harbors  of  national  char- 
acter." Fremont  was  defeated  by  a  small  majority.  Be- 
tween 1856  and  1860  the  party  gained  largely  in  compact- 
ness, the  uncompromising  attitude  of  the  slave  power  unit- 
ing Northerners  more  closely,  and  drawing  away  from  the 
party  those  not  in  sympathy  with  it.  The  platform  of 
1860  was,  with  slight  exceptions,  the  same  as  in  1856, 
except  that  a  protective  tariff  was  demanded,  and  that 
threats  of  secession  were  condemned.  In  the  convention 
but  few  of  the  Southern  States  were  represented.  Abraham 
Lincoln  was  nominated  and  elected.  His  election  was  by 
the  Southern  States  declared  to  be  sufficient  cause  for  their 
secession,  and  thus  was  the  country  plunged  into  civil  war. 
During  the  war  the  history  of  the  government  is  the  history 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     345 

of  the  party.  The  war  policy  of  the  President  was  sup- 
ported by  the  party,  as  were  also  the  measures  intended  to 
cripple  slavery.  In  1864  Lincoln  was  renominated  and 
re-elected  by  a  large  majority.  His  assassination  followed 
hard  upon  his  inauguration,  and  the  Vice-President,  John- 
son, became  President.  Between  him  and  Congress  there 
sprang  up,  almost  at  once,  a  conflict  on  the  subject  of  the 
reconstruction  of  the  seceded  States,  Congress  demanding 
"substantial  guarantees"  of  the  preservation  of  the  rights 
of  the  negroes  as  a  condition  precedent  to  admission;  his 
impeachment  and  acquittal  followed.  The  measures  of 
Congress  on  the  subject  of  reconstruction  were  approved 
by  the  party.  That  the  party  was  carried  somewhat  too 
far  on  this  subject,  was  shown  by  the  declaration  of  the 
unconstitutionality  of  parts  of  the  Civil  Rights  Bill  by  a 
Supreme  Court,  the  members  of  which  were  appointed  by 
Republican  Presidents.  In  1868  Grant  was  nominated  and 
elected.  The  party  placed  itself  on  record  as  opposed  to 
the  intimidation  of  negro  voters  by  Southern  whites,  and 
the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  Constitution  is  due  to  its 
efforts,  as  were  also  the  Thirteenth  and  Fourteenth.  In 
1872  Grant  was  renominated,  but  a  portion  of  the  party, 
disapproving  of  its  coercive  measures  toward  the  South, 
held  a  separate  convention  under  the  name  of  Liberal  Re- 
publican party.  Grant  was,  nevertheless,  elected,  but  his 
second  term  was  marred  by  scandals  arising  from  the  cor- 
ruption of  subordinates  selected  by  him.  The  State  elec- 
tions just  previous  to  1876  had  been  unfavorable  to  the 
party,  and  the  Democrats,  with  Tilclen  as  their  candidate, 
waged  a  vigorous  campaign  against  Hayes,  the  Republican 
nominee.  The  result  was  long  in  doubt  and  was  settled 
only  by  the  Electoral  Commission.  Hayes  was  declared 
elected.  During  his  administration  specie  payments  were 
resumed.  In  the  convention  of  1880  a  determined  stand 
was  made  by  Grant's  friends  to  secure  his  nomination  on 
the  ground  that,  having  been  out  of  office  for  one  term, 
his  renomination  could  not  be  considered  as  for  a  "third 
term";  but  although  his  supporters  clung  to  him  through- 
out, Garfield  was  nominated  and  elected.  The  assassination 
of  Garfield  soon  after  his  election  brought  Vice-President 
Arthur  to  the  Presidency.  In  1884  Blaine  was  chosen  to 


> 


346     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

represent  the  party.  He  was  personally  obnoxious  to  a 
considerable  number  of  Republicans,  thereafter  called  Mug- 
wumps, and  in  New  York,  always  a  doubtful,  and  in  this 
case  the  deciding,  State,  the  defection  was  sufficient  to  give 
the  electoral  vote  of  the  State  to  the  Democratic  candidate, 
Cleveland,  by  the  small  plurality  of  1,047,  in  a  total  vote  of 
over  1,100,000.  Thus,  after  an  uninterrupted  sway  of 
twenty-four  years  the  party's  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
was  defeated.  The  principles  of  the  party,  as  stated  in  the 
Party  Platforms,  are  given  in  the  Appendix. 

Resignation  is  the  relinquishment  of  an  office  or 
position  of  honor  or  trust  by  a  formal  act  directed  to  the 
power  that  bestowed  it,  or  the  legal  agent  of  such  power. 
The  office  of  President  or  Vice-President  can,  by  law,  only 
be  resigned  by  a  written  and  subscribed  instrument  lodged 
in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State.  The  resignation  of 
a  Senator  or  Representative  is  addressed  to  the  Governor 
of  his  State.  A  Cabinet  officer  directs  his  resignation  to 
the  President,  and  it  is  customary  for  the  members  of  a 
Cabinet  to  hand  their  resignations  to  a  new  President, 
if  these  have  not  already  been  addressed  to  the  outgoing 
President  to  take  effect  at  the  expiration  of  his  term.  It 
is  not  unusual  for  the  President  to  call  for  the  resignation 
of  one  or  more  of  the  Cabinet.  As  to  the  person  succeed- 
ing to  the  office  of  President  or  Vice-President  when  such 
officer  resigns,  see  Presidential  Succession.  When  a  Sen- 
ator resigns  the  Governor  of  his  State  makes  a  temporary 
appointment  till  the  next  meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which 
elects  a  successor.  In  case  a  Representative  resigns,  the 
Governor  issues  a  writ  for  the  election  of  his  successor. 
The  place  of  a  Cabinet  officer  is  supplied  by  the  process  of 
nomination  by  the  President  and  confirmation  by  the  Sen- 
ate, the  next  highest  officer  in  the  department  performing 
his  duties  temporarily.  If  a  Governor  resigns,  his  place  is 
commonly  supplied  by  the  Lieutenant-Governor,  President 
of  the  Senate  and  Speaker  of  the  House,  in  the  order 
named.  Other  State  offices  are  usually  filled  by  temporary 
appointments  made  by  the  Governor  till  a  succassor  is  duly 
elected  as  prescribed  by  law.  A  vacancy  in  an  appointive 
office  is  filled,  of  course,  merely  by  a  new  appointment. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     347 

Resolutions  of  '98.  (See  Kentucky  Resolutions  of  1798 ; 
Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798.) 

Resumption  of  Specie  Payments.  (See  Commercial 
Crises;  Resumption  Act.) 

Resumption  Act.  By  this  name  is  known  the  Act  of 
January  14,  1875,  which  directed  the  resumption  of  specie 
payments  on  January  1,  1879.  The  bill  was  introduced  in 
the  Senate  and  favorably  reported  by  the  chairman  of  the 
Finance  Committee,  Senator  Sherman,  to  whom  subse- 
quently, as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Hayes,  fell 
the  duty  of  carrying  its  provisions  into  effect.  (See  Com- 
mercial Crises.) 

Retaliation  Act.    (See  Fishery  Treaties.) 

Retired  List.  (See  Army  of  the  United  States,  Navy  of 
the  United  States.) 

Returning  Boards  are  certain  boards  established  for  the 
purpose  of  canvassing  the  votes  given  in  an  election.  They 
were  established  in  some  of  the  reconstructed  States  at  the 
South,  after  the  Civil  War,  for  the  purpose  of  equalizing 
any  fraud  or  violence  that  might  be  practised  on  the  negroes 
at  the  polls,  the  first  one  being  established  in  Arkansas  by 
its  Constitution  of  1868.  Under  this  constitution  the  board 
had  power  to  correct  or  to  reject  any  returns,  and  even  to 
set  aside  the  election  and  order  a  new  one — in  short,  judi- 
cial powers.  The  Constitution  of  1874  gave  to  it  the  power 
merely  to  canvass  the  votes.  Florida,  South  Carolina  and 
Louisiana  had  returning  boards  possessing  judicial  powers. 
While  in  the  case  of  State  elections  the  powers  given  to 
returning  boards  would  necessarily  require  the  sanction 
of  the  State  constitution,  the  case  is  different  in  elections 
for  Presidential  electors,  because  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  prescribes  that  these  shall  be  appointed  in 
such  manner  as  the  Legislature  of  the  State  may  direct, 
thus  placing  the  power  to  regulate  this  matter  entirely  into 
the  hands  of  the  Legislature  regardless  of  any  provisions 
of  the  State  constitution.  This  subject  is  of  interest  chiefly 
in  relation  to  the  Presidential  election  of  1876,  in  which 
the  result  hinged  upon  the  action  of  those  boards.  The 
laws  of  Florida  constituted  the  Secretary  of  State,  the  At- 
torney-General and  the  Comptroller,  or  any  two  of  them 
with  any  other  member  of  the  State  cabinet  selected  by 


348     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

them,  as  the  returning  board.  In  1876  the  State  Circuit 
Court  for  Leon  County  ordered  an  immediate  canvass  by 
the  board.  From  Baker  County  there  were  two  returns. 
Disregarding  the  vote  from  this  county,  the  popular  vote 
was  about  a  tie.  The  return  from  this  county  giving  a 
Republican  majority  of  41  votes  was  thrown  out,  as  was 
also  the  return  from  Clay  County  (giving  a  Democratic 
majority  of  164),  and  a  Democratic  Governor  and  Repub- 
lican Presidential  electors  were  declared  elected.  On  this 
return,  the  Governor  gave  his  certificate  to  the  Republican 
electors,  and  these  met  and  voted.  The  Democratic  electors 
had  met  and  voted  on  a  certificate  of  one  member  of  the 
board.  The  court  refused  to  receive  the  report  of  the 
returning  board,  and  on  January  1,  1877,  a  new  return 
was  made  declaring  the  Democratic  electors  and  State 
officers  elected.  A  recanvass  by  the  new  State  officers,  as 
ordered  by  the  new  Legislature,  also  resulted  in  favor  of 
the  Democratic  electors,  but  the  Electoral  Commission  ac- 
cepted the  Republican  returns  as  the  only  one  regular  in 
form.  The  rulings  of  the  courts  have  since  practically 
deprived  the  board  of  its  judicial  functions.  In  Louisiana 
the  board  consisted  of  "five  persons,  to  be  elected  by  the 
Senate  from  all  political  parties."  In  1876  the  Democratic 
member  at  once  resigned,  and  his  place  was  not  filled.  The 
board  decided  contests  in  secret,  and  refused  to  allow 
United  States  supervisors  to  be  present.  About  1,200  bal- 
lots, bearing  the  names  of  only  three  Republican  electors, 
were  counted  as  cast  for  all  of  the  eight  electors.  In  all 
about  13,000  Democratic  and  2,000  Republican  votes  were 
rejected.  The  board  declared  the  election  of  the  Repub- 
lican Presidential  electors,  of  the  Republican  State  ticket, 
of  four  Republican  and  two  Democratic  Congressmen,  and 
gave  the  Republicans  a  majority  of  two  in  the  State  Senate 
and  of  twenty-five  in  the  lower  House.  Subsequent  legis- 
lation has  deprived  the  board  of  its  judicial  functions. 
In  South  Carolina  the  board  consisted  of  the  Secretary 
of  State,  the  Treasurer,  the  Comptroller,  the  Attorney-Gen- 
eral and  the  Adjutant-General.  On  November  22/  1876, 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  State  ordered  the  board  not  to 
exercise  judicial  functions  in  counting  the  votes  of  the 
Presidential  electors.  The  board,  notwithstanding,  de- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     349 

clared  the  Republican  electors  chosen.  The  members  were 
arrested  for  contempt,  but  they  were  released  by  the 
Federal  Circuit  Court  on  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus.  The 
judicial  functions  of  the  board  have  been  withdrawn  by 
subsequent  legislation.  (See  Electoral  Commission.) 

Returns,  Can't  Go  Behind  the.  This  is  the  popular 
phrase  to  express  the  principle  adopted  by  the  Electoral 
Commission  of  not  examining  into  the  votes  as  actually 
cast,  but  of  taking  the  result  declared  by  the  returning 
boards  through  the  proper  channels. 

Revenue  of  the  United  States.  (See  Expenditures  and 
Receipts  of  the  United  States.) 

Rhode  Island  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the 
Union.  It  has  two  capitals,  Providence  and  Newport.  Its 
popular  name  is  Little  Rhody,  or  Rhoda.  (See  Dorr  Re- 
bellion.) 

Rich  Man's  Dollar.  The  gold  dollar  is  so  called  by  those 
favoring  the  compulsory  coinage  of  standard  silver  dollars. 
(See  Silver  Question.) 

Riders  are  provisions  added  to  a  bill  under  consideration 
in  a  legislative  assembly, having  no  connection  whatever  with 
the  subject  matter  of  the  bill  itself.  They  are  usually  provi- 
sions that  would  have  no  chance  of  passing  on  their  merits 
and  they  are  merged  with  important  bills  by  a  minority, 
which  makes  the  passage  of  the  bill  as  thus  amended  the 
condition  of  its  passage  in  any  shape,  or  else  they  are  thus 
added  for  the  purpose  of  dodging  the  veto  of  the  executive 
which  they  know  would  meet  the  measure  if  separately 
passed,  and  which  they  believe  will  not  be  exerted  upon 
an  otherwise  good  and  important  bill.  The  bills  saddled 
with  riders  are  usually  appropriation  bills.  As  their  effect 
is  practically  to  limit  the  veto  power  of  the  executive,  they 
are  now  by  law  forbidden  in  many  States,  and  the  rules 
both  of  the  House  and  Senate  in  some  measure  limit  their 
application.  In  order  entirely  to  prevent  this  mischief 
it  has  been  suggested  that  the  Constitution  be  amended  so 
as  to  enable  the  President  to  veto  single  items  in  an  appro- 
priation bill. 

Right  of  Search.  The  right  is  undisputed  in  interna- 
tional law  for  the  war  vessel  of  a  belligerent  to  visit  private 
fessels  on  the  high  seas  and  to  examine  their  papers  and 


350     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

cargoes,  to  determine  their  destination  and  character.  The 
right  which  England  claims  of  searching  neutral  vessels 
for  subjects  and  deserters,  however,  is  a  different  matter, 
and  was  one  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  War  of  1812  (which 
see.) 

Rights  of  Neutrals.     (See  Neutrality.) 

Ring.  A  corrupt  arrangement  that  "encircles  enough 
influential  men  in  the  organization  of  each  party  to  control 
the  action  of  both  party  machines ;  men  who  in  public  push 
to  extremes  the  abstract  ideas  of  their  respective  parties, 
while  they  secretly  join  their  hands  in  schemes  for  per- 
sonal power  and  profit."  This  definition  is  from  a  pam- 
phlet by  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 

River  and  Harbor  Bills.  The  first  bill  for  harbor  im- 
provements at  national  expense  was  passed  March  3,  1823. 
Various  such  bills  were  subsequently  passed.  President 
Polk,  in  1846,  and  President  Pierce,  in  1854,  defeated 
bills  for  that  purpose  by  the  exercise  of  the  veto,  and  there- 
after no  attempt  to  pass  such  measures  was  made  until 
1870.  Meanwhile  most  appropriations  for  necessary  work 
had  been  made  under  different  heads,  such  as  fortifica- 
tions. In  1870  $2,000,000  was  directly  appropriated  for 
-the  purpose.  Between  1870  and  1875  the  amounts  did 
not  exceed  $7,500,000;  the  appropriations  since  then  are 
given  under  Appropriations.  It  has  grown  to  be  a  practice 
to  pass  these  bills  by  log-rolling  (which  see),  and  the 
amounts  have  thus  been  largely  increased.  In  1882  the  ap- 
propriations for  this  purpose  amounted  to  nearly  $19,- 
000,000.  The  bill  was  promptly  vetoed  by  President  Arthur 
and  just  as  promptly  passed  over  the  veto  by  Congress. 

Rock  of  Chickamauga.  A  name  applied  to  General 
George  H.  Thomas  by  reason  of  the  firm  stand  made  by 
him  at  Chickamauga  during  the  Civil  War,  September, 
1863.  Thomas  was  born  in  Virginia  in  1816;  he  died 
March  28,  1870. 

Rodney,  Caesar.  A  signer  of  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence; delegate  to  Congress  from  Delaware,  1776;  an 
officer  during  the  War  of  the  Eevolution;  president  of 
Delaware,  1778-82.  Born  at  Dover,  Delaware,  October  7, 
1728;  died  at  Dover,  Delaware,  June  29,  1784. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     351 

Rogue's  Island.  A  nickname  applied  to  Rhode  Island 
when  that  State  stood  out  and  refused  to  ratify  the  Con- 
stitution. 

Roorbach  is  defined  by  Webster  as  follows :  "A  forgery  or 
fictitious  story  published  for  purposes  of  political  intrigue. 
The  word  originated  in  1844,  when  such  a  forgery  was 
published,  purporting  to  be  an  extract  from  the  /Travels 
of  Baron  Roorbach/  " 

Roosevelt,  Theodore.  New  York  State  Assemblyman, 
1882-84;  unsuccessful  candidate  for  mayor  of  New  York 
City,  1886;  United  States  Civil  Service  Commissioner, 
1889-95;  president  New  York  Board  of  Police  Commis- 
sioners, 1895-97;  Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  1897- 
98;  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  Rough  Riders  in  the  Span- 
ish-American War  at  Las  Guasimas  (June  24),  and  San 
Juan  (July  1) ;  appointed  colonel,  July  8,  1898;  Governor 
of  New  York,  1898;  President  of  the  United  States,  1901- 
09.  Born  at  New  York  City,  October  27,  1858.  (See 
Rough  Riders.) 

Rooster,  Democratic.    (See  Democratic  Rooster.) 

Rotation  in  Office.     (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 

Rough  Riders.  A  name  given  to  the  First  U.  S.  Vol- 
unteer Cavalry,  a  regiment  organized  by  Leonard  Wood  and 
Theodore  Roosevelt,  colonel  and  lieutenant-colonel,  re- 
spectively, until  July  8,  1898,  when  Theodore  Roosevelt 
was  appointed  colonel. 

Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion.  During  the  Presiden- 
tial campaign  of  1884,  James  G.  Blaine,  the  Republican 
candidate,  received  a  delegation  of  ministers  favoring  his 
election  at  the  Fifth  Avenue  Hotel,  in  New  York  City. 
The  spokesman,  the  Rev.  Dr.  Burchard,  in  the  course  of 
his  address  to  Blaine,  referred  to  the  Democratic  party  as 
the  party  of  "Rum,  Romanism  and  Rebellion."  This 
phrase  was  at  once  seized  upon  by  the  newspapers  opposed 
to  Blaine  and  telegraphed  all  over  the  country;  and  the 
fact  was  dwelt  on  that  the  slighting  allusion  to  Catholics 
had  not  been  rebuked  by  Blaine.  It  is  impossible  to  esti- 
mate how  many  Catholic  votes  were  turned  from  Blaine 
for  that  reason;  Cleveland's  popular  majority  over  Blaine 
in  New  York  was  but  1,047,  so  that  524  votes  lost  to  Cleve- 
land would  have  turned  the  State  in  Elaine's  favor,  and 


352     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

with  New  York  he  would  have  gained  the  Presidency. 
Whether  the  injudicious  utterance  above  quoted  lost  the 
election  for  Elaine  cannot  be  said. 

Sage  of  Greystone.  A  popular  name  of  Samuel  J.  Tilden. 
Tilden's  residence  on  the  Hudson  River  was  called  Grey- 
stone. 

Sage  of  Monticello.  A  popular  name  of  Thomas  Jeffer- 
son. On  the  termination  of  his  second  term  as  President 
he  retired  to  Monticello,  Virginia,  where  the  remainder  of 
his  life  was  passed. 

St.  John,  John  P.  Governor  of  Kansas,  1879-83;  un- 
successful candidate  for  President  on  the  Prohibition  ticket, 
1884.  Born  in  Indiana,  February  25,  1833. 

Salary  Grab.  On  March  3,  1873,  in  the  rush  that  al- 
ways attends  the  closing  hours  of  the  national  Legislature, 
the  Forty-second  Congress  signalized  the  last  day  of  its 
existence  by  passing  the  act  commonly  called  the  "Salary 
Grab."  It  passed  the  House  and  the  Senate  and  received 
President  Grant's  signature  on  this  same  day.  It  pro- 
vided for  an  increase  of  the  President's  salary  from 
$25,000  to  $50,000  a  year,  of  the  salaries  of  the  Vice-Pres- 
ident,  Justices  of  the  Supreme  Court,  Cabinet  officers,  the 
Speaker  of  the  House,  Senators,  Representatives,  Terri- 
torial delegates  and  various  other  Federal  officials.  The 
act  was  to  take  effect  immediately,  except  as  to  members  of 
Congress,  whose  salary  was  raised  from  $5,000  to  $7,500 
a  year.  As  to  these  it  was  made  retroactive  to  the  begin- 
ning of  the  term  of  the  Forty-second  Congress.  It  was 
this  provision  of  the  bill  which  gave  it  the  name  of  a 
"grab."  Most  of  those  that  voted  against  it  and  some  that 
voted  for  it,  covered  their  past  increase  of  salary  into  the 
Treasury.  It  was  not  a  party  measure,  and  one  of  the 
first  acts  of  Congress  was  to  repeal  the  law  as  to  all  officials 
except  the  President  and  the  Justices  of  the  Supreme 
Court.  The  repealing  act  became  a  law  on  January  20, 
1874. 

Salt  River,  Gone  Up.  This  phrase  is  applied  to  poli- 
ticians who  are  forced  out  of  public  life,  or  who  retire  be- 
cause of  disappointed  ambition.  It  is  said  that  the  phrase 
arose  from  a  small  stream  of  that  name  in  Kentucky,  the 
navigation  of  which  was  very  difficult,  and  the  unpleasant- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     353 

~ess  of  a  journey  up  that  stream  was  thought  fairly  to 
represent  the  feelings  of  the  politicians  to  whom  the  phrase 
was  applied. 

San  Juan  Dispute.      (See  Northwest  Boundary.) 

Santo  Domingo,  Annexation  of.  Santo  Domingo  is  a 
republic  occupying  the  eastern  and  larger  portion  of  the 
island  of  Hayti.  It  is  also  called  San  Domingo,  or  the 
Dominican  Republic.  In  July,  1869,  President  Grant  sent 
General  Babcock  to  San  Domingo  to  report  on  the  project 
of  annexing  it  to  the  United  States.  In  consequence  of 
Babcock's  report,  a  treaty  of  annexation  was  made  on 
November  20,  1869,  which  was  approved  by  popular  vote 
in  San  Domingo.  Its  ratification  was  urged  on  the  Senate 
to  secure  the  fine  harbor  of  Samana  for  a  coaling  station 
and  commanding  rendezvous  for  our  navy,  to  prevent  the 
acquisition  of  that  bay  by  any  foreign  power,  to  free  the 
slaves  there,  and  by  example  to  influence  the  slaves  in 
Cuba  and  Brazil,  and  to  secure  a  profitable  possession  for 
the  United  States.  But  charges  were  made  that  private 
speculators  were  the  promoters  of  the  plan,  which  was 
thus  discredited.  In  May,  1870,  the  treaty  was  modified 
to  meet  some  objections,  and  Grant  sent  a  special  message 
to  Congress,  on  May  31st,  urging  ratification.  The  Sen- 
ate, however,  on  June  30th  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty. 
In  January,  1871,  Congress,  in  accordance  with  the  Presi- 
dent's message  of  December  5,  1870,  agreed  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  commission  to  visit  San  Domingo  and  report  on 
the  project.  B.  F.  Wade,  Andrew  D.  White  and  S.  G. 
Howe  were  appointed,  visited  San  Domingo,  and  made  a 
favorable  report.  The  project,  however,  had  now  become 
thoroughly  unpopular,  and  Grant  in  a  special  message  of 
April  5,  1871,  virtually  abandoned  it.  Nothing  has  since 
been  done  to  carry  out  his  ideas  of  annexation.  Senator 
Sumner  of  Massachusetts  was  a  bitter  opponent  of  the 
whole  plan,  and  chiefly  to  his  efforts  was  due  its  defeat. 

Scalawag.  A  word  signifying  a  low,  worthless  fellow. 
During  the  reconstruction  period  following  the  Civil  War, 
it  was  at  the  South  applied  to  Southerners  who  joined  the 
Republican  party  and  aided  them  in  reconstruction. 

Schurz,  Carl,  was  born  near  Cologne,  Germany,  March  2, 
1829.  He  left  Germany  by  reason  of  his  connection  with 


354     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  revolutionary  disturbances  of  1848.  He  served  in  the 
Civil  War,  attaining  the  grade  of  brigadier-general.  In 
politics  he  was  a  Republican.  He  pursued  journalism  as 
a  profession  in  St.  Louis,  Missouri.  In  1869  he  was  chosen 
United  States  Senator.  He  was  identified  with  the  Liberal 
Republican  movement  in  1872.  In  1877  he  became  Secre- 
tary of  the  Interior  under  Hayes.  In  1884  he  was  one  of 
the  leaders  of  the  revolt  against  Elaine  in  the  Republican 
party.  Died  at  New  York  City,  May  14,  1906. 

Scott  Tax  Law.     (See  Prohibition.) 

Scratching.  When  a  citizen  votes  a  ticket  containing 
the  names  of  some  of  the  candidates  of  the  party  with  which 
he  is  not  affiliated,  he  is  said  to  scratch  the  names  of  those 
of  his  own  party  that  he  omits. 

Scripomania.  A  name  applied  to  the  craze  for  specula- 
tion in  the  stock  of  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  in  1791 ; 
also  called  Scripophobia. 

Scripophobia.     (See  Scripomania.) 

Scrub  Race  for  the  Presidency.  The  Presidential  con- 
test of  1824  was  so  called.  The  candidates,  John  Quincy 
Adams,  Andrew  Jackson,  William  H.  Crawford  and  Henry 
Clay,  being  all  of  the  same  party,  the  contest  was  merely 
a  personal  one ;  the  truth  of  the  comparison  implied  in  the 
name  is  obvious. 

Search,  Right  of.     (See  Right  of  Search.) 

Seat  of  Government.  Previous  to  the  final  removal  to 
Washington  in  1800  the  seats  of  Government  were:  Phila- 
delphia, May  10,  1775;  Baltimore,  December  20,  1776; 
Philadelphia,  March  4,  1777;  Lancaster,  Pennsylvania, 
September  27,  1777;  York,  Pennsylvania,  September  30, 
1777;  Philadelphia,  July  2,  1778;  Princeton,  New  Jersey, 
June  30,  1783;  Annapolis,  Maryland,  November  26,  1783; 
Trenton,  New  Jersey,  November  1,  1784;  New  York,  Janu- 
ary 11,  1785,  where  the  Constitutional  Government  was 
organized  in  1789. 

Secession.  The  claim  of  the  right  of  a  State  to  secede 
from  the  Union  is  founded  on  the  doctrine  of  "State  sov- 
ereignty." But  the  right  of  secession  or  peaceable  with- 
drawal must  not  be  confounded  with  the  right  of  revolu- 
tion or  violent  revolt  against  unbearable  oppression;  in 
the  latter  case  there  is  no  claim  of  legal  right ;  the  appeal 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     355 

is  to  force  and  the  revolutionists  know  that  failure  means 
the  punishment  inflicted  for  treason.  This  claim  has  been 
put  forward  by  nearly  every  State  of  the  Union  in  its  turn 
and  has  on  such  occasions  usually  been  condemned  by  the 
others  as  treasonable.  It  was  either  involved  in  or  explic- 
itly put  forward  by  the  "Kentucky  Resolutions,"  the  "Hart- 
ford Convention,"  and  the  "Nullification  Ordinance."  The 
discussion  preceding  the  annexation  of  Texas  led  to  threats 
of  secession,  in  the  North  to  follow  the  annexation,  in  the 
South  to  follow  a  refusal  to  annex.  It  is  thus  seen  that 
the  doctrine  had  been  ventilated  North  and  South,  but  no 
real  attempt  to  secede  had  been  made.  There  had  been 
talk  of  co-operation  among  some  of  the  Southern  States  for 
the  purpose  of  carrying  out  a  secession  programme  (for 
no  State  would  have  attempted  it  alone),  but  all  this  came 
to  naught.  Since  about  1835,  however,  slavery  and  "State 
sovereignty"  had  been  bound  up  together  and  secession 
was  the  logical  consequence  of  the  latter.  The  feeling 
between  slave-holding  sections  and  non-slave-holding  sec- 
tions, between  North  and  South,  had  become  more  and 
more  strained,  and  the  election  in  1860  of  Lincoln  was  all 
that  was  needed  to  change  the  theory  into  an  attempt  to 
secure  the  reality.  South  Carolina  issued  a  circular  to  the 
other  Southern  States  declaring  that  she  would  secede  with 
any  other  State  or  alone,  if  any  other  would  agree  to  fol- 
low. No  State  was  prepared  to  secede  alone,  but  Florida, 
Mississippi  and  Alabama  agreed  to  secede  with  any  other 
State.  South  Carolina  led  the  way;  a  State  convention 
was  called  and  on  December  20, 1860,  the  Act  of  1788,  rati- 
fying the  United  States  Constitution,  was  repealed,  and  it 
was  declared  "that  the  union  now  subsisting  between  South 
Carolina  and  other  States,  under  the  name  of  the  United 
States  of  America,  is  hereby  dissolved;"  on  the  24th  a 
declaration  of  the  causes  of  secession  was  adopted,  and 
on  the  same  day  the  Governor  proclaimed  the  secession  of 
the  State.  Mississippi  followed  January  9,  1861;  Florida, 
January  10th;  Alabama,  January  llth;  Georgia,  January 
19th;  Louisiana,  January  26th;  Texas,  February  1st,  but 
the  proceedings  in  this  latter  State  were  very  irregular. 
Virginia  did  likewise  in  April,  Arkansas  and  North  Caro- 
lina in  May,  and  Tennessee,  making  the  eleventh  and  last 


356     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

seceding  State,  in  June.  The  Civil  War  settled  the  ques- 
tion forever. 

Secretary  of  Legation.     (See  Foreign  Service.) 

Sectional  President.  Lincoln  was  so  called  by  the 
Southerners,  who  held  that  he  represented  not  the  whole 
people,  but  only  the  northern  section  of  the  nation. 

Sedition  Laws.     (See  Alien  and  Sedition  Laws.) 

Sedition  Poles.    A  derisive  name  for  Liberty  Poles. 

Self-Created  Societies.  This  phrase  was  used  by  Wash- 
ington in  a  message  to  Congress  on  the  Whisky  Insurrec- 
tion, to  designate  those  whom  he  believed  to  be  the  insti- 
gators of  the  revolt.  It  was  intended  to  apply  to  the  Demo- 
cratic Society. 

Selling  Out.      (See  Trading.) 

Seminole  War.     (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Senate.  This  is  the  name  of  the  smaller  of  the  two 
branches  of  the  legislative  division  of  the  National  govern- 
ment. It  is  also  applied  to  the  corresponding  divisions 
of  the  State  governments.  When  the  term  is  used  without 
qualification,  the  national  Senate  is  meant.  The  Senate  is 
composed  of  two  members  from  every  State,  chosen  by  the 
Legislature.  The  term  is  six  years.  The  terms  of  the 
Senators  are  so  arranged  that  one-third  of  them  expire 
every  two  years.  The  Senate  is  thus  a  body  having  con- 
tinuous existence  and  organization.  Article  1,  section  3, 
of  the  Constitution  treats  of  the  Senate.  A  person,  in 
order  to  be  a  Senator,  must  be  at  least  thirty  years  of 
age.  He  must  have  been  nine  years  a  citizen,  and  must, 
when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  State  he  is  chosen 
to  represent.  The  Senate  has  the  power  to  try  all  impeach- 
ments. It  must  confirm  the  appointments  made  by  the 
President,  and  must  ratify  all  treaties,  for  which  purpose 
a  two-thirds  vote  is  necessary.  When  confirming  nomina- 
tions and  ratifying  treaties  (executive  business,  as  it  is 
called)  the  Senate  sits  in  secret  session.  All  attempts  to 
repeal  this  rule  have  failed;  they  are  renewed  at  almost 
every  session.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  pre- 
sides over  the  Senate.  In  the  absence  of  the  Vice-Presi- 
dent, or  when  he  acts  as  President,  the  Senate  chooses  a 
President  pro  tempore  of  the  Senate,  and  it  is  customary 
of  the  Vice-President  to  retire  a  few  days  before  adjourn- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     357 

ment  for  the  session,  in  order  to  enable  this  officer  to  be 
chosen,  because  under  a  law  now  superseded  this  officer  was 
in  the  line  of  Presidential  succession  (which  see).  In  case 
of  failure  on  the  part  of  the  electors  to  choose  a  Vice-Presi- 
dent, the  selection  devolves  on  the  Senate.  "A  quorum  for 
the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two-thirds  of  the  whole  num- 
ber of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall 
be  necessary  to  a  choice."  (Constitution,  Twelfth  Amend- 
ment.) The  standing  committees  of  the  Senate  are  by 
a  rule  of  that  body  to  be  elected  by  ballot  unless  otherwise 
ordered.  They  are,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  agreed  upon  in 
caucus,  and  the  caucus  list  is  voted  on  as  a  whole  by  the 
Senate.  Each  House  provides  rules  for  its  own  guidance, 
and  those  of  the  Senate  differ  in  many  respects  from  those 
of  the  House,  being  in  general  more  lax.  There  is  practi- 
cally no  limit  to  the  length  of  time  which  a  Senator  may 
consume  in  debate,  and  in  general  the  "courtesy  of  the 
Senate,"  as  it  is  called,  is  relied  on  as  a  substitute  for  strin- 
gent rules.  The  salary  of  a  Senator  is  $5,000,  together 
with  an  allowance  of  $125  per  annum  for  stationery  and 
newspapers,  and  mileage  at  the  rate  of  twenty  cents  a  mile 
for  travel  to  and  from  Washington  for  every  annual  session. 
Deduction  from  the  salary  is  made  for  absence  without 
leave.  The  United  States'  statutes  provide  as  follows  for 
the  filling  of  vacancies  in  the  Senate  occurring  before  the 
meeting  of  Legislatures  and  during  the  session  of  Legis- 
latures: "Whenever  on  the  meeting  of  the  Legislature  of 
any  State  a  vacancy  exists  in  the  representation  of  such 
State  in  the  Senate,  the  Legislature  shall  proceed,  on  the 
second  Tuesday  after  meeting  and  organization,  to  elect 
a  person  to  fill  such  vacancy  in  the  manner  prescribed  for 
the  election  of  a  Senator  for  a  full  term,"  and  "whenever 
during  the  session  of  the  Legislature  of  a  State  a  vacancy 
occurs  in  the  representation  of  such  State  in  the  Senate, 
similar  proceedings  to  fill  such  vacancy  shall  be  had  on  the 
second  Tuesday  after  the  Legislature  has  organized,  and 
has  notice  of  such  vacancy."  The  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  adds  the  subjoined:  "If  vacancies  happen 
by  resignation ;  or  otherwise,  during  the  recess  of  the  Legis- 
lature of  any  State,  the  Executive  (that  is,  the  Governor) 
thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next 


358     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such 
vacancies.*' 

Sergeant-at-Arms.  The  sergeant-at-arms  of  a  legislative 
body  is  the  official  that  maintains  order  under  the  direction 
of  the  presiding  officer.  He  serves  processes  and  makes 
arrests  when  these  are  ordered  by  the  House.  In  both  the 
Senate  and  the  House  he  is  elected. 

Seventh  of  March  Speech.  In  January,  1850,  Henry 
Clay  introduced  into  Congress  the  series  of  resolutions 
that  subsequently  led  to  the  Compromise  of  1850  (which 
see).  During  the  debate  on  these  resolutions  Daniel  Web- 
ster delivered  an  extraordinary  speech  in  which  he  opposed 
the  views  of  the  abolitionists  and  of  all  who  in  any  way 
desired  to  restrict  slavery.  The  one  great  aim  of  his  speech 
was  to  smooth  over  differences  between  North  and  South. 
It  has  been  charged  that  this  speech  was  a  virtual  recanta* 
tion  of  his  political  opinions  for  the  purpose  of  aiding  his 
Presidential  aspirations.  The  speech  was  delivered  March 
7,  1850. 

Seward  Whigs.  (See  Conscience  Whigs.) 
Seward,  William  H.,  was  born  at  Florida,  New  York, 
May  16,  1801,  and  died  at  Auburn,  New  York,  October  1.0, 
1872.  He  was  a  graduate  of  Union  College  and  a  lawyer 
by  profession.  He  served  in  the  State  Senate,  and  was 
elected  Governor  in  1838  and  1840  after  having  been  de- 
feated in  1834.  In  1849  he  became  United  States  Senator. 
He  was  in  early  life  an  anti-Mason,  and  joined  the  Whig 
party  on  its  organization.  He  was  a  member  of  the  anti- 
slavery  faction  of  that  party  and  its  leader  in  the  Senate. 
He  became  Secretary  of  State,  under  Lincoln,  in  1861,  and 
served  in  that  office  until  1869. 

Seymour,  Horatio,  was  born  in  Pompey,  New  York,  in 
1811.  He  studied  law;  served  as  mayor  of  Utica  and  in 
the  Legislature.  He  was  a  Democrat,  a  member  of  the 
"hunker,"  or  conservative  faction.  In  1850  he  was  nomi- 
nated for  Governor  and  defeated  by  about  300  votes  out  of 
430,000  cast.  In  1852  he  was  elected,  and  in  1854  again 
defeated  by  a  very  small  majority.  In  1862  he  was  once 
more  elected  Governor.  He  was  the  acknowledged  leader 
of  his  party  in  New  York,  and  in  1868  he  received  its 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     359 

Presidential  nomination,  but  he  was  defeated.  He  then 
retired  from  public  life.  He  died  on  February  12,  1886. 

Sharp-Shins.  A  name  given  to  small  currency  obtained 
by  cutting  silver  dollars  into  parts.  It  was  used  in  the 
early  days  of  Virginia. 

Shays'  Rebellion  was  an  uprising  of  the  people  in  Massa- 
chusetts, in  1786,  under  the  leadership  of  Daniel  Shays. 
Following  the  close  of  the  Revolutionary  War  the  financial 
condition  of  the  country  was  bad.  Taxes  were  high,  and 
there  was  an  enormous  number  of  suits  for  debt  before  the 
courts.  A  general  feeling  of  discontent  prevailed,  which, 
in  the  fall  of  the  year  mentioned,  assumed  an  organized 
form.  Petitions  were  addressed  to  the  State  authorities 
complaining  that  the  salaries  of  the  Governor  and  State 
officers  were  too  high,  that  the  taxes  were  too  burden- 
some, that  lawyers  exacted  too  heavy  fees,  and  they  de- 
manded an  issue  of  paper  money  and  the  removal  of  the 
Legislative  Assembly  from  Boston.  Efforts  were  made  to 
allay  this  feeling  of  discontent,  but  unsuccessfully,  and  in 
September  an  armed  force  of  insurgents  interrupted  and 
dispersed  the  court  in  session  at  Worcester.  In  like  man- 
ner courts  in  session  in  other  sections  of  the  State  were 
broken  up  by  bodies  of  armed  men,  and  in  December  the 
sessions  of  the  Supreme  Court  at  Worcester  and  Spring- 
field were  suspended  by  one  thousand  men,  led  by  Daniel 
Shays.  In  January  of  the  following  year  a  body  of  two 
thousand  men,  under  command  of  Shays,  marched  upon 
Springfield  with  the  object  of  capturing  the  arsenal,  but 
were  routed  by  a  force  of  militia  under  General  Shephard, 
and  the  following  day  a  large  force  of  militia,  under  Gen- 
eral Lincoln,  captured  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  malcon- 
tents. This  ended  the  rebellion.  A  number  of  prisoners 
were  tried  and  sentenced  to  death,  but  ultimately  a  free 
pardon  was  extended  to  all  who  had  participated  in  the 
rebellion. 

Sherman  Bill.  An  Act  of  Congress  approved  July  14, 
1890,  which  provided  for  the  purchase  of  silver  bullion  to 
the  amount  of  4,500,000  ounces  every  month;  it  was  re- 
pealed, 1893.  (See  Silver  Question.) 

Sherman,  William  Tecumseh,  was  born  at  Mansfield, 
Ohio,  February  8,  1820.  He  was  graduated  at  West  Point 


360     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

in  1840.  He  served  in  the  army  until  1853,  when  he  re- 
signed and  turned  to  civil  pursuits.  On  the  outbreak  of 
the  Civil  War  he  entered  the  service  as  a  colonel  in  the 
regular  army.  He  served  with  brilliant  distinction,  rising 
to  the  grade  of  major-general  in  the  regular  service.  His 
best-known  achievements  are  the  capture  of  Atlanta  and 
his  march  to  the  sea.  In  1866  he  was  raised  to  the  rank  of 
lieutenant-general,  and  in  1869  to  that  of  general.  He 
retired  on  November  1,  1883.  He  died  February  14, 1891. 

Shimonoseki  Indemnity.  Shimonoseki  is  a  seaport  of 
Japan  whose  forts  command  a  strait  of  the  same  name. 
In  1864  these  forts  were  attacked  and  destroyed  by  a  squad- 
ron of  war  vessels,  representing  the  United  States,  Eng- 
land, France  and  Holland,  in  retaliation  for  the  firing  on 
merchant  vessels  of  those  nations  by  the  forts.  The  Jap- 
anese government  was  compelled  to  pay  damages  for  the 
injuries  inflicted  by  the  forts,  besides  an  indemnity,  amount- 
ing together  to  $3,000,000.  Our  share  in  this  sum  was 
$785,000.  Only  a  small  portion  of  it  was  needed  for  dam- 
ages inflicted,  and  the  remainder  lay  in  our  public  treasury 
for  some  years.  It  was  not  applied  to  any  public  use,  and 
finally,  after  repeated  attempts  to  refund  the  extortionate 
excess,  it  was  repaid  to  Japan  in  1884. 

Shinplasters.  During  the  war  small  change  disappeared 
from  circulation  and  the  people  resorted  to  postage  stamps 
and  private  notes.  The  latter,  representing  ten,  twenty-five 
and  fifty  cents,  issued  by  retail  dealers  to  facilitate  trade, 
were  of  little  value  beyond  the  particular  locality  where 
they  were  issued,  except  as  plasters  for  broken  shins,  and 
hence  were  called  "shinplasters."  The  fractional  notes 
printed  by  the  government  under  the  law  of  1863  were 
also  called  "shinplasters,"  but  merely  because  their  fore- 
runners had  borne  that  name. 

Shirley,  William.  Colonial  governor  of  Massachusetts, 
1741-45;  he  planned  the  expedition  against  Louisburg, 
1745;  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  1753;  commander  of  the 
British  forces  in  America,  1755.  Born  in  England,  1693; 
died  at  Roxbury,  Massachusetts,  March  24,  1771. 

Shoe-String  District.  The  Sixth  Congressional  District 
of  Mississippi,  as  laid  out  in  1874,  is  so  called  because  it 
consists  of  a  narrow  strip  extending  along  the  Mississippi 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     361 

River  almost  the  entire  length  of  the  State.  (See  Gerry- 
mander. ) 

Sic  Semper  Tyrannis.  This  Latin  phrase,  signifying 
"Thus  always  to  tyrants,"  constitutes  the  motto  of  the 
State  of  Virginia.  They  were  the  words  which  John 
Wilkes  Booth  shouted  out  when  he  jumped  on  the  stage  of 
Ford's  Theater  after  assassinating  Lincoln. 

Signal  Service  Bureau.  The  signal  service  was  first  or- 
ganized for  military  purposes.  In  war  it  is  very  necessary 
that  different  parts  of  an  army  should  be  able  to  commu- 
nicate readily  and  quickly  with  each  other,  and  therefore 
a  special  service  was  organized,  equipped  with  flags,  torches, 
heliostats,  telegraph  and  telephone  lines,  and  other  instru- 
ments of  communication,  and  instructed  in  a  code  of  sig- 
nals which,  while  intelligent  to  themselves,  were  meant 
to  be  a  complete  mystery  to  all  others.  Such  a  service  has 
been  attached  to  the  United  States  Army  for  many  years, 
but  the  meteorological  division  of  this  service  is  of  recent 
creation.  February  9,  1870,  a  joint  resolution  of  Congress 
first  imposed  upon  the  Signal  Service  Bureau  the  duty  of 
"giving  notice  by  telegraph  and  signal  of  the  approach  and 
force  of  storms."  The  duty  was  cheerfully  accepted,  and 
under  the  chief  signal  officer,  General  Albert  J.  Slyer,  was 
admirably  performed.  So  quickly  and  well  were  its  me- 
teorological observations  made  that  the  new  bureau  won 
the  confidence  of  scientific  men  immediately,  and  in  1874 
the  Smithsonian  Institution  turned  over  its  entire  body  of 
volunteer  civilian  weather  observers  to  the  direction  of  the 
signal  service.  The  telegraphic  facilities  of  the  service  soon 
led  to  a  new  system,  that  of  simultaneous  weather  observa- 
tion and  instantaneous  reports.  This  gave  the  central  office 
valuable  data  on  which  to  base  a  scientific  study  of  the 
weather,  and  largely  increased  general  confidence  in  its 
predictions.  The  network  of  signal  lines  now  extends  over 
the  continent  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific,  and  from 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  including  the  West  Indies,  to  the 
Canadian  frontier,  and  daily  reports  are  also  received  from 
the  Canadian  Dominion  and  its  outlying  posts.  Perhaps 
the  most  important  work  of  the  bureau  is  that  on  the  West- 
ern frontier.  Tri-daily  observations  are  taken  at  all  the 
stations  east  and  west  at  7  a.  m.,  3  p.  m.  and  11  p.  m., 


362     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Washington  time,  and  immediately  put  upon  the  wires. 
So  nearly  are  these  observations  simultaneous,  and  so  care- 
fully are  the  differences  of  time  calculated,  that  they  are 
usually  all  concentrated  at  the  central  office  within  about 
forty-five  minutes.  They  include  readings  of  the  barom- 
eter and  of  exposed  and  wet-bulb  thermometers ;  the  direc- 
tion and  velocity  of  the  wind ;  the  amount  of  rain  or  snow 
fallen  since  last  reports ;  the  kind,  amount,  and  direction  of 
movement  of  clouds,  auroras,  haze,  fog,  smokiness,  frost, 
etc.,  to  which  river  stations  add  readings  of  the  river  gauge, 
and  the  seacoast  stations  the  direction  and  character  of  the 
ocean  swell.  These  data,  received  at  the  central  office,  are 
made  the  basis  of  draughting  seven  graphic  charts,  the  first 
showing  the  barometric  pressures,  temperatures,  winds  and 
states  of  weather  throughout  the  country ;  the  second  show- 
ing the  dew  points  at  all  stations ;  and  the  third  the  cloud 
conditions  visible  from  the  different  reporting  stations. 
The  fourth  and  sixth  charts  show  the  normal  barometric 
pressures  and  temperatures,  and  existing  variations  there- 
from in  the  same  general  mode;  and  the  fifth  and  seventh 
show  the  deviations  or  departures  from  the  normal  condi- 
tion in  these  particulars,  for  the  previous  twenty-four 
hours.  Armed  with  all  this  charted  material,  and  taught  by 
long  experience  how  to  reckon  the  probable  course  of  storms, 
the  signal  officer  proceeds  to  calculate  the  probabilities  of 
the  weather  at  the  different  points  on  his  chart  for  the  next 
twenty-four  or  forty-eight  hours.  These  probabilities  or 
"weather  bulletins"  are  immediately  sent  by  telegraph  to 
all  the  stations,  and  made  public  through  the  daily  press. 
Special  "farmers'  bulletins"  are  also  printed  and  sent  to 
small  towns  and  villages  along  most  of  the  railroads  ra- 
diating from  the  chief  cities  of  the  Union,  to  be  posted  in 
some  public  place.  If  storms  are  to  be  expected,  the  dis- 
play of  a  cautionary  signal  is  ordered  at  each  station  of  the 
bureau.  The  general  soundness  of  the  plan  upon  which  the 
Weather  Bureau  works  is  shown  by  the  fact  that,  taking 
into  account  the  entire  twenty-one  years  of  its  existence,  the 
percentage  of  verifications  of  its  predictions  has  been  o-ver 
85  per  cent.  In  1891  the  signal  service  was  transferred 
from  the  War  Department  to  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     363 

Silk  Stockings  is  a  term  of  reproach  applied  by  profes- 
sional politicians  to  the  better  circumstanced  classes  when 
these  latter  attempt  to  play  a  part  in  politics.  Kid-glove 
politics  (which  see)  is  a  similar  expression. 

Sink  or  Swim,  Live  or  Die,  Survive  or  Perish,  I  Give 
My  Hand  and  My  Heart  to  This  Vote.  August  2,  1826, 
Daniel  Webster  delivered  a  eulogy  on  John  Adams  and 
Thomas  Jefferson  in  Faneuil  Hall,  Boston.  They  had  both 
died  on  July  4,  1826.  In  the  eulogy,  Webster  puts  into 
Adams7  mouth  the  speech  that  he  supposed  him  to  have 
made  in  Congress,  in  1776,  before  voting  for  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence.  The  proceedings  of  the  Congress 
were  secret ;  the  journal  of  its  proceedings  did  not  contain 
the  debates;  it  is  only  known  that  Adams  made  a  remark- 
able speech  on  that  occasion.  No  record  of  it  was  pre- 
served, and  the  one  that  Webster  imagines  him  to  have 
made  is  entirely  the  work  of  Webster.  The  speech  contained 
the  above  sentence,  and  concluded  as  follows:  "It  is  my 
living  sentiment,  and  by  the  blessing  of  God  it  shall  be  my 
dying  sentiment — independence  now,  and  independence  for- 
ever/' On  the  day  of  Adams'  death  the  noise  of  cannon  at- 
tracted his  attention.  He  asked  the  meaning,  and  was  told 
that  it  was  Independence  Day.  He  replied,  "Independence 
forever," 

Silver  Bill,  The,  was  a  bill  passed  by  Congress,  vetoed  by 
President  Hayes,  and  passed  over  his  veto  February  28, 
1878.  It  made  the  standard  silver  dollar,  the  coinage  of 
which  had  been  suspended  by  the  Act  of  1873,  a  legal  ten- 
der in  any  amounts,  and  directed  its  continued  coinage  at  a 
minimum  rate  of  $2,000,000,  and  a  maximum  rate  of 
$4,000,000,  per  month. 

Silver  Grays.     (See  Conscience  Whigs.) 

Silver  Question.  Previous  to  the  Act  of  1834,  the  ratio 
of  gold  to  silver  at  the  mints  of  the  United  States  had  been 
one  of  the  former  to  fifteen  of  the  latter.  The  ratio  in 
the  principal  European  countries,  notably  France,  was  one 
to  fifteen  and  one-half.  Under  these  circumstances  one 
part  of  gold  might  be  exchanged  in  Europe  for  fifteen  and 
one-half  parts  of  silver,  of  which  one-half  of  one  part  might 
be  retained,  and  on  sending  the  other  fifteen  parts  to  the 
United  States  one  part  of  gold  would  be  received  therefor, 


364     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  return  of  which  to  France  would  leave  its  owner  richer 
by  one-half  of  one  part  of  silver.  This  was  done,  and  gold 
flowed  out  of  this  country.  As  a  remedy  the  ratio  was 
changed,  by  the  Acts  of  1834  and  1837,  to  one  to  15.98. 
This  remedy  was  too  drastic.  Gold  ceased  to  leave  the 
country — in  fact,  returned  to  it,  but  silver  flowed  out 
rapidly,  because  now  the  exchange  of  silver  for  gold  in 
France,  and  the  re-exchange  of  gold  for  silver  here,  pro- 
duced a  profit.  For  the  purpose  of  keeping  in  the  country 
sufficient  small  coin  for  the  needs  of  business,  the  Act  of 
1853  reduced  the  weight  of  fractional  silver  coins.  By  the 
Act  of  1873  the  coinage  of  silver  dollars  was  stopped.  The 
Act  of  1878  revived  the  coinage  of  the  412^-grain  silver 
dollar,  and  required  the  purchase  of  at  least  $2,000,000, 
and  not  more  than  $4,000,000,  worth  of  silver  bullion  per 
month  and  its  coinage  into  these  dollars.  Free  coinage 
of  silver  was  not  established.  By  free  coinage  is  meant  the 
coinage  into  money  of  bullion  for  any  one  presenting  the 
same  for  that  purpose.  There  is  in  this  country  at  present 
free  coinage  of  gold.  No  country  has  at  this  time  free 
coinage  of  both  metals,  for  fear  that  fluctuations  in  the  mar- 
ket price  of  silver  might  cause  sudden  and  violent  exports 
of  the  metal  that  happened  for  the  time  being  to  be  more 
valuable,  compared  with  its  fellow,  in  the  markets  of  other 
countries,  than  by  the  standard  of  the  country's  mint.  A 
double  standard  of  gold  and  silver  is  possible  only  by  the 
joint  action  of  all  the  principal  nations  in  establishing  the 
same  fixed  ratio.  The  fall  in  the  price  of  silver  during 
recent  years  has  rendered  the  gold  value  of  the  standard 
silver  dollar  considerably  less  than  its  face  value  (about 
seventy-five  cents).  Were  the  bullion  value  of  these  dollars 
equal  to  their  face  value,  no  harm  could  flow  from  their 
continued  coinage,  for  whether  for  export  or  other  use  they 
would  everywhere  be  received.  The  danger  lies  in  the  pos- 
sibility that  the  continued  compulsory  coinage  of  these  dol- 
lars may  lead  to  the  issue  of  more  than  the  business  of  the 
country  requires.  As  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  (in  his 
report  of  December  5,  1887)  pointed  out,  this  would  lead 
either  to  their  export  or  to  their  depreciation  at  home. 
The  former  is  impossible  on  account  of  the  reduced  bullion 
value  of  the  coin ;  the  latter  is  the  result  to  be  feared.  The 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     365 

Treasury  holds  a  trust  fund  of  $100,000,000  for  the  re- 
demption of  legal  tender  notes,  and  the  further  sum  of 
more  than  $100,000,000  in  trust  for  the  redemption  of 
national  bank  notes.  When  the  receipt  by  the  government 
of  one  form  of  money  exceeds  the  demand  of  the  people 
for  that  same  form  (for  the  government's  creditors  have 
their  choice  of  the  different  forms  of  money  in  receiving 
payment),  the  result  is  the  accumulation  in  the  Treasury 
of  the  form  of  money  not  desired  by  the  people.  The  bulk 
of  the  money  held  by  the  Treasury  belongs  to  the  above- 
mentioned  trust  funds.  To  them  is  thus  apportioned  the 
money  not  desired  by  the  people.  Had  it  not  been  for  these 
funds,  the  government  would  have  been  obliged,  in  1884, 
1885  and  188G,  to  make  payments  in  the  coin  received  by  it, 
namely  silver,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  people  did  not 
desire  it,  as  is  shown  by  its  accumulation  in  the  Treasury 
during  those  years;  one  result  of  which  would  have  been, 
and  will  be  whenever  an  aggravated  case  of  the  kind  again 
happens,  the  forcing  into  circulation  of  a  kind  of  money 
not  desired,  and  its  consequent  depreciation.  From  this 
would  flow  all  the  financial  and  commercial  hardships  inci- 
dent to  a  depreciated  currency.  In  the  report  (above  re- 
ferred to)  of  the  Secretary,  he  recommends  that  above 
the  amount  of  silver  held  to  redeem  silver  certificates,  there 
should  be  kept  on  hand  some  fixed  reserve  in  silver  to  meet 
the  possible  demand  for  silver  on  the  part  of  United  States 
creditors;  the  amount  of  this  reserve  to  be  fixed  by  Con- 
gress, and  provision  to  be  made  for  the  temporary  cessation 
of  silver  coinage  whenever  the  reserve  exceeds  the  specified 
limit  by  $5,000,000,  to  be  resumed  when  the  reserve  is  again 
reduced  to  its  legal  limit.  The  South  and  the  West  clamor 
for  the  continuation  of  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar. 
They  call  it  "the  poor  man's  dollar,"  and  the  gold  dollar 
"the  rich  man's  dollar."  They  assert  that  the  silver  dollar 
is  the  only  kind  of  money  that  can  be  rendered  sufficiently 
abundant  for  the  needs  of  their  sections.  Those  that  assert 
the  impossibility  of  this  country  maintaining  a  double 
standard  without  the  co-operation  of  other  countries,  and 
those  that  assert  the  absolute  impossibility  of  maintaining  a 
double  standard — the  monometal lists — are  dubbed  "gold 
bugs"  by  them.  These  sections  refuse  to  see  a  distinction 


366     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

between  absolute  cessation  of  the  coinage  of  the  silver  dollar 
and  coinage  limited  and  proportioned  to  the  wants  of  the 
country  as  suggested  by  the  Secretary.  Congress  has  taken 
no  action  on  this  question,  and  the  silence  thereon  of  many 
public  men  is  asserted  to  be  an  unwillingness  to  antagonize 
any  portion  of  the  community  that  can  aid  the  political 
aspirations  of  an  ambitious  man.  (See  Coinage.) 

Single  Standard.  This  phrase  is  used  in  discussion  on 
bi-metallism,  to  indicate  a  single  standard  of  value;  that 
is,  gold  alone  or  silver  alone.  Double  standard  means  the 
concurrent  use  of  both  metals  as  standards.  (See  Bi- 
Metallism.) 

Sinking  Fund  is  a  fund  provided  for  the  payment  of  a 
debt  or  obligation,  and  is  formed  by  successively  setting 
apart  smaller  amounts  for  this  purpose.  Even  under  the 
confederation  an  attempt  was  made  by  Alexander  Hamilton 
to  establish  a  sinking  fund  for  the  national  debt;  It  was 
unsuccessful.  The  first  sinking  fund  under  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  was  created  by  Act  of  August  2, 
1790.  The  present  sinking  fund  to  retire  the  national 
debt  was  established  by  Act  of  February  25,  1862 :  as  sub- 
sequently modified  it  sets  apart  all  duties  on  imported 
goods  as  a  special  fund,  first,  for  the  payment  of  interest 
on  the  public  debt,  and  second,  for  the  purchase  every  year 
of  one  per  cent,  of  the  national  debt ;  bonds  so  redeemed  are 
to  be  canceled  and  deducted  from  the  outstanding  indebted- 
ness of  the  government;  but  in  addition  to  the  one  per  cent, 
thus  redeemed  there  is  to  be  purchased  annually  an  amount 
of  government  bonds  equal  to  the  annual  interest  on  bonds 
previously  bought  for  the  sinking  fund.  The  sinking  fund 
is  thus,  as  far  as  interest  is  concerned,  in  the  position  of 
any  other  holder  of  the  government's  obligations,  receiving 
interest  on  all  the  bonds  that  have  been  purchased  for  its 
account,  only  the  bonds  belonging  to  it  have  been  canceled 
and  the  debt  is  considered  reduced  by  that  amount.  In 
1907  the  aggregate  interest-bearing  debt  of  the  United 
States  amounted  to  $927,159.250,  on  which  there  is  an 
annual  interest  charge  of  about  $30,000,000.  This  interest 
charge  (which,  in  the  main,  has  now  declined  to  the  rate 
of  two  per  cent.)  is  nearly  $120,000,000  less  than  it  was 
in  1865,  at  the  close  of  the  Civil  War.  The  national  debt 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     367 

which  bears  no  interest  is  to-day  close  upon  four  hundred 
million  dollars. 

Sinophobist,  meaning  literally  a  hater  of  the  Chinese,  is 
a  term  sometimes  applied  to  those  who  have  clamored  for 
a  restriction  of  Chinese  immigration  to  this  country. 
Slave  Laws.  (See  Fugitive  Slave  Law.) 
Sioux  War.  (See  Indian  Wars.) 
Six  Companies.  (See  Chinese  Question.) 
Slavery.  In  1620  the  first  cargo  of  negro  slaves  was 
landed  in  Virginia.  Thereafter  slavery  was  an  institution 
in  that  colony,  as  it  was,  indeed,  in  all  of  the  thirteen 
colonies,  except  Georgia.  Georgia  was  formed  by  Ogle- 
thorpe  in  1732,  and  as  long  as  he  was  in  control,  until 
1752  (when  its  charter  was  surrendered  to  the  crown), 
slavery  was  prohibited.  The  physical  character  of  the 
Northern  colonies,  requiring  as  it  does,  the  application  to 
the  soil  of  intellect  as  well  as  of  labor,  in  order  to  render 
it  productive,  was  not  calculated  to  make  slave  labor  profit- 
able, but  none  of  the  colonies  had  at  first  any  objections  to 
slavery  on  moral  grounds.  After  the  Revolution  states- 
men, both  North  and  South,  deplored  its  introduction  by 
their  forefathers  and  regarded  it  as  a  necessary  evil.  The 
provisions  in  the  Constitution,  leaving  the  slave-trade  un- 
hampered for  twenty  years,  and  requiring  the  return  of 
fugjtive  slaves,  were  won  from  the  convention  only  by  the 
importunity  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia.  The  inven- 
tion of  the  cotton  gin  rendered  the  labor  of  slaves  vastly 
more  profitable.  This  is  seen  when  we  state  that  the  exports 
of  cotton  in  1792  were  138,328  pounds,  and  in  1795, 
6,276,300  pounds,  the  cotton-gin  having  been  invented  in 
1793.  This  event,  opening  prospects  of  unlimited  profit  by 
the  employment  of  slaves,  increased  the  Southern  sentiment 
in  favor  of  slavery.  In  the  North  it  was  dying  a  natural 
death.  Yet,  as  late  as  1826,  John  Randolph,  of  Virginia, 
said  in  the  House :  "I  envy  neither  the  head  nor  the  heart 
of  that  man  .  .  .  who  rises  here  to  defend  slavery  upon 
principle."  And  the  Missouri  Compromise  distinctly 
recognized  the  power  of  Congress  to  exclude  slavery  from 
Territories.  In  the  House  the  anti-slave  power  was  in 
control,  but  the  Senate,  containing  two  Senators  from  every 
State,  regardless  of  population,  was  always  in  a  position  to 


368     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

defeat  restrictive  measures.  The  South,  perceiving  this 
advantage,  steadily  refused  admission  to  free  States,  with- 
out the  admission  at  the  same  time  of  a  corresponding  num- 
ber of  slave  States.  The  slave  power,  thus  forced  to  an 
extension  of  slave  territory,  began  to  assert  the  "essential 
righteousness"  of  slavery,  and  then  to  deny  the  power  of 
Congress  to  restrict  it  in  the  Territories.  The  Kansas- 
Nebraska  Bill  accomplished  this  latter  purpose,  thus  an- 
nulling the  Missouri  Compromise.  As  soon  as  it  became 
evident  that  Kansas  would  become  a  free  State,  the  doc- 
trine was  further  elaborated,  and  it  was  asserted  to  be  the 
duty  of  Congress  to  protect  slavery.  The  election  of  a 
Republican  President  in  1860  gave  occasion  for  the  one 
remaining  step,  secession.  Thus  was  the  Civil  War  begun, 
and  in  that  struggle  slavery  perished. 

Its  death  in  the  North  came  about  gradually.  The  first 
State  to  abolish  slavery  within  her  borders  was  Vermont, 
which  adopted  a  plan  for  gradual  emancipation  in  1777, 
before  she  had  joined  the  TJnion,  and  in  1800  slavery  in 
that  State  had  entirely  ceased.  The  new  Massachusetts 
Constitution,  adopted  in  1780,  contained  a  clause  declaring 
that  "All  men  are  born  free  and  equal,  and  have  certain 
natural,  essential  and  inalienable  rights,  among  which  may 
be  reckoned  the  right  of  enjoying  and  defending  their  lives 
and  liberties,"  which  had  the  effect  of  freeing  all  the  slaves, 
a  very  small  number,  then  held  within  the  borders  of  that 
State.  In  1780  there  were  4,000  slaves  in  Pennsylvania, 
and  in  that  year  their  gradual  emancipation  was  provided 
for  by  legislative  enactment.  Sixty-four  of  these  were  still 
living  in  bondage,  however,  in  1840.  Rhode  Island  and 
Connecticut  followed  the  example  of  Pennsylvania,  and 
the  former  had  but  five  slaves  in  1840,  and  the  latter  seven- 
teen. New  York  passed  a  gradual  Emancipation  Act  in 
1799,  at  which  time  she  had  upward  of  20,000  slaves,  and 
slavery  was  totally  abolished  in  the  State  from  July  4,  1827. 
In  1850  there  were  still  236  persons  living  in  bondage  in 
New  Jersey,  although  the  State  had  adopted  the  gradual 
emancipation  plan  in  1804.  The  census  of  1810  showed 
that  there  were  no  slaves  held  in  Massachusetts,  New 
Hampshire  or  Vermont,  New  Hampshire  having  emanci- 
pated the  few  slaves  held  in  the  State  between  1800  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     369 

1810.  In  Pennsylvania,  New  York  and  New  Jersey,  large 
numbers  of  slaves  who  could  not  be  held  in  those  States 
were  nefariously  sold  to  Southern  slave-dealers  by  un- 
principled owners,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  each  State 
had  adopted,  at  the  time  of  emancipation,  the  most  strin- 
gent laws  regarding  the  exportation  of  slaves.  By  the 
census  of  1860  it  was  shown  that  slavery  was  entirely 
abolished  north  of  Mason  and  Dixon's  line. 

Slidell,  John.  Member  of  Congress  from  Louisiana, 
1843-45;  sent  as  Minister  to  Mexico,  1845,  but  was  not 
received;  United  States  Senator  from  Louisiana,  1853-61; 
resigned,  1861 ;  Confederate  commissioner  to  France,  1861 ; 
was  arrested  by  Captain  Wilkes,  November,  1861,  and  re- 
leased January,  1862.  Born  in  New  York  City,  1793;  died 
at  London,  July  29,  1871.  (See  Trent  Affair.) 

Smelling  Committee.  This  vigorous  phrase  is  used  by 
the  machine  politicians  to  denote  a  legislative  committee 
of  inquiry,  whose  investigation  it  is  feared  will  result  in 
personal  damage  to  them. 

Snuff  Takers.      (See  Conscience  Whigs.) 

Soap.  A  political  slang  term  for  money;  usually  applied 
to  money  corruptly  used. 

Social  Bands.  A  name  applied  to  societies  organized  in 
Missouri,  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska  Bill, 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  "possession  of  Kansas  on  behalf 
of  slavery/' 

Softs,  or  Soft-shells.      (See  Barnburners.) 

Soldiers'  Home.  This  home  is  intended  for  aged  or  dis- 
abled soldiers  of  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States.  It 
is  situated  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  occupying  a  beautiful 
site  outside  the  city  limits,  was  established  in  1851  with 
the  money  raised  by  a  levy  on  the  City  of  Mexico  during 
the  Mexican  War,  and  is  supported  by  a  regular  tax  on 
each  soldier  of  the  army.  There  are  eight  branches  in 
various  localities  of  the  United  States  caring  for  disabled 
volunteer  soldiers;  also  twenty-six  homes  provided  by  as 
many  States. 

Solid  South.  Since  the  Civil  War  the  sympathy  of 
Southern  whites  has,  until  now,  uniformly  been  with  the 
Democratic  party,  and  since  the  withdrawal  of  Union  troops 
at  the  South,  during  Haves'  administration,  the  Southern 


370     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


States  have  all  voted  Democratic,  or  in  the  current  phrase, 
have  gone  solidly  Democratic.  Hence  the  term  Solid 
South;  that  is,  the  South  solidly  Democratic.  There  are 
signs  that  the  supremacy  of  the  solid  South  will  soon  he 
hroken.  That  event,  when  it  occurs,  will  be  the  final  step 
in  the  series  of  reconciliations  between  North  and  South. 

Sons  of  '76.     (See  American  Party.) 

Sons  of  Liberty.  An  association  formed  at  Boston  in 
1765,  having  for  its  purpose  the  freedom  of  the  colonies 
from  British  rule.  The  meeting  place  of  the  association 
was  under  the  so-called  Liberty  Tree  (which  see),  which 
stood  at  the  corner  of  what  is  now  Washington  and  Essex 
streets,  in  Boston. 

Sons  of  the  Revolution.  The  society  known  by  this 
name  was  organized  in  New  York,  December  4,  1883, 
incorporated  May  3,  1884,  to  "keep  alive  among  ourselves 
and  our  descendants  the  patriotic  spirit  of  the  men  who, 
in  military,  naval  or  civil  service,  by  their  acts  or  counsel 
achieved  American  independence;  to  collect  and  secure  for 
preservation  the  manuscript  rolls,  records  and  other  docu- 
ments relating  to  the  War  of  the  Revolution,  and  to  pro- 
mote intercourse  and  good  feeling  among  its  members  now 
and  hereafter."  Eligibility  to  membership  is  confined  to 
male  descendants  from  an  ancestor  who,  as  a  soldier,  sailor 
or  civil  official,  assisted  in  establishing  American  inde- 
pendence during  the  War  of  the  Revolution. 

Sons  of  the  South.  A  name  applied  to  societies  organ- 
ized in  Missouri  after  the  passage  of  the  Kansas-Nebraska 
Bill,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  "possession  of  Kansas  on 
behalf  of  slavery/' 

Sore-head  is  a  person  whose  ambition  is  disappointed,  not 
by  defeat  suffered  at  the  hands  of  antagonists,  but  by  fail- 
ure of  his  party  to  honor  him,  and  who  does  not  accept  the 
result  with  good  grace.  A  sore-head  may  go  to  the  extent 
of  bolting  his  party's  convention  (see  Bolters),  or  he  may 
pimply  sulk  for  a  time  and  finally  recover  his  good  humor. 
A  kicker  (which  see)  is  a  general  term  for  a  dissatisfied 
adherent.  A  sore-head  is  a  kicker  with  a  personal  grievance. 

South  Americans.  This  term  was  used  before  the  Civil 
War  to  designate  the  Southern  members  of  the  American  or 
Know-Nothing  party.  Their  only  desire  was  to  prevent  all 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     371 

agitation  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  whether  for  or  against 
the  institution. 

South  Carolina  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the 
Union.  On  December  20,  1860,  a  State  convention  passed 
an  ordinance  of  secession  and  led  all  the  Southern  States 
into  the  Confederacy.  By  Act  of  June  25,  1868,  South 
Carolina  was  re-admitted  to  the  Union.  The  capital  is 
Columbia.  The  two  Carolinas  were  named  after  Charles  I, 
of  England  (in  Latin  Carolus).  Popularly  it  is  called  the 
Palmetto  State.  (See  Electoral  Commission.) 

Southern  Confederacy.     (See  Confederate  States.) 

South  Dakota.     (See  Dakota.) 

Southwest  Territory.    (See  Territories.) 

Spanish-American  War.  This  resulted  from  the  Spanish 
misgovernment  in  Cuba  (see  Cuba).  On  February  15, 
1898,  the  battleship  Maine  was  blown  up  by  a  mine  in 
Havana  harbor  while  on  a  technically  friendly  visit,  and 
266  of  the  crew  were  killed.  Diplomatic  negotiations  failed 
to  adjust  matters,  and  war  was  formally  declared  by  Spain 
on  April  24th,  followed  by  the  United  States  on  the  25th. 
Great  Britain  and  other  powers  issued  proclamations  of 
neutrality.  Commodore  George  S.  Dewey,  who  was  in 
charge  of  the  Asiatic  squadron,  was  ordered  by  cable  to 
"proceed  to  the  Philippine  Islands;  commence  operations 
at  once  against  Spanish  fleet;  capture  vessels  or  destroy." 
He  proceeded  promptly  to  Manila  harbor,  where,  April 
30th,  he  attacked  and  destroyed  the  entire  fleet  of  Admiral 
Montojo,  the  American  casualties  being  only  six  wounded. 
In  the  meanwhile  Admiral  Cervera's  fleet  had  sailed  from 
Saint  Vincent  for  the  support  of  the  Spanish  Army  in 
Cuba,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  May  took  refuge  in  Santiago 
harbor,  where  it  was  blockaded,  June  1,  by  Captain  Samp- 
son, who  was  then  in  command  of  the  United  States  fleet 
in  American  waters.  June  20th,  General  Shafter,  in  charge 
of  the  United  States  Army,  arrived  off  Guantanamo  under 
orders  to  "go  with  your  corps  to  capture  the  garrison  at 
Santiago,  and  assist  in  capturing  the  harbor  and  fleet/' 
On  July  3d,  the  Spanish  fleet  made  a  dash  for  liberty,  and 
every  vessel  was  destroyed  or  captured.  The  chief  land 
battle  was  fought  at  El  Caney,  July  1st.  On  the  15th 
the  Spanish  general,  Toral,  surrendered.  As  the  result 


372     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

of  this  war  the  Philippine  Islands  and  Porto  Rico  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  United  States.  The  total  ex- 
penses of  the  war  are  estimated  at  $165,000,000.  The  loss 
of  life  in  battle  was  phenomenally  small  ^  but  this  was 
counterbalanced  by  the  enormous  death  rate  in  camp. 

Specie  Circular.  Between  1830  and  1836  prosperity 
largely  increased  in  the  United  States.  Considerable  arti- 
ficial stimulus  was  afforded  by  the  deposit  of  government 
funds  in  the  State  banks.  The  sales  of  government  lands 
in  1830  yielded  $2,329,356.14;  in  1836,  $24,877,179.86. 
New  banks,  with  but  little  capital,  sprang  up  everywhere 
and  their  circulating  notes  were  rapidly  absorbed.  On  July 
11,  1836,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  under  Jackson, 
issued  a  circular  ordering  government  agents  to  receive 
only  gold  or  silver  in  payment  of  land  sales.  This  is 
known  as  the  "Specie  Circular."  As  a  result  the  use  of 
bank  notes  diminished.  The  issues  were  presented  for 
payment,  with  the  result  of  a  general  suspension  of  specie 
payments  in  May,  1837. 

Specie  Payments.  (See  Commercial  Crises;  Resumption 
Act.) 

Specific  Duties.  (See  Customs  Duties.) 
Spoils  System.  (See  Civil  Service  Reform.) 
Squatter  Sovereignty.  (See  Popular  Sovereignty.) 
Stalwarts.  This  is  a  name  by  which  a  faction  of  the 
Republican  party  is  known.  The  name  arose  about  the 
time  of  the  national  convention  of  1880,  and  was  applied 
to  the  wing  of  the  party  that  supported  the  claims  of 
General  Grant  to  a  nomination  for  a  third  term ;  the  name 
was  due  to  the  tenacity  with  which  these  supporters  clung 
to  him.  They  were  led  by  Senator  Roscoe  Conkling,  of 
New  York.  Opposed  to  them  were  the  Half-breeds,  as  they 
were  called,  under  the  leadership  of  James  G.  Elaine.  The 
contest  between  these  factions  was  very  warm  during  Gar- 
field's  short  administration,  the  quairel  being  on  the  di- 
vision of  the  offices.  Elaine  was  Secretary  of  State,  and 
the  administration  was  regarded  as  identified  with  the 
Half-breeds.  The  outcome  of  the  quarrel  was  the  resigna.- 
tion  of  Senator  Conkling  and  his  colleague,  in  the  expecta- 
tion of  an  immediate  re-election,  which  would  have  served 
as  a  rebuke  to  the  President.  In  this  Conkling  was  disap- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     373 

pointed.  He  failed  of  re-election.  Meanwhile  Garfield's 
death  and  the  accession  of  Arthur,  a  Stalwart,  together 
with  the  latter's  judicious  conduct,  healed  the  party  split, 
at  least  on  the  surface.  Nevertheless,  the  enormous  Demo- 
cratic majority  in  the  New  York  State  election  for  Gov- 
ernor in  1882,  caused  as  it  was  by  the  abstention  of  Repub- 
lican voters,  showed  that  the  gulf  had  not  yet  been  bridged. 
The  withdrawal  of  Conkling  from  political  life,  however, 
aided  in  uniting  the  party,  and  these  lines  of  division  have 
practically  disappeared. 

Stamp  Act  Congress.  In  1765  Massachusetts  sent  out 
a  call  for  a  general  congress  to  discuss  the  Stamp  Act,  and, 
composed  of  representatives  from  nine  of  the  colonies,  it 
met  in  New  York,  October,  1765. 

Standard  Silver  Dollar.     (See  Coinage.) 

Standard  Time.  According  to  the  standard  time,  which 
was  adopted  by  agreement  at  12  o'clock  on  November  18, 
1883,  by  all  the  principal  railroads  of  the  United  States, 
the  Continent  is  divided  into  five  longitudinal  belts,  and 
a  meridian  of  time  is  fixed  for  each  belt.  These  meridians 
are  fifteen  degrees  of  longitude,  or  one  hour's  time  apart. 
The  time  divisions  are  called  intercolonial  time,  eastern 
time,  central  time,  mountain  time,  and  Pacific  time.  East- 
ern Maine,  New  Brunswick  and  Nova  Scotia  use  the  sixth 
meridian;  the  Canadas,  New  England,  the  Middle  States, 
Virginia  and  the  Carolinas  use  the  seventy-fifth  meridian, 
which  is  that  of  Philadelphia;  Alabama,  Georgia,  Florida, 
Texas,  Kansas  and  the  larger  part  of  Nebraska,  and  Dakota 
use  the  nineteenth  meridian,  which  is  that  of  New  Orleans ; 
the  Territories  to  the  western  border  of  Arizona  and  Mon- 
tana go  by  the  time  of  the  one  hundred  and  fifth  meridian, 
which  is  that  of  Denver;  and  the  Pacific  States  employ  the 
one  hundred  and  twentieth  meridian.  In  passing  from  one 
time-belt  to  another  a  person's  watch  will  be  an  hour  too 
fast  or  too  slow,  according  to  the  direction  in  which  he  is 
traveling.  This  new  system,  which  has  reduced  the  time 
standards  from  fifty-three  to  five,  was  suggested  by  Pro- 
fessor Abbe,  of  the  Signal  Service  Bureau  at  Washington, 
and  was  elaborated  by  Dr.  A.  P.  Barnard,  of  Columbia 
College,  New  York. 


374     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Stanton,  Edwin  M.,  was  born  in  Steubenville,  Ohio,  De- 
cember 19,  1814,  and  died  at  Washington,  December  24, 
1869.  He  was  graduated  at  Kenyon  College,  and  became 
a  lawyer.  He  was  Attorney-General  under  Buchanan,  and 
had,  up  to  the  Civil  War,  been  a  Democrat.  In  1862  he 
became  Secretary  of  War  under  Lincoln,  retaining  the  post 
in  Johnson's  Cabinet  until  his  removal.  The  impeachment 
of  Johnson  was  in  consequence  of  alleged  illegal  acts  in 
connection  with  this  removal.  In  1869  Stanton  was  nom- 
inated and  confirmed  as  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
but  died  before  he  could  assume  the  duties. 

Star  Chamber  Sessions.  The  Star  Chamber  was  an  Eng- 
lish Court,  abolished  in  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of 
Charles  I.  The  court  was  composed  of  high  officers  of  the 
realm ;  it  sat  in  secret ;  its  power,  which  was  very  great,  was 
used  to  extort  money  by  means  of  fines,  and  for  the  over- 
throw of  powerful  enemies  of  the  Crown  not  otherwise  to 
be  reached.  The  name  is  said  to  have  arisen  from  the  fact 
that  the  roof  of  the  room  in  which  the  court  met  was 
decorated  with  stars.  In  American  politics  the  term  star 
chamber  sessions  is  sometimes  used  to  characterize  secret 
sessions  of  any  kind,  and  is  more  particularly  applied  to 
the  executive  sessions  of  the  Senate.  (See  Executive  Ses- 
sions.) 

Star  Organization.     (See  American  Knights.) 

Star  Route  Trials.  Star  Routes  are  those  mail  routes  of 
the  United  States  Government  on  which,  owing  to  lack  of 
railroad  or  steamboat  facilities,  the  mail  is  carried  on  horse- 
back or  wagons.  They  are  called  star  routes  because  in  the 
route  books  of  the  Post- Office  Department  they  are  marked 
with  a  star  (*).  Early  in  1881  vague  rumors  were  in  cir- 
culation of  extensive  fraud  in  this  service.  It  was  said  that 
there  was  a  "ring"  to  defraud  the  government.  Included 
in  it  were  some  of  the  large  contractors,  the  Second  Assist- 
ant Postmaster-General,  Thomas  J.  Brady,  some  subordi- 
nates in  the  department,  Senator  Stephen  W.  Dorsey,  of 
Arkansas,  and  others.  Brady  resigned  April  20,  1881. 
Proceedings  in  one  of  the  principal  cases  were  begun 
against  the  conspirators,  but  they  were  dismissed  on  account 
of  irregularity  in  the  form  of  the  action.  Early  in  1882 
several  persons  were  arrested  for  furnishing  fraudulent 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     375 

bonds  on  the  bids  for  service,  and  indictments  were  found 
against  Brady,  Stephen  W.  Dorse}',  John  W.  Dorsey,  John 
M.  Peck  and  John  E.  Miner,  who  had  made  the  bids ;  H.  M. 
Vaile,  a  sub-contractor;  M.  C.  Rerdell,  S.  W.  Dorsey's 
secretary ;  Turner,  a  clerk  in  Brady's  office ;  and  against  one 
of  the  principal  contractors.  The  method  by  which,  as 
charged,  the  government  was  defrauded  consisted  in  first 
obtaining  the  contracts  for  the  routes,  and  in  subsequently 
having  the  payments  vastly  increased,  in  compensation  for 
additional  mail  trips  per  week,  and  faster  time  on  each 
trip.  This  latter  was  called  "expediting"  the  route.  The 
Dorsey  combination,  as  the  conspirators  were  popularly 
called,  controlled  one  hundred  and  thirty-four  Star  Routes, 
on  which  the  original  compensation  was  $143,169,  By 
increasing  the  number  of  trips  beyond  what  the  locality 
required,  and  by  "expediting"  them,  this  amount  had  been 
increased  to  $622,808.  On  one  route  the  compensation  had 
been  increased  from  $398  to  $6,133.50;  the  revenue  derived 
therefrom  by  the  government  was  $240.  The  cases  came  up 
for  trial  in 'the  District  of  Columbia,  June  1,  1882.  The 
government  employed  special  counsel  to  aid  the  District 
Attorney,  and  the  defendants,  too,  were  represented  by 
eminent  lawyers.  After  a  protracted  trial,  the  case  was 
submitted  to  the  jury  on  September  8th;  as  they  were  not 
able  to  agree  as  to  all  of  the  defendants,  they  were  kept 
out  until  September  llth,  on  which  day  the  presiding  judge, 
Wylie,  deeming  an  agreement  on  all  the  defendants  unlikely, 
accepted  the  verdict.  Peck  and  Turner  were  found  not 
guilty ;  Miner  and  Rerdell,  guilty ;  as  to  the  Dorseys,  Vaile 
and  Brady  there  was  a  disagreement.  Preparations  were 
at  once  made  for  a  new  trial  in  the  cases  in  which  there 
had  been  a  disagreement  and  the  motions  of  the  counsel  of 
Miner  and  Rerdell  for  a  new  trial  were  granted.  The 
second  trial  began  in  December,  1882.  Rerdell,  on  this  trial, 
pleaded  guilty  and  turned  State's  evidence.  On  June  12, 
1883,  the  case  was  given  to  the  jury,  and  on  the  14th  a 
verdict  of  not  guilty  was  rendered.  In  April,  1883,  W.  P. 
Kellogg,  ex- Senator  from  Louisiana,  and  Brady  were  in- 
dicted for  receiving  money  for  services  in  relation  to  a  Star 
Route  contract.  The  cases  never  resulted  in  a  conviction. 
At  the  conclusion  of  the  first  of  these  trials  charges  of  at- 


376     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tempted  bribery  of  the  jury,  both  on  behalf  of  the  govern- 
ment and  of  the  defense,  were  made.  The  foreman  of  the 
first  jury,  Dickson,  and  another  juror,  claimed  to  have 
been  approached  on  behalf  of  the  government,  and  still 
another  juror  on  behalf  of  the  defense.  Before  the  first 
trial  had  ended  Dickson  had  made  a  sworn  statement  of 
the  facts  in  his  case,  and  it  was  charged  that  he  had  used 
it  in  the  jury-room  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  the  ver- 
dict. The  Department  of  Justice  investigated  the  cases, 
and  declared  its  belief  that  no  government  officials  were 
involved ;  it  implied  that  all  the  attempts  had  been  for  the 
purposes  of  the  defense.  Dickson  was  subsequently  in- 
dicted for  attempting  corruptly  to  influence  the  jury. 

Stars  and  Bars.  A  popular  name  for  the  flag  of  the  Con- 
federacy, which  consisted  of  a  blue  union  with  white  stars, 
one  for  every  State  of  the  Confederacy,  and  a  field  of  three 
bars,  the  center  bar  of  white,  the  other  two  of  red.  There 
were  also  battle-flags  of  different  designs. 

Star-Spangled  Banner.  This  national  song  was  written 
during  the  bombardment  of  Fort  McHenry,  near  Baltimore, 
by  the  British  during  the  War  of  1812.  Francis  Scott 
Key,  a  lawyer,  of  Frederick,  Maryland,  had  gone  on  board 
the  British  flagship  to  solicit  the  release  of  a  friend  who 
had  been  carried  on  board  a  prison.  The  British,  as  they 
were  on  the  point  of  attacking  Fort  McHenry,  detained 
Key,  and  he  as  well  as  his  friend  and  another  American 
were  transferred  to  another  vessel  lying  near.  There  they 
watched  the  fight  and  here,  during  the  bombardment,  did 
Key  write  the  song.  (See  Key,  Francis  Scott.) 

State,  Department  of.  This  is  the  oldest  of  the  executive 
departments  of  the  government,  having  been  established  by 
the  Act  of  July  27,  1789.  The  Secretary  of  State  (whose 
salary  is  $8,000)  is  at  its  head.  He  is"  appointed  by  the 
President  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  is  a  member 
of  the  President's  Cabinet.  Pie  is  the  medium  of  com- 
munication between  the  United  States  and  any  of  the 
States  or  any  foreign  country.  He  has  charge  of  the  great 
seal  of  the  United  States,  which  he  affixes  to  all  public 
documents  requiring  it,  he  also  countersigns  them.  His  de- 
partment has  charge  of  all  ambassadors  and  consuls;  in 
its  custody  are  all  the  engrossed  copies  of  the  laws  of  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     377 

United  States  and  all  treaties.  The  principal  subordinates 
are  three  assistant  secretaries,  chief  clerk  and  assistant  so- 
licitor; also  chairman  of  indexes  and  archives,  and  chair- 
men of  the  following  bureaus:  ^Diplomatic,  Consular,  Ac- 
counts, Rolls  and  Library,  Trade  Relations,  Appointments 
and  Passports.  The  salary  of  the  assistant  secretary  is 
$4,500;  that  of  the  second  and  third  assistants,  $4,000 
each ;  that  of  chief  clerk  and  assistant  solicitor,  $3,000  each, 
and  that  of  each  of  the  others  above  named,  $2,100.  This 
is  not  only  the  oldest  department  of  our  government,  but  it 
stands  first  in  rank.  The  Secretary  of  State  is  first  after 
the  Vice-President  in  the  line  of  succession  to  the  Presi- 
dency— that  is,  in  case  of  the  removal,  death,  resignation  or 
inability  of  both  President  and  Vice-President,  then  the 
Secretary  of  State  shall  act  as  President  until  the  dis- 
ability of  the  President  or  Vice-President  is  removed,  or 
a  President  elected.  Thus  far  in  our  history  no  Secretary 
has  been  called  on  to  perform  the  duties  of  President.  The 
growth  of  this  department  has  been  gradual.  The  pro- 
vision for  the  first  assistant  secretary  was  made  in  1853, 
for  the  second  in  1866,  and  for  the  third  in  1874.  The 
work  of  the  department  is  suitably  classified,  and  each  of 
these  assistants  has  charge  of  his  own  branch  of  it.  The 
responsibility  resting  upon  the  head  of  this  department  is 
very  great.  The  department  was  the  "logical  successor  of 
the  old  Department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  presided  over  by 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  and  afterward  by  John  Jay." 
State  Rights.  (See  State  Sovereignty.) 
State,  Secretary  of.  (See  State,  Department  of.) 
State  Sovereignty.  Nullification  is  the  setting  aside  and 
ignoring  of  a  national  law  by  a  State.  Strictly  speaking, 
"State  sovereignty"  is  the  doctrine  that  the  States,  at  the 
formation  of  the  Union,  delegated  a  portion  of  their  sov- 
ereignty to  the  National  government,  reserving  the  right  to 
revoke  the  agency  and  to  resume  the  exercise  of  all  the 
elements  of  sovereignty  at  any  time  by  seceding.  "State 
rights"  is  the  doctrine  that  every  State  is  sovereign  within 
the  limits  of  its  own  sphere  of  action,  made  so  by  the  de- 
clared will  of  the  nation  as  expressed  in  the  Constitution; 
and  that  the  will  of  the  nation,  appropriately  manifested, 
as  provided  in  the  Constitution,  may  change  that  sphere. 


378     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

In  the  Constitution,  the  rights  of  the  National  govern- 
ment are  distinctly  stated;  the  rights  of  the  State  are 
limited  only  by  the  expressly  declared  national  right. 
Previous  to  the  Civil  War  the  term  "State  rights"  was 
used  to  designate  the  idea  of  "State  sovereignty,"  and  mis- 
use has  raised  a  prejudice  in  many  minds  even  against  the 
legitimate  theory  of  "State  rights"  brought  forward  since 
that  event.  The  arguments  against  "State  sovereignty" 
may  be  summarized  as  follows :  The  colonies  did  not  fight 
each  for  its  own  independence,  but  each  for  the  inde- 
pendence of  all,  as  is  shown  by  their  joint  action  through- 
out, in  military  as  well  as  civil  matters.  The  sovereignty 
acquired  in  that  struggle  was  never  individually  exercised, 
but  all  remained  under  the  national  sovereignty  raised  by 
the  common  fight  for  liberty.  All  the  elements  and  in- 
signia of  sovereignty  were  vested  in  the  National  govern- 
ment, as  the  power  to  declare  war  and  peace  and  to  coin 
money,  and  moreover  the  power  to  amend  the  Constitution, 
except  in  a  very  few  particulars,  was  given  to  three-fourths 
of  the  States,  and  on  the  theory  of  State  sovereignty  this 
would  imply  the  self-contradictory  condition  of  a  sovereign 
State  voluntarily  exposing  itself  to  changes  in  its  govern- 
ment without  its  consent  to  the  change.  It  may  be  main- 
tained that  secession  would  afford  the  needed  relief;  but  if 
this  had  been  the  intention,  the  consent  of  all  the  States 
to  an  amendment  would  have  been  required,  since  it  must 
be  presumed  that  the  union  was  intended  to  endure.  The 
doctrine  of  "State  sovereignty"  was  put  forward  at  various 
times.  (See  Hartford  Convention;  Nullification.)  Soon 
after  the  nullification  troubles  it  became  the  ally  of  slavery, 
and  the  result  of  the  Civil  War  put  it  to  rest  forever.  State 
sovereignty  and  secession  finally  disposed  of,  the  theory  of 
State  rights  as  above  outlined  could  be  developed.  The 
danger  of  extreme  particularism  had  been  avoided ;  extreme 
centralization  during  the  exercise  of  war  powers  by  the 
President  and  Congress  was  inevitable.  The  Supreme  Court 
holds  the  balance,  and  its  adjudication  has,  since  the  war, 
laid  down  the  relations  of  the  States  and  the  National  gov- 
ernment as  above. 

States,  Admission  of,  to  the  Union.    (See  Admission  of 
States  to  the  Union.) 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     379 

States,  Familiar  Names  of.  Alabama .  Arkan- 
sas— Bear  State.  California — Golden  State.  Colorado — 
Centennial  State.  Connecticut— Nutmeg  State,  Wooden 
Nutmeg  State,  Free  Stone  State,  Land  of  Steady  Habits. 
Delaware — Diamond  State,  Blue  Hen  State.  Florida — 
Peninsula  State.  Georgia — Empire  State  of  the  South. 
Illinois — Prairie  State,  Sucker  State.  Indiana — Hoosier 
State.  Iowa — Hawkeye  State.  Kansas — Garden  State, 
Garden  of  the  West.  Kentucky — Corn  Cracker  State. 
Louisiana — Creole  State,  Pelican  State.  Maine — Pine 
Tree  State,  Lumber  State.  Maryland .  Massa- 
chusetts—Old Colony,  Bay  State,  Old  Bay  State.  Michi- 
gan— Wolverine  State,  Lake  State.  Minnesota— Gopher 
State.  Mississippi — Bayou  State.  Missouri — Pennsyl- 
vania of  the  West.  Nebraska .  Nevada — Sage 

Hen  State.  New  Hampshire — Granite  State.  New  Jer- 
sey  .  New  York — Empire  State,  Excelsior  State. 

North  Carolina— Tar  State,  Turpentine  State,  Old  North 
State.  Ohio — Buckeye  State.  Oregon .  Penn- 
sylvania— Keystone  State.  Rhode  Island — Little  Rhody 
or  Rhoda.  South  Carolina — Palmetto  State.  Tennessee — 
Big  Bend  State.  Texas — Lone  Star  State.  Vermont — 
Green  Mountain  State.  Virginia — Old  Dominion,  Mother 
of  Presidents,  Mother  of  States.  West  Virginia — Pan 
Handle  State.  Wisconsin — Badger  State. 

Stepfather  of  His  Country.  A  nickname  applied  to 
Washington  by  venomous  opponents  during  his  Presidency. 

Stephens,  Alexander  H.,  was  born  in  Wilkes  (now  Talia- 
ferro)  County,  Georgia,  February  11,  1812,  and  died  at 
Atlanta,  Georgia,  March  4,  1883.  He  was  a  lawyer  and  a 
graduate  of  the  University  of  Georgia.  He  served  in  the 
State  Legislature  and  in  Congress  (from  1843  to  1859)  as 
a  Whig.  When  that  party  ceased  to  exist  he  became  a 
Democrat,  but  opposed  secession;  when  his  State  had  ac- 
tually seceded  he  joined  it,  however.  He  became  Vice- 
President  of  the  Confederacy.  In  1877  he  again  went  to 
Congress,  leaving  the  House  to  become  Governor  of  his 
State  in  1882. 

Stevens,  Thaddeus,  was  born  at  Peacham,  Vermont, 
April  4,  1792,  and  died  at  Washington,  August  11,  1868. 
He  was  graduated  at  Dartmouth,  and  then  practised  law 


380     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

in  Pennsylvania.  He  served  in  the  State  Legislature,  and 
was  sent  to  Congress  in  1849,  where  he  served  until  1853, 
and  again  from  1859  to  1868.  He  was  originally  a  Whig, 
subsequently  joining  the  Republicans.  After  the  war  he 
took  a  prominent  part  in  Reconstruction.  (See  that  title 
and  Broad  Seal  War.) 

Still  Hunt.  When  a  politician  quietly  works  to  secure 
support  for  himself  without  openly  avowing  his  candidacy 
he  is  said  to  be  engaged  in  a  Still  Hunt. 

Straw  Bail.  Bail  is  security  given  for  the  appearance 
of  an  offender  when  called  for  trial.  This  is  usually  in 
the  form  of  a  bond  by  a  real-estate  owner,  the  bond  to  be 
forfeited  on  the  non-appearance  of  the  accused.  When  bail 
bonds  are  given  by  men  who  pretend  to  possess  the  neces- 
sary qualifications  while  in  reality  they  do  not,  the  bail  is 
called  Straw  Bail. 

Strict  Construction.  (See  Construction  of  the  Constitu- 
tion.) 

Strikers.  In  politics  this  term  is  applied  to  men  that 
seek  corruptly  to  influence  legislation.  (See  Lobby.) 
Whether  the  striker  has  any  real  power  to  do  this  or  not 
is  immaterial ;  what  is  important  to  him  is,  that  those 
desiring  legislation  influenced  may  think  so,  and  intrust 
to  him  money  intended  for  that  purpose.  The  term  is  also 
applied  to  legislators  that  introduce  or  support  bills  obnox- 
ious to  particular  interests  (usually  to  some  corporation), 
for  the  purpose  of  being  bought  off  by  the  interests  thus 
threatened.  This  is  a  species  of  political  blackmail. 

Strong,  Caleb.  A  member  of  the  Constitutional  Conven- 
tion, 1787;  United  States  Senator  from  Massachusetts, 
1789-96;  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  1800-07  and  1812-16. 
Born  at  Northampton,  Massachusetts,  January  9,  1745; 
died  at  Northampton,  Massachusetts,  November  7,  1819. 

Strong  Government  Whigs  were  the  members  of  that 
faction  of  the  American  Whigs  that  favored  the  establish- 
ment of  a  strong  central  government.  Opposed  to  them 
were  the  Particularists. 

Stuffing  the  Ballot-Box.    (See  Ballot-Box  Stuffing.) 

Stump.  In  the  early  days  of  this  country  political  orators 
traveled  from  town  to  town,  usually  addressing  crowds  in 
the  open  air  from  a  most  convenient  place,  frequently  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     381 

stump  of  a  tree.  From  this  arose  the  practice  of  calling  a 
political  harangue  a  stump-speech;  the  derivation  of 
"stumping  the  State"  and  "stump-speakers"  is  obvious. 

Submission  Men.  Those  that  opposed  the  War  of  1812, 
and  desired  peace  at  any  price,  were  called  "submission 
men." 

Subsidies  are  direct  pecuniary  encouragement  given  by 
the  government  to  private  enterprises,  especially  for  pur- 
poses of  transportation.  Our  protective  system  of  import 
duties  is  in  the  nature  of  an  indirect  bounty  or  subsidy 
to  domestic  manufactures.  (See  Protection;  Tariff  Laws 
of  the  United  States.)  Eailroads  and  steamship  compa- 
nies have  usually  been  the  recipients  of  direct  aid  from  the 
government,  but  subsidies  to  railroads  have  generally  taken 
the  forms  of  land  grants.  For  grants  to  railroads  see 
Land  Grants;  Pacific  Railroads.  No  grants  have  been 
made  for  the  last  fifteen  years.  The  reasons  urged  in  sup- 
port of  these  subsidies  were  that  railroads  were  thus  estab- 
lished much  sooner  than  they  otherwise  could  have  been, 
and  the  country  was  developed,  while  the  government  lost 
nothing  because  the  lands  it  retained  were  greatly  enhanced 
in  value.  There  is  no  doubt  that  much  of  our  national 
development  is  due  to  our  extensive  railroads,  and  that  this 
has  been  greatly  encouraged  by  national  aid;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  dangers  of  railroad  speculation  followed, 
and  the  government  interests  were  not  sufficiently  pro- 
tected. In  1845  subsidies  to  steamship  lines,  in  the  form 
of  payments  for  carrying  the  mails,  were  commenced,  and 
a  line  was  established  from  New  York  to  Bremen,  and  sub- 
sequently to  Havre  and  Bremen ;  the  subsidy  was  $350.000 
annually.  In  1847  another  act  was  passed,  under  which 
subsidies  were  paid  to  the  Collins  line  to  Liverpool,  the 
George  Law  line  to  Aspinwall,  and  the  Pacific  Mail  Steam- 
ship Company  running  from  Panama  to  Oregon.  In  1851 
and  1852  the  subsidies  to  the  Pacific  Mail  and  the  Collins 
lines,  respectively,  were  largely  increased.  In  1852  the 
total  amount  of  subsidies  for  the  foreign  mail  services  was 
$1,94.6,686.  About  1858  most  of  these  subsidies  were  with- 
drawn. In  1864  a  subsidy  was  authorized  for  mail  service 
to  Brazil,  and  in  1865  a  contract  for  ten  years  was  made 
with  the  United  States  and  Brazil  Steamship  Company  at 


382     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

$150,000  per  annum.  The  same  year  saw  a  contract  for 
monthly  mail  service  to  China  with  the  Pacific  Mail  Com- 
pany at  an  annual  subsidy  of  $500,000.  In  1872  an  addi- 
tional amount  of  $500,000  was  offered  to  the  same  com- 
pany for  a  semi-monthly  service,  but  it  was  found  impos- 
sible to  construct  the  vessels  as  provided  in  the  required 
time.  Disclosures  were  made  of  corruption  in  obtaining 
the  passage  of  the  last  act,  public  attention  was  forcibly 
directed  to  the  matter,  the  Senate  judiciary  committee  de- 
clared that  the  subsidy  of  1872  had  been  forfeited  by  non- 
fulfillment of  the  contract  on  the  part  of  the  company, 
and  the  government  consequently  would  not  grant  an  ex- 
tension of  time.  Both  the  Pacific  and  the  Brazil  subsidies 
ceased  in  1875,  and  no  others  have  been  granted.  Subsidies 
to  steamship  companies  have  been  advocated  for  the  pur- 
poses of  encouraging  our  carrying  trade  and  commerce  and 
to  provide  vessels  that  can  be  utilized  in  time  of  war  for 
naval  purposes.  It  is  probable,  however,  that  these  results 
could  be  achieved  more  naturally  in  other  ways,  and  it  is 
the  general  belief  that  corruption  is  apt  to  attend  the  grant- 
ing of  subsidies. 

Sub-Treasury  System.  Under  the  Act  of  July  4,  1840, 
the  United  States  for  the  first  time  assumed  exclusive 
charge  of  its  own  funds.  The  Bank  of  the  United  States 
had  failed  to  obtain  a  new  charter,  and  the  system  of  de- 
posits in  State  banks  (see  Pet  Banks;  Specie  Circular) 
had  been  a  failure.  At  the  special  session  of  Congress, 
called  to  meet  the  emergency  presented  by  the  panic  of 
1837,  a  bill  providing  for  a  treasury  system  independent 
of  the  banks  had  been  introduced  by  the  Democrats,  but 
had  failed,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the  "conservative"  Demo- 
crats joined  the  Whigs  in  opposing  it.  The  "conservatives" 
had  disappeared  from  the  Congress  that  met  in  December, 
1839,  and  during  that  session  the  bill  became  law  through 
the  aid  of  some  of  the  Whigs  who  favored  a  sub-treasury 
system.  The  act  provided  for  four  receivers-general  at 
New  York,  Boston,  Charleston,  and  St.  Louis,  respectively ; 
it  made  the  mint  at  Philadelphia  and  its  branch  at  New 
Orleans  places  of  deposit ;  it  provided  for  proper  bonds  for 
the  honesty  of  the  officials  to  secure  the  government,  and 
ordered  that  after  June  30,  1843,  all  payments  to  and  from 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     383 

the  government  were  to  be  in  gold  or  silver.  The  success 
of  the  Whigs  at  the  election  of  1840  led  to  the  repeal  of  the 
law,  to  take  effect  August  13,  1841.  Between  this  date 
and  August  16,  1846,  the  government  funds  were  managed 
at  the  discretion  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  princi- 
pally by  deposit  in  State  banks,  security  being  taken  by 
the  government.  The  election  of  1844  brought  the  Demo- 
crats back  to  power,  and  a  new  sub-treasury  act,  substan- 
tially the  same  as  the  first,  became  law  in  August,  1846. 
The  system  then  established  is  still  in  force.  The 
government  acts  as  its  own  bank,  keeping  its  funds^  in 
the  vaults  of  the  Treasury  and  of  the  various  sub-treasuries ; 
in  addition  the  government  may  deposit  its  funds  with  cer- 
tain of  the  national  banks  designated  as  depositaries,  they 
giving  security  therefor  in  the  shape  of  government  bonds. 
Sub-Treasury  Whigs  were  those  Whigs  that,  in  the 
Twenty-sixth  Congress,  supported  the  establishment  of  an 
independent  treasury.  The  Whig  party  was  opposed  to  this 
measure.  The  sub-treasury  Whigs  held  the  balance  of 
power  in  that  Congress,  and  one  of  them,  E.  M.  T.  Hunter, 
of  Virginia,  was  elected  Speaker.  The  measure  was,  with 
their  aid,  carried  by  the  Democrats. 

Succession,  Presidential.  (See  Presidential  Succession.) 
Suffrage  is  the  privilege  of  participating  in  the  govern- 
ment of  a  State  by  voting  at  an  election  of  officers  or  on  a 
change  in  the  fundamental  law.  Two  theories  regarding 
the  suffrage  have  been  advanced;  one,  that  it  is  a  natural 
right,  like  liberty;  the  other,  that  it  is  a  privilege  extended 
by  the  government,  to  be  exercised  under  such  restrictions 
or  limitations  as  the  latter  may  impose.  This  latter  prin- 
ciple is  the  one  on  which  the  majority  proceed  in  practice, 
even  when  professing  the  former.  The  thirteen  original 
colonies  all  limited  the  suffrage  to  freeholders  or  to  those 
that  possessed  property  of  a  certain  value,  or  to  those 
that  had  paid  taxes  of  a  certain  amount.  After  the  Revo- 
lution, however,  the  States  began  gradually  to  remove  these 
restrictions,  New  Hampshire  leading  the  way  in  1792 ;  the 
present  qualifications  of  voters  in  the  States  are  given  under 
Qualifications  of  Voters.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  does  not  guarantee  the  suffrage  to  any  citizens  of  the 
United  States.  This  subject  is  under  the  jurisdiction  of 


384     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  States;  the  Constitution  (Article  1,  sections  2  and  3. 
and  Article  2,  section  1)  provides  for  the  election  of  Con- 
gressmen, Senators  and  President,  and  in  every  case  is  the 
qualifications  of  the  voters  left  to  the  States.  (See  Quali- 
fications of  Voters.)  The  Fourteenth  Amendment  pro- 
vides for  the  reduction  of  the  representation  of  a  State 
in  Congress,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  citizens  de- 
prived of  the  suffrage,  except  for  crime.  This  was  intended 
to  guard  against  the  disfranchisement  of  the  recently 
emancipated  negroes,  which  object  was  still  more  effectively 
accomplished  by  the  Fifteenth  Amendment,  which  forbade 
the  denial  to  a  citizen  of  the  right  to  vote  on  account  of 
race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude.  It  did  not, 
even  by  implication,  guarantee  a  vote  to  every  citizen;  it 
simply  provided  that  if  any  citizens  vote,  others  shall  not 
be  forbidden  to  vote  for  any  of  the  above  reasons.  Among 
the  anomalies  that  have  arisen  under  this  head  we  may 
mention  that  in  Tennessee,  before  the  Civil  War,  free  ne- 
groes were  allowed  to  vote,  while  in  Connecticut  this  privi- 
lege was  denied  to  them.  The  Territories  have  no  voice  in 
the  Federal  elections.  (See  sections  of  Constitution  last 
referred  to. )  The  Governors  are  appointed ;  but  the  Terri- 
torial delegate  in  Congress  is  chosen  by  a  popular  election. 
So  also  is  the  Territorial  Legislature,  which  may  prescribe 
the  other  qualifications  of  voters,  provided  no  person  shall 
vote  unless  twenty-one  years  of  age,  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  or  an  alien  that  has  declared  his  intention  of 
becoming  a  citizen  and  has  taken  the  required  oath.  Under 
the  power  thus  granted  women  now  vote  in  Wyoming  Ter- 
ritory. The  inhabitants  of  the  District  of  Columbia  can- 
not, of  course,  vote  at  Federal  elections.  In  its  local  gov- 
ernment the  District  is  immediately  under  the  control  of 
Congress.  (See  Constitution,  Article  1,  section  8,  clause 
17;  District  of  Columbia;  Qualifications  of  Voters;  Regis- 
tration; Woman  Suffrage.) 

Suffrage  Party.     (See  Dorr  Rebellion.) 

Sumner,  Charles,  was  born  at  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
January  6,  1811,  and  died  in  Washington,  March  11,  1874. 
He  was  a  graduate  of  Harvard  and  a  lawyer.  Originally 
an  anti-slavery  Whig,  he  became  a  f ree-soiler  in  1 848,  and  a 
coalition  with  the  Democrats  elected  him  to  the  Senate  in 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     385 

1851,  in  which  he  sat  until  his  death.  He  was  an  able 
orator,  and  throughout  his  life  an  uncompromising  enemy 
of  slavery.  In  1856  he  was  the  subject  of  a  brutal  and  ruf- 
fianly assault  in  the  Senate  Chamber.  (See  Brooks,  Pres- 
ton S.)  In  1871  he  was  removed  from  the  chairmanship 
of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Relations  at  the  instance  of 
the  administration.  He  was  thereafter  its  opponent.  He 
was  in  his  life  prominent  in  the  impeachment  of  Johnson, 
in  the  Reconstruction  period,  in  the  Alabama  claims,  and 
in  the  controversy  over  the  San  Domingo  annexation,  the 
defeat  of  the  last  being  mainly  due  to  his  efforts. 
Sumptuary  Laws.  (See  Laws,  Sumptuary.) 
Sunset  Cox,  a  nickname  for  Samuel  S.  Cox,  said  to  have 
been  given  to  him  in  consequence  of  a  very  ambitious  de- 
scription of  a  sunset  written  while  he  was  a  journalist.  He 
was  born  in  Ohio,  September  30,  1824,  and  graduated  at 
Brown  University;  he  was  a  lawyer;  he  served  as  Repre- 
sentative of  New  York  until  he  was  appointed  Minister  to 
Turkey  in  1885.  He  returned  in  1887,  and  again  entered 
the  House  of  Representatives.  He  was  a  Democrat.  He 
died  September  10,  1889. 

Supreme  Court.  (See  Chief  Justice;  Judiciary.) 
Surplus,  The.  "By  surplus  revenue  is  meant  the  money 
which  annually  remains  in  the  Treasury  of  the  United 
States  after  the  officers  of  this  department  [the  Treasury] 
have  collected  the  taxes  laid  on  the  people  by  the  laws  of 
Congress  and  have  paid  all  the  expenses  and  obligations 
of  the  government,  except  principal  of  the  interest-bearing 
debt."  (Report  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Decem- 
ber 5,  1887.)  The  question  as  to  the  disposition  of  a  sur- 
plus, as  above  defined,  becomes  of  importance  on  occasions 
when  there  is  either  no  public  debt  outstanding  at  the  time, 
or  when  such  outstanding  debt  has  not  matured,  and  is, 
therefore,  not  redeemable.  When  the  outstanding  public 
debt  is  redeemable,  the  surplus  is,  of  course,  applied  to  its 
extinguishment.  Twice  before  in  the  experience  of  the 
United  States  has  this  problem  confronted  it.  In  1835  the 
government  debt  was  reduced  to  $37,733,  this  sum  repre- 
senting obligations  which,  though  due,  had  not  yet  been 
presented  for  payment ;  a  surplus  then  accumulated,  and  it 
grew  so  rapidly  that  in  1836  the  government  was  in  posses- 


386     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


sion  of  a  surplus  of  over  $40,000,000.  The  disposition  of  this 
sum  was  long  debated,  the  debates  culminating  in  an  Act  of 
Congress,  passed  in  1836,  providing  for  the  distribution 
among  the  States,  in  proportion  to  their  respective  repre- 
sentation in  Congress,  of  all  but  $5,000,000  of  this  sum, 
on  condition  that  the  States  authorized  their  treasurers 
to  receive  these  sums  and  agreed  to  refund  the  amounts 
when  demanded.  The  sum  to  be  divided  was  $37,468,859, 
and  it  was  to  be  paid  in  four  installments,  on  January  1, 
April  1,  July  1,  and  October  1,  1837.  The  first  three  in- 
stallments were  paid  to  all  but  the  few  States  that  had 
refused  to  accept  it  on  the  conditions  imposed;  the  fourth 
installment  was  postponed  until  January  1,  1839,  owing 
to  the  financial  situation  caused  by  the  panic  of  1837,  and 
to  a  deficit  of  about  $10,000,000  in  the  receipts  and  ex- 
penditures of  that  year.  Its  payment  was  finally  indefi- 
nitely postponed.  The  return  of  these  loans  to  the  States 
has  never  been  demanded,  nor  is  it  likely  that  such  de- 
mand will  ever  be  made.  The  panic  of  1837  is  attributed 
in  large  part  to  the  distribution  of  the  surplus  among  the 
States,  leading  as  it  did  to  reckless  inflation  in  banking 
and  commercial  enterprises.  Just  previous  to  1852  a  sur- 
plus again  began  to  accumulate  in  the  Treasury;  it  had 
been  used  previous  to  July,  1853,  in  the  purchase  in  the 
market  of  government  bonds  to  the  amount  of  over  $11,- 
000,000;  on  July  30,  1853,  an  offer  was  made  by  the 
Treasury  to  redeem  at  a  premium  of  twenty-one  per  cent. 
$5,000,000  of  the  loans  due  in  1867  and  1868,  and  similar 
offers  at  varying  rates  of  premium  were  from  time  to  time 
renewed,  with  the  result  of  retiring  over  $42,000,000  more 
of  the  government  obligations  by  October  1,  1857.  On  this 
total  of  over  $53,000,000  of  debt  redeemed,  a  total  pre- 
mium of  about  $8,000,000  was  paid.  The  debt  then  in- 
creased, and  the  outbreak  soon  afterward  of  the  Civil  War 
removed  any  further  immediate  danger  of  annoyance  from 
a  surplus.  In  1866  the  national  debt  reached  its  highest 
point ;  since  then  there  has  been  a  surplus  in  the  Treasury 
every  year,  and  it  has  heretofore  been  applied  to  the  retire- 
ment of  government  obligations  redeemable  at  the  pleasure 
of  the  government.  During  this  period  of  twenty-six  years 
the  surplus  was  smallest  in  1874,  being  $2,344,882.30,  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     387 

greatest  in  1882,  being  $145,543,810.71.  During  the  fiscal 
year  ending  June  30,  1887,  it  amounted  to  $103,471,097.69, 
which  is  but  $1,000,000  less  than  the  surplus  of  1884,  the 
largest  since  the  reduction  of  taxation  in  1883  (by  a  revi- 
sion of  the  tariff),  although  in  that  year  the  government 
expenses  (exclusive  of  interest  on  the  debt)  were  over 
$30,000,000  less  than  in  1887.  For  the  fiscal  year  ending 
July  1,  1892,  the  surplus  is  estimated  at  $26,838.541.  On 
July  1, 1887,  the  call  of  the  government  for  the  redemption 
of  the  last  of  the  three  per  cent,  bonds  outstanding,  ma- 
tured; these  bonds  were  the  only  remaining  ones  redeem- 
able at  the  pleasure  of  the  government.  The  only  consider- 
able amounts  now  remaining  outstanding  (see  Debt  of  the 
United  States)  are  the  four  per  cent,  bonds,  due  in  1907, 
and  four  and  one-half  per  cent,  bonds  due  in  1891.  These 
are  not  redeemable  before  maturity.  The  danger  confronting 
the  country  lies  in  the  accumulation  in  the  Treasury  of 
over  $100,000,000  per  year  of  money  needed  by  the  business 
interests  of  the  country.  There  was  no  outlet  by  means  of 
the  payment  of  bonds  before  1891,  and  long  before  that 
time  such  accumulation  might  work  inconceivable  hard- 
ship and  distress.  The  government  avoided  this  tempo- 
rarily, by  availing  itself  of  a  provision  of  the  national  bank 
laws  permitting  the  deposit  with  certain  of  these  banks  of 
government  funds  secured  by  deposits  of  United  States 
bonds  with  the  Treasury.  These  deposits  increased  from 
$15,439,904  on  September,  1886,  to  $52,199,917  on  Janu- 
ary 1,  1888.  The  relief  thus  afforded  was  considerable. 
Other  temporary  measures  taken  for  the  relief  of  the  coun- 
try were  the  purchase  by  the  government  of  bonds,  sealed 
offers  for  the  sale  of  which  were  invited  by  the  government 
in  its  circular  of  August  3,  1887;  this  was  followed  by  a 
general  offer  made  by  the  government  in  its  circular  of 
September  22,  1887,  for  the  purchase,  prior  to  October  8th, 
of  not  more  than  $14,000,000  in  all,  of  four  per  cent,  and 
four  and  one-half  per  cent,  bonds  at  a  premium  of  twenty- 
five  per  cent,  up  to  October,  and  twenty-four  per  cent,  from 
October  1st  to  October  8th,  for  the  four's,  and  of  eight  and 
four-tenths  per  cent,  for  the  four  and  one-half's.  By 
these  two  expedients  bonds  to  the  amount  of  about  $25,- 
000,000  were  purchased  at  a  premium  of  $2,852,015.88. 


388     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


Thus  was  the  situation  in  1887  tided  over  until  Congress 
met.  Then  arose  the  necessity  of  measures  for  permanent 
relief.  The  experience  of  1837  in  distributing  or  "depos- 
iting/7 as  it  was  called,  funds  with  the  States  was  too  dis- 
astrous to  be  repeated.  Three  alternatives  were  given  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury :  1.  The  purchase  of  interest- 
bearing  debt.  2.  Increased  appropriations.  3.  Reduction 
of  taxation,  so  that  receipts  shall  not  more  than  equal 
expenditures.  The  first  plan  had  many  advocates,  who 
maintained  that  the  government  (whose  money  lies  idle 
in  the  Treasury  vaults)  does  not  make  interest  on  its  funds; 
that  therefore  it  is  not  at  a  disadvantage  in  paying  money 
now  rather  than  in  nineteen  years  (as  would  be  the  case 
with  a  merchant) ;  that  it  must  finally  pay  the  principal 
of  its  debt  and  four  per  cent,  interest  per  annum  for  nine- 
teen years  (in  the  case  of  the  four  per  cent,  bonds),  making 
a  total  of  $176  for  every  $100  of  principal ;  and  that  there- 
fore every  bond  purchased  at  any  price  cheaper  than  sev- 
enty-six per  cent,  premium  is  a  profit  to  the  government. 
The  opponents  objected  that  any  large  purchases  would 
drive  the  price  far  above  the  present  market  value,  which 
they  considered  a  sufficiently  high  price  for  the  government 
to  pay.  The  objections  to  the  second  plan  have  been  stated 
to  be  that  increased  expenditure  for  internal  or  other  im- 
provements tends  to  debauch  and  corrupt  the  public  service 
and  the  country,  and  that,  moreover,  the  government  has  no 
right  to  tax  the  people  to  an  extent  greater  than  that  neces- 
sary for  the  purposes  of  the  government  economically  ad- 
ministered. Both  of  the  great  political  parties  stand 
pledged  to  the  third  plan,  of  a  reduction  of  taxation.  The 
national  banking  system,  based  as  its  circulation  is  on 
government  bonds,  must  necessarily  fail  as  to  one  of  its 
most  important  elements  whenever  the  government  bonds 
are  all  redeemed.  In  order  to  avert  the  immediate  neces- 
sity of  this,  and  yet  to  dispose  of  the  surplus,  a  plan  was 
proposed  by  John  Jay  Knox,  formerly  Comptroller  of  the 
Currency,  as  follows :  Government  bonds  at  present  out- 
standing are  to  be  replaced  by  bonds  bearing  two  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  interest,  and  for  the  amount  of  annual  in- 
terest thus  surrendered  (two  per  cent,  in  the  case  of  the  four 
and  one-half  per  cent.,  and  one  and  one-half  per  cent,  in  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     389 

case  of  the  four  per  cent.),  the  holders  are  to  receive  the 
present  value  of  this  sum  calculated  by  the  tables  of  annu- 
ity, or  23.55  per  cent,  in  the  case  of  the  four  per  cents. 
The  amount  of  money  thus  required  for  the  four's  alone, 
about  $175,000,000,  would  dispose  of  the  surplus  for  sev- 
eral years  to  come,  and  thus  give  time  to  devise  a  system  of 
permanent  reduction,  leaving  the  present  principal  unaf- 
fected and  open  to  use  by  the  national  banks.  A  variation 
of  this  plan,  instead  of  paying  the  premium  in  cash,  pro- 
vides instead  for  the  issue  to  the  holders  of  two  and  one- 
half  per  cent,  bonds,  redeemable  at  the  government's  op- 
tion, out  of  the  annual  saving  of  interest.  Since  these 
plans  were  proposed,  however,  extreme  liberality  in  the 
re-rating  of  old  pensions  and  the  granting  of  new  ones 
have  reduced  the  surplus  materially,  as  will  be  seen  by 
reference  to  the  figures  for  1891. 

Suspension  of  Specie  Payments.  (See  Commercial  Crises.) 

"Swamp  Fox."  A  name  by  which  General  Francis  Ma- 
rion was  known  to  both  friend  and  enemy. 

Swinging  Round  the  Circle,  was  the  phrase  applied  by 
Andrew  Johnson  to  his  trip  to  Chicago  in  1866.  The  occa- 
sion was  the  laying  of  the  corner-stone  of  a  monument  to 
Stephen  A.  Douglas.  Johnson  went  West,  attended  by  a 
large  party;  in  all  the  larger  cities  at  which  he  stopped  he 
delivered  political  speeches,  not  always  in  the  best  taste. 
He  was  frequently  very  violent  in  his  abuse  of  Con- 
gress, with  which  he  was  then  engaged  in  a  quarrel, 
and  on  several  occasions  he  lost  his  temper  completely, 
so  much  so,  that  "Don't  get  mad,  Andy,"  was  the  advice 
offered  by  some  one  in  the  crowd  at  Cleveland. 

Tailor's  Plot.  A  scare  similar  to  the  Tub  Conspiracy. 
A  tailor  in  Philadelphia,  was  observed  to  be  manufacturing 
clothing  of  a  foreign  cut  in  large  quantities;  it  was  at 
once  assumed  that  they  were  for  some  band  of  Frenchmen 
in  conspiracy  against  the  government.  The  shop  wasx 
seized  and  some  men  were  imprisoned;  then  it  turned  out 
that  they  were  for  the  use  of  soldiers  in  Hayti.  This  was 
in  1799. 

Tall  Sycamore  of  the  Wabash  was  a  name  sometimes  ap- 
plied to  Senator  Daniel  W.  Voorhees  of  Indiana. 


390     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Tammany.  In  1789  the  Columbian  Order  was  organized 
in  New  York  City  by  William  Mooney.  In  1805  it  was 
incorporated  and  the  name  of  Tammany  Society  was  as- 
sumed, the  name  being  taken  from  that  of  an  Indian  chief. 
Its  organization  was  supposed  in  a  general  way  to  imitate 
Indian  customs,  consisting  of  Sachems  or  chiefs,  a  Saga- 
more or  master  of  ceremonies,  the  members  being  called 
braves,  its  meeting  place  the  wigwam,  etc.  It  was  at  first 
a  social  organization,  but  about  1800  the  majority  of  its 
members  were  in  sympathy  with  Aaron  Burr,  and  the  soci- 
ety entered  politics  under  his  standard.  From  the  first  the 
qualities  that  have  always  been  most  prominent  in  it  pre- 
vailed— thorough  organization  and  a  thorough  canvass. 
Tammany  was  for  a  short  time  allied  with  DeWitt  Clinton, 
but  they  separated  and  Tammany  came  to  be  recognized 
as  the  regular  Democratic  faction.  It  had  thus  gained  a 
position  in  New  York  politics.  It  has  since  been  a  factor, 
if  a  very  uncertain  one,  to  be  reckoned  with.  Its  field  of 
greatest  activity  is  in  the  local  politics  of  New  York  City, 
but  in  the  politics  of  the  State  its  influence  is  considerable 
because  of  the  large  vote  cast  in  New  York  City.  About 
1830  there  was  added  to  its  organization  the  general  com- 
mittee, containing  representatives  of  every  election  district. 
This  unwieldy  body  is  practically  controlled  by  sub-com- 
mittees, where  the  leaders  of  the  organization  make  their 
will  felt.  Sometimes  the  regular  Democratic  organiza- 
tion and  sometimes  a  freebooter,  its  influence  in  its  own 
party  is,  to  a  great  extent,  owing  to  fear  of  its  treachery. 
In  1879  the  renomination  of  Lucius  Eobinson  did  not  meet 
its  approval;  it  thereupon  withdrew  and  nominated  John 
Kelly,  its  boss,  as  in  popular  phrase  its  leader  is  known. 
Kelly  polled  77,000  votes  against  375,000  for  Robinson, 
and  418,000  for  Cornell,  the  Republican.  Tweed  was  its 
boss  in  the  days  of  his  success  (see  Tweed  Ring),  and  his 
overthrow  dealt  it  a  severe  blow ;  but  it  has  always  recovered 
its  position.  Its  organization  and  traditions  both  tend  to 
make  it  subject  to  the  control  of  a  small  clique,  and  its 
large  following  in  a  State  always  doubtful  gives  it  an 
influence  in  national  politics  otherwise  out  of  proportion 
to  its  numerical  strength. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     391 

Taney,  Roger  Brooke,  was  born  in  Maryland  in  1777, 
and  died  in  Washington  in  1864.  He  was  Attorney-Gen- 
eral of  the  United  States,  and  in  1832  was  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  but  failed  of  confirmation.  In 
1836  Jackson  appointed  him  Chief-Justice  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  and  the  Senate  confirmed  the  nomination;  a  few 
years  previous  his  nomination  to  that  court  had  been  re- 
jected. His  most  famous  decision  is  the  Dred  Scott  Case 
(which  see.) 

Tariff  Commission.  A  commission  appointed  in  1882  by 
President  Arthur,  in  accordance  with  a  Congressional  reso- 
lution, to  take  testimony  and  report  a  tariff  bill  to  Con- 
gress. (See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.) 

Tariff  for  Revenue  Only,  This  phrase,  which  has  long 
been  in  use,  contains  the  substance  of  the  position  occupied 
by  those  that  believe  in  a  fiscal  tariff  merely — that  is,  a 
tariff  that  shall  provide  revenues  for  the  government  with- 
out attempting  to  afford  protection  to  domestic  industries. 
(See  Tariffs  of  the  United  States.) 

Tariff  is  a  Local  Issue.  In  October,  1880,  an  interview 
with  General  W.  S.  Hancock,  the  Democratic  nominee  for 
President,  appeared  in  print,  in  which  he  was  reported  to 
have  said:  "The  tariff  question  is  a  local  question."  This 
was  at  once  seized  on  by  his  political  enemies,  and  has 
become  current  in  the  form  given  above. 

Tariff  of  Abominations.  A  name  given  to  the  tariff  of 
1828. 

Tariffs  of  the  United  States.  The  right  to  levy  duties 
on  imports  for  the  purpose  of  paying  the  national  debt  and 
providing  for  the  common  defense  is  granted  to  Congress 
by  Article  1,  section  8,  clause  1,  of  the  Constitution.  Under 
clause  3  of  the  same  section  Congress  also  has  power  "to 
regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,"  and  this  is  under- 
stood to  include  the  power  which  Congress  has  frequently 
exercised  of  so  arranging  the  tariff  as  to  protect  domestic 
interests.  The  first  clause  above  referred  to  provides  that 
"all  duties  .  .  .  shall  be  uniform  throughout  the 
United  States,"  and  section  10,  clause  2,  of  the  same 
article  prohibits  any  State  from  levying  duties  without 
Congressional  consent,  "except  what  may  be  absolutely 
necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws,"  A  tariff 


392     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

imposing  duties  with  the  sole  object  of  securing  money 
to  carry  on  the  government  is  called  a  fiscal  tariff,  or 
tariff  for  revenue  only.  If  such  is  its  main  object,  but 
there  is  a  purpose  at  the  same  time  of  so  arranging  the 
duties  as  to  protect  home  industries,  it  is  called  a  tariff 
for  revenue,  with  incidental  protection.  When  the  chief 
object  is  to  protect  domestic  producers  and  manufacturers 
the  tariff  is  called  protective  (the  so-called  American  Sys- 
tem, which  see).  Under  the  authority  of  the  Constitution, 
and  to  provide  revenues  for  the  new  government,  the  first 
days  of  the  First  Congress  saw  a  tariff  act  introduced.  It 
was  carried,  and  became  a  law  July  4,  1789.  The  preamble 
to  this  act  recited  that  one  of  its  objects  was  "the  en- 
couragement and  protection  of  manufacturers";  but  sub- 
sequent acts  have  not  generally  made  this  one  of  their 
declared  purposes,  however  much  it  may  have  been  an 
actual  one.  The  act  of  1789  levied  both  specific  and  ad 
valorem  duties,  the  average  of  which  was  equal  to  an 
ad  valorem  duty  of  eight  and  a  half  per  cent.  From  the 
date  of  this  act  up  to  1816  numerous  tariffs  (not  less  than 
seventeen)  were  enacted.  The  Embargo  Act,  by  cutting 
off  supplies  from  Europe,  stimulated  our  home  manufac- 
tures, which  gained  still  further  when,  at  the  beginning  of 
the  War  of  1812,  the  existing  duties  (which  had  been 
slightly  increased  from  time  to  time  since  1789)  were 
doubled.  The  embargo  and  the  war  seem  to  have  trans- 
ferred much  capital  from  the  carrying  trade  to  manufactur- 
ing, and  the  latter  interests  now  made  a  strong  appeal  for 
protection,  which  resulted  in  the  first  essentially  protective 
tariff  in  our  history.  The  act  became  law  on  April  27, 
1816,  having  passed  the  Senate  by  a  vote  of  25  to  7  and 
the  House  by  88  to  54.  It  'was  considered  a  Southern 
measure,  the  South  at  that  time  favoring  protection,  while 
the  North  opposed  it.  This  tariff  favored  specific  rates 
and  introduced  minimum  duties.  A  period  of  speculation, 
competition  in  manufacturing,  and  then  of  financial  de- 
pression, led  to  an  attempt  to  pass  another  tariff  that 
should  be  still  more  highly  protective.  The  attempt  was 
successful,  and  on  May  22,  1824,  the  country  had  a  new 
tariff,  though  it  barely  passed  Congress,  having  a  majority 
of  but  five  in  the  House  and  four  in  the  Senate.  It  was 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     393 

advocated  by  the  central  r.nd  western  sections  of  the  coun- 
try, and  opposed  by  the  South  and  New  England.  Iron, 
wool,  hemp  and  sugar  were  protected;  the  average  rate  of 
duties  was  thirty-seven  per  cent.  It  was  in  the  debates 
on  this  bill  that  it  was  first  seriously  asserted  that  Con- 
gress had  no  Constitutional  power  to  pass  a  tariff  for  pro- 
tective purposes  only.  Xew  England  now  began  to  favor 
protection  to  aid  her  growing  manufactures,  especially  that 
of  woolens,  and  the  South  began  to  think  that  the  North 
and  East  were  profiting  at  her  expense.  New  England 
wanted  high  duties  on  woolens  and  cottons  and  low  rates 
on  iron,  hemp,  salt  and  molasses;  Pennsylvania,  Ohio  and 
Kentucky  had  exactly  the  opposite  interests.  The  result 
was  the  tariff  of  1828^,  which  was  called  "the  tariff  of  abom- 
inations" ;  it  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  105  to  74.  The 
high  duties  of  this  law  caused  such  a  storm  in  the  South 
and  among  certain  classes  in  other  sections,  that  various 
new  tariffs  were  soon  introduced  into  Congress.  The  result 
was  the  act  of  July  14,  1832,  which  reduced  the  iron  duty 
and  increased  the  rate  on  woolens.  This  act  led  to  the 
nullification  movement  (which  see),  wherein  South  Caro- 
lina was  the  leader,  and  from  that  to  Henry  Clay's  Com- 
promise Tariff.  This  became  a  law  March  2,  1833,  having 
passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  119  to  81  and  the  Senate 
by  29  to  16.  Its  main  feature  was  a  provision  that  all 
ad  valorem  duties  of  more  than  twenty  per  cent,  should 
have  one-tenth  of  the  excess  cut  off  every  two  years,  till, 
in  1812,  no  such  duties  should  exceed  twenty  per  cent. 
It  adopted  the  principle  of  home  valuation  (which  see). 
It  was  a  complicated  and  deceptive  bill,  and  was  little  better 
than  a  makeshift.  It  caused  so  little  satisfaction  and  so 
diminished  the  revenue  that  in  1842  a  new  tariff  was 
enacted  that  was  based  on  protection  principles,  levied 
duties  averaging  thirty-three  per  cent.,  and  re-adopted 
foreign  valuations  (which  see).  In  1846  a  new  tariff 
measure  passed  the  House  by  a  vote  of  114  to  95,  was 
approved  by  the  Senate  only  by  means  of  the  vote  of  its 
presiding  officer,  and  became  a  law.  It  was  framed  in 
accordance  with  an  exhaustive  and  able  report  of  Robert 
J.  Walker,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  under  Polk.  The 
highest  duty  that  it  imposed  was  seventy-five  per  cent.,  the 


394     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

average  twenty-five  per  cent.  It  was  carefully  framed, 
and  produced  a  very  much  larger  revenue  than  its  imme- 
diate predecessor.  In  1857  it  was  found  necessary  to  reduce 
the  customs  revenue,  and  an  act  was  passed  cutting  down 
the  average  of  duty  to  twenty  per  cent.  This,  on  the  other 
hand,  provided  an  insufficient  income,  and  in  1861  the 
"Morill  Tariff"  bill  was  adopted,  which  was  largely  pro- 
tective. The  Civil  War  now  involved  the  government  in 
unusual  expenses,  and  during  its  continuance  many  tariff 
measures  were  adopted  imposing  higher  and  higher  rates 
of  duty,  primarily  for  the  purposes  of  revenue,  but  involv- 
ing in  many  cases  protection  also,  and  the  duties  were 
often  so  high  that  they  became  prohibitive.  From  the  close 
of  the  war  the  Republican  party  may  be  considered  as  far 
more  thoroughly  devoted  to  the  protection  idea  than  the 
Democrats.  The  former  was  now  in  complete  control  of 
the  government.  On  July  14,  1870,  a  tariff  act  was  passed 
on  the  protection  plan,  making  reductions  chiefly  on  such 
articles  as  tea,  coffee  and  sugar,  and  on  luxuries  such  as 
wines.  In  1872  tariff  acts  were  passed  making  some 
reductions,  but  they  retained  the  protective  principle.  No 
general  tariff  measure  was  now  passed  until  1883.  In  the 
meantime  duties  continued  to  be  collected  under  various 
laws  which  were  vexatiously  conflicting — some  passed  before 
1861,  fourteen  principal  statutes  enacted  between  then  and 
1873,  and  twenty  minor  acts  passed  in  the  same  period. 
In  1874  the  sugar  duty  was  increased  one-fourth,  and  a 
ten  per  cent,  reduction  made  by  the  act  of  1872  on  certain 
articles  was  repealed.  This  whole  mass  of  high  duties  was 
called  a  "war  tariff,"  and  an  outcry  was  made  for  a  removal 
of  the  taxes  that  were  no  longer  necessary  to  the  govern- 
ment. The  customs  revenue  reached  its  highest  point  in 
1872,  and  a  surplus  was  finally  created  in  the  Treasury 
that  threatened  financial  disaster  to  the  country  and  en- 
couraged extravagance  in  Congressional  appropriations. 
The  protectionists,  however,  desired  to  keep  the  protective 
tariff,  with  some  slight  reductions,  and  reduce  the  income 
of  the  government  by  cutting  down  the  internal  revenue 
taxes.  The  opposing  party  desired  that  the  high  war  and 
protective  duties  should  be  reduced.  The  question  came  to 
a  head  in  1882.  In  May  of  that  year  Congress  appointed, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     395 

through  the  President,  a  commission  of  nine  civilians  to 
consider  the  matter.  President  Arthur  selected  as  mem- 
bers of  this  tariff  commission  persons  who  were  protection- 
ists. They  took  voluminous  testimony  all  over  the  coun- 
try and  reported  a  bill  to  Congress  in  December.  Neither 
branch  of  Congress  was  satisfied  with  this  bill  and  each 
debated  one  of  its  own.  They  were  finally  forced  to  refer 
their  measures  to  a  conference  committee  composed  of  mem- 
bers of  each  House,  a  majority  of  whom  favored  high 
protective  duties.  The  committee  reported  a  bill  which 
there  was  little  time  to  consider,  and  which  was  passed 
one  day  before  the  close  of  the  session  and  became  a  law  on 
March  3,  1883;  it  went  into  effect  as  to  most  of  its  provi- 
sions on  July  1st  of  the  same  year.  The  law  of  1883  made 
many  reductions,  but  retained  in  full  force  the  protective 
principle.  President  Cleveland,  in  his  message  of  Decem- 
ber, 1887,  by  dealing  only  with  the  surplus  and  the  revenue, 
brought  the  tariff  question  prominently  before  Congress 
and  the  nation.  The  Republican  party  are  almost  unani- 
mously in  favor  of  high  protective  duties;  the  Democratic 
party  are  mostly  in  favor  of  extensive  reduction,  but  a  pow- 
erful minority  hold  opposite  views.  On  May  21,  1890,  the 
Ways  and  Means  Committee  reported  to  the  House  a  tariff 
bill,  which  was  subsequently  passed,  called  the  "McKinley 
Bill,"  after  the  chairman  of  that  committee.  This  was 
followed  by  the  "Dingley  Bill,"  1905.  (See  American 
System;  Custom  Duties;  Exports  and  Imports;  Protec- 
tion; Free  Trade.) 

Tatooed  Man.  During  the  Presidential  campaign  of 
1884  a  New  York  illustrated  paper  published  a  cartoon 
which  represented  the  Republican  candidate,  James  G. 
Elaine,  in  the  role  of  Phryne  before  the  Athenian  judges. 
His  robe  was  removed  and  he  appeared  tatooed  with  the 
names  of  the  scandals  with  which  his  enemies  tried  to 
connect  him.  This  was  regarded  as  an  excellent  conceit, 
and  from  it  arose  the  name  of  "Tatooed  Man/'  so  often 
applied  to  Elaine. 

Taxation  Without  Representation  is  Tyranny.  This 
phrase  formulated  the  complaints  of  the  colonists,  before 
the  Revolution,  which  were  the  chief  cause  of  that  war  for 
independence. 


398     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Taylor,  Za«hary,  was  born  in  Orange  County,  Virginia, 
November  24,  1784;  he  died  while  President,  in  Washing- 
ton, July  9,  1850.-  Early  in  his  life  he  accompanied  his 
father  to  Kentucky,  where  he  remained  until  1808,  when 
he  was  appointed  to  av  lieutenancy  in  the  army.  His  ser- 
vices, principally  against'  .the  Indians,  caused  his  gradual 
promotion,  and  at  the  outbreak  of  the  Mexican  War  he  was 
a  major-general.  While  in  command  of  the  Southwestern 
Department,  in  1840,  he  had  purchased  an  estate  in  Baton 
Rouge,  Louisiana,  which  was  thereafter  his  residence.  His 
distinguished  services  in  the  Mexican  War  brought  him 
prominently  before  the  public,  and  in  1848  he  was  nomi- 
nated as  President  by  the  Whigs  and  elected.  He  died 
after  having  served  somewhat  over  a  year. 

Tecumseh's  Conspiracy.     (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Temperance.     (See  Prohibition.) 

Tennessee  was  originally  a  part  of  North  Carolina.  The 
settlers  of  this  region  attempted,  without  success,  to  form 
a  separate  State  government  in  1784,  under  the  name  of 
Franklin  or  Frankland.  It  was  ceded  to  the  National  gov- 
ernment in  1789-90.  (See  Territories.)  In  1794  it  was 
made  a  Territory.  It  was  admitted  to  the  Union  on  June 
1,  1796.  On  June  8,  1861,  a  popular  vote  decided  in  favor 
of  secession,  and  the  State  was  re-admitted  to  the  Union 
by  act  of  July  24,  1866.  The  capital  is  Nashville.  It  is 
popularly  known  as  the  Big  Bend  State. 

Tenure  of  Office  Act.    (See  Term  and  Tenure  of  Office.) 

Term  and  Tenure  of  Office.  The  term  of  an  office  is  the 
period  for  which,  the  tenure  the  conditions  under  which, 
the  office  is  to  be  held.  Article  2,  section  2,  clause  2,  of  the 
Constitution  provides  that  the  President  "shall  nominate, 
and  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate, 
shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers  and  con- 
suls, judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other  officers 
of  the  United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by 
law;  but  the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment 
of  such  inferior  officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  Presi- 
dent alone,  in  the  courts  of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  depart- 
ments" ;  and  clause  3,  of  the  same  article,  says  "the  Presi- 
dent shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 


ZACHARY  TAYLOR. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     397 

happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  com- 
missions, which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next 
session."  Congress  has  accordingly  vested  in  the  courts, 
the  heads  of  departments  and  the  President  alone  the 
appointment  of  the  great  bulk  of  the  officers  of  the  gov- 
ernment, who  are  termed  "inferior"  officers,  though  that 
term  is  not  susceptible  of  exact  definition.  It  is  consid- 
ered that  the  power  of  removal  is  given  with  the  power 
of  appointment,  except  as  provided  by  law.  Up  to  Jack- 
son's time  it  was  the  theory  of  our  government  that  remov- 
als should  only  be  made  for  cause,  but  then  the  introduction 
of  the  "spoils  system"  led  to  frequent  removals  for  purely 
partisan  reasons,  and  that  was  the  custom  followed  to  a 
recent  date.  (See  Civil  Service  Reform.)  Prior  to  1820 
no  term  of  office  was  provided  for  any  inferior  officer, 
except  United  States  marshals,  but  in  that  year  a  bill  was 
passed  providing  that  district-attorneys,  naval  officers 
(these  are  officials  in  the  customs  service),  navy  agents, 
surveyors  and  collectors  of  customs,  paymasters  and  some 
other  officers,  should  be  appointed  for  terms  of  four  years. 
In  1836  a  bill  was  passed  providing  that  postmasters 
receiving  a  thousand  dollars  a  year  or  more  should  be 
appointed  by  the  President  for  terms  of  four  years  and 
confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  should  be  removable  at  the 
pleasure  of  the  President.  Various  other  offices  have  since 
been  given  the  same  term.  The  "tenure  of  office  act" 
that  is  generally  meant  when  the  phrase  is  used,  was  the 
one  of  March  2,  1867.  This  act,  and  one  passed  in  1869, 
provided  that  no  officer  subject  to  confirmation  by  the 
Senate  should  be  removed  without  the  consent  of  that  body, 
but  during  a  recess  of  the  Senate  the  President  might 
remove  such  officer  and  appoint  a  successor  till  the  end 
of  the  next  session  of  the  Senate.  There  were  about  3,500 
officers  subject  to  the  provisions  of  these  acts,  which  gave 
a  power  to  the  Senate  that  was  not  contemplated  in  the 
formation  of  our  government ;  which  increased  its  power  of 
rewarding  political  services,  and  by  the  "courtesy  of  the 
Senate"  (which  see)  have  virtually  given  to  the  Senators 
of  a  State  the  control  of  the  appointments  therein.  This 
was  part  of  the  plan  by  which  the  spoils  system  grew  and 
flourished,  and  many  demands  have  been  made  that  the 


398     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

government  should  return  to  its  early  policy  of  unrestricted 
terms  for  inferior  officers  during  efficiency  and  good  be- 
havior, and  should  take  from  the  Senate  its  usurped  pre- 
rogative of  passing  judgment  on  the  removals  of  the  Presi- 
dent. These  acts  were  repealed  by  the  Act  of  March  3, 
1887. 

Terrapin  War.  This  was  the  name  applied  to  the  War 
of  1812  by  those  who  were  especially  annoyed  at  the  Em- 
bargo Acts.  They  considered  that  the  country,  by  thus 
extinguishing  commerce,  was  drawing  within  its  own  shell 
like  a  terrapin.  Caricatures,  epigrams  and  songs  were 
directed  against  the  embargo  and  also  against  the  act  for- 
bidding intercourse  with  Canada.  In  one  newspaper  cut 
the  trade  of  the  United  States  was  represented  by  a  be- 
wildered serpent,  which  had  caught  itself  between  two  trees 
marked,  respectively,  "Embargo"  and  "Non-Intercourse." 
The  wondering  snake  does  not  understand  the  trouble,  and 
its  head  calls  out,  "What's  the  matter,  tail?"  to  which 
the  tail  replies,  "I  can't  get  out."  A  cock,  supposed  to 
represent  France,  stands  by,  crowing  joyfully.  In  the 
spring  and  summer  of  1812  "The  Terrapin  War"  was  a 
popular  campaign  song  with  the  Federalists. 

Territories.  Many  of  the  boundaries  of  the  thirteen 
original  States  of  the  Union  were  not  precisely  defined, 
and  it  was  years  before  the  conflicting  claims  were  settled 
between  them.  Moreover,  aside  from  the  boundaries  of  the 
States  proper,  seven  of  them  claimed  territory  as  far  as 
the  Mississippi,  under  their  original  charters  and  grants 
from  the  King  of  England.  Four  of  the  present  States 
have  been  formed  out  of  well-defined  territory  of  four  of 
the  original  States.  Vermont  was  originally  claimed  as 
part  of  New  York,  Kentucky  and  West  Virginia  were 
within  the  original  limits  of  Virginia,  and  Maine 
was  at  the  first  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Massachusetts.  The 
remaining  territory  of  the  United  States  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi (which  comprises  the  original  extent)  was  claimed  by 
Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  New  York,  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  and  Georgia,  and  their  claims 
often  overlapped  each  other.  Gradually  these  claims  were 
ceded  to  the  Federal  Government,  sometimes  freely,  some- 
times for  a  compensation.  New  York  in  1781  ceded  her 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     399 

vague  Western  claims.    Virginia  followed  in  1784,  receiv- 
ing some  land  in  Ohio,  and  Massachusetts  in  1785.    Con- 
necticut's cession  of  1781,  reserving  a  tract  along  Lake  Erie 
(a  tract  in  Ohio  still  known  as  the  "western  reserve"), 
was  accepted  by  Congress  in  1786.    In  1800  Virginia,  and 
Connecticut,  while  retaining  the  property  in  their  lands  in 
Ohio,  gave  up  the  jurisdiction  to  the  National  government. 
South  Carolina  gave  up  her  claims  in  1787;  North  Caro- 
lina, in  1789  ceded  Tennessee,  which  was  accepted  by  Con- 
gress in  1790;  Georgia  ceded  her  claims  in  1802,  which 
were  accepted  the  next  year.    The  region  which  now  com- 
prises  the   States   of   Ohio,   Indiana,   Illinois,   Michigan, 
Wisconsin,  and  that  part  of  Minnesota  east  of  the  Missis- 
sippi were  organized  into  the  Northwest  Territory  by  the 
ordinance  of  1787  (which  see).    In  1800  Ohio,  preparatory 
to  its  admission  as  a  State,  was  separated  from  this  region, 
and  the  remainder  became  known  as  the  Indiana  Territory. 
Tennessee  and  Kentucky,  though  never  organized  under  one 
Territorial  government,  were  generally  known  as  the  Ter- 
ritory of  the  United  States  southwest  of  the  Ohio,  or  the 
Southwest  Territory.    The  organization  of  Mississippi  Ter- 
ritory, including  the  present  State  of  that  name,  and  Ala- 
bama, was  commenced  in  1798  and  completed  two  years 
later;  when  Mississippi  became  a  State  in  1817  the  re- 
mainder  of  the   district   was   called   Alabama   Territory. 
The  regions  which  the  United  States  has  acquired  since 
1783  are  described  under  the  article  Annexations.     Cali- 
fornia was  so  soon  admitted  as  a  State  that  it  was  never 
organized  as  a  Territory,  and  Texas  was  annexed  as  a 
State.      The   other    portions   of   these   acquisitions    have 
borne  various  names  from  time  to  time;  prominent  among 
these  are  the  Territories  of  Orleans,  Louisiana  and  Mis- 
souri.   All  that  portion  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  south  of 
what  is  now  the  northern  boundary  of  the  State  of  Louisi- 
ana was  by  Act  of  March  26,  1804,  organized  into  the 
Territory  of  Orleans.    The  Act  of  April  8,  1812,  admitted 
this  Territory  to  the  Union  as  the  State  of  Louisiana.    The 
remainder  of  the  Louisiana  purchase  was,  by  act  of  Con- 
gress,  March   3,   1805,  organized   into   the   Territory  of 
Louisiana,  with  its  capital  at  St.  Louis.    On  June  4,  1812, 
shortly  after  the  admission  of  the  Territory  of  Orleans 


400     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

into  the  Union  as  the  State  of  Louisiana,  the  name  of  the 
Territory  of  Louisiana  was  altered  to  Missouri.  The  Mis- 
souri Compromise  of  1820  (which  see)  resulted  in  the 
admission  of  that  State  in  1821,  and  from  the  Territory 
of  the  same  name  various  States  and  Territories  have  since 
been  formed.  The  unorganized  Territories  are  under  the 
direct  control  of  Congress.  Each  organized  Territory  has 
a  Governor,  appointed  by  the  President  for  four  years, 
and  ratified  by  the  Senate.  The  Legislature,  officially 
known  as  the  Legislative  Assembly,  is  composed  of  a  Coun- 
cil and  a  House  of  Representatives,  chosen  every  two  years 
by  the  people.  A  delegate  to  Congress  is  elected  for  the 
same  term.  He  has  the  right  of  debate,  but  not  a  vote  in 
the  House.  Territorial  legislation  is  subject  to  Congres- 
sional control.  Territorial  courts  are  provided  for,  the 
judges  of  which  are  appointed  by  the  President  for  four 
years,  and  confirmed  by  the  Senate,  and  over  which  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has  appellate  juris- 
diction. 

Territory  Southwest  of  the  Ohio.     (See  Territories.) 

Texas  was  originally  a  part  of  Mexico,  from  which  it 
declared  its  independence,  and  it  was  annexed  to  the  United 
States  as  a  State  by  joint  resolution  of  Congress,  Decem- 
ber 29,  1845.  (See  Annexations  III.)  On  February  1, 
1861,  a  State  convention  passed  an  ordinance  of  secession, 
which  was  ratified  by  popular  vote.  Texas  was  re-admitted 
to  the  Union  by  act  of  Congress,  March  30,  1870.  The 
capital  is  Austin.  Popularly  it  is  called  the  Lone  Star 
State. 

Them  Steers.  Solon  Chase  was  a  member  of  the  Green- 
back party,  which  created  some  political  excitement  a  few 
years  ago,  especially  in  Maine.  He  was  accustomed  to 
travel  through  that  State  with  a  banner  bearing  the  picture 
of  a  yoke  of  steers  and  a  bushel  of  corn,  together  with 
various  other  figures.  These  were  used  to  illustrate  Chase's 
argument  that  the  resumption  of  specie  payments  was  a 
mistake.  He  always  referred  to  the  prominent  figures  on 
the  banner  as  "them  steers." 

Thermopylae  of  Texas.  When  Texas  was  fighting  for 
independence,  in  February,  1836,  about  140  of  her  troops 
were  besieged  by  4,000  Mexicans  in  Fort  Alamo  on  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     401 

San  Antonio  Eiver.  For  a  week  or  two  they  made  a  heroic 
struggle  against  overwhelming  odds,  and  inflicted  great 
damage  on  their  opponents.  At  last,  however,  the  six 
survivors,  among  whom  was  "Davy"  Crockett,  surrendered 
to  Santa  Anna  under  the  promise  of  his  protection.  At  the 
command  of  that  general,  however,  they  were  butchered, 
and  their  fallen  comrades  were  horribly  mutilated.  But 
three  persons  survived  the  massacre — a  woman,  a  child,  and 
a  servant.  Thereafter  the  Texans  were  roused  to  fury  by 
the  cry,  "Remember  the  Alamo !"  In  allusion  to  the  heroic 
defense  made  by  the  Greeks  of  antiquity  at  Thermopylae, 
this  struggle  is  known  as  the  ThermopylaB  of  Texas.  (See 
Alamo,  The.) 

Third  House.      (See  Lobby,  The.) 

Third  Term.  General  U.  S.  Grant  served  as  President 
two  terms,  from  1869  to  1877.  The  precedent  set  by  Wash- 
ington in  declining  a  third  term,  has  generated  a  prejudice 
in  the  American  mind  against  more  than  two  terms.  A 
large  faction  of  the  Republican  party,  headed  by  Roscoe 
Conkling,  of  New  York,  desired  the  nomination  of  Grant 
by  the  Republican  National  Convention  in  1880.  It  was 
asserted  that  his  candidacy  for  a  third  term  was  in  reality 
the  same  as  the  candidacy  of  a  new  man,  for  one  term  had 
intervened  since  Grant  had  left  office.  The  faction  sup- 
porting Grant  was  known  as  the  Stalwarts  (wliicJi  see). 
It  constituted  a  firm  body  of  a  little  over  300  votes  in  a 
total  of  about  750.  Despite  changes  and  vacillations  on 
the  part  of  the  adherents  of  other  candidates,  this  follow- 
ing, with  insignificant  variations,  clung  to  Grant  to  the 
last,  casting  306  votes  for  him  on  the  last  ballot,  which 
nominated  Garfield.  Medals  commemorative  of  the  event 
were  subsequently  struck  and  sent  to  these  delegates.  This 
band  is  frequentlv  referred  to  by  sympathizers  as  the 
"Gallant  306,"  the  "Stalwart  306,"  etc. 

This  is  the  Last  of  Earth;  I  am  Content.  The  dying 
words  of  John  Quincy  Adams.  He  was  stricken  with  apo- 
plexy while  in  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Representatives 
and  died  two  days  later,  February  23,  1848. 

Thomas  Jefferson  Still  Survives.  The  dying  words  of 
John  Adams.  Thomas  Jefferson  had  passed  away  a  few 
hours  before  on  the  same  day,  unknown  to  Adams. 


402     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Three  Hundred  and  Six.      (See  Third  Term.) 

Three  Hundred  and  Twenty-nine.  A  campaign  cry  of 
the  Democrats  in  1880,  originating  in  charges  against  the 
Hepublican  candidate,  James  A.  Garfield,  in  connection 
with  the  Credit  Mobilier  scandal  (which  see). 

Thunnan  Act.  (See  Pacific  Railroads;  Thurman,  Alien 
0.) 

Thunnan,  Allen  G.,  was  born  in  Lynchburg,  Virginia, 
November  13,  1813.  In  his  childhood  his  family  moved  to 
Ohio,  where  he  was  subsequently  admitted  to  the  bar.  He 
represented  his  State  in  the  Twenty-ninth  Congress.  From 
1851  to  1856  he  was  on  the  State  Supreme  Court  bench, 
the  last  two  years  as  Chief  Justice.  He  served  in  the 
United  States  Senate  from  1869  to  1881.  In  1888  he 
was  nominated  by  the  Democratic  party  for  Vice-President, 
but  was  defeated.  Died  December  12,  1895.  (See  Thur- 
man  Act.) 

Tidal  Wave.  In  political  parlance  an  election  is  said  to 
be  a  "tidal  wave"  election  when  the  majority  of  the  win- 
ning party  is,  from  any  cause,  unprecedentedly  large.  The 
comparison  is  obvious. 

Tilden,  Samuel  Jones,  was  born  in  New  Lebanon,  Colum- 
bia County,  New  York,  February  9,  1814,  and  died  August 
4,  1886.  He  was  graduated  at  the  New  York  University, 
having  previously  studied  at  Yale,  and  became  a  lawyer. 
In  1845  he  was  elected  to  the  Assembly  as  a  Democrat, 
and  joined  the  Barnburner  faction.  He  soon  after  retired 
to  the  practice  of  law,  and  did  not  again  appear  until  about 
1869.  He  was  active  in  overthrowing  the  Tweed  ring  in 
Xi  w  York  City,  and  the  prominence  thus  gained  led  to  his 
nomination  and  election  as  Governor  in  1874.  In  that 
position  he  broke  up  the  canal  ring  in  the  State^  and  in 
1876  received  the  Democratic  nomination  for  President, 
'••feated.  (See  Contested  Presidential  and  Vice- 
Presidential  Elections;  Electoral  Commission.)  The  Dem- 
ocrats have  always  maintained  that  he  was  defrauded  of 
thr  Presidency. 

Times  That  Try  Men's  Souls.  In  1776,  when  thepatriot 
cause  against  Great  Britain  was  looking  very  dark,  Thomas 
Paine  published  the  first  number  of  his  American  Crisis, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     403 

which  commenced  with  the  sentence:  "These  are  the  times 
that  try  men's  souls." 

Tippecanoe  and  Tyler  Too.  (See  Hard  Cider  Campaign.) 

Tissue  Ballots  are  votes  printed  on  thin  tissue  paper,  for 
the  purpose  of  enabling  more  than  one  vote  to  be  cast  by  an 
individual.  It  was  charged  that  this  form  of  election  fraud 
was  especially  common  at  the  South,  used  for  the  purpose 
of  depriving  the  negro  of  his  political  power. 

To  be  Prepared  for  War  is  one  of  the  Most  Effectual 
Means  of  Preserving  Peace.  This  sentence  occurs  in  the 
address  which  Washington  delivered  in  person  before  Con- 
gress at  the  opening  of  its  second  session,  January  8,  1790. 

Toledo  War.  In  1835,  a  dispute  which  had  smouldered 
for  some  years  between  the  State  of  Ohio  and  Michigan 
Territory  came  to  a  head.  The  controversy  arose  as  to  a 
tract  of  land,  which  included  the  city  of  Toledo,  and  was 
claimed  by  both  the  State  and  the  Territory;  hence  the 
name  of  the  Toledo  War.  The  militia  were  called  out  on 
both  sides.  Finally  the  National  government  interfered. 
President  Jackson  removed  Governor  Mason  of  Michigan 
Territory  for  his  officiousness,  and  Congress  in  1836  set- 
tled the  controversy  by  admitting  Michigan  as  a  State  on 
condition  of  her  yielding  the  claim  to  the  tract  in  dispute, 
the  Upper  Peninsula  being  given  her  in  compensation. 
Under  this  act  Michigan  became  a  State  in  January  of  the 
next  year. 

Toleration  Act.  An  Act  for  religious  liberty  passed  in 
1649  by  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Maryland  Province. 

Tompkins,  Daniel  D.,  was  born  at  Scarsdale,  New  York, 
June  21,  1774,  and  died  on  Staten  Island,  New  York, 
June  11,  1825.  He  was  a  lawyer  and  a  graduate  of  Co- 
lumbia. He  served  as  Justice  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
State,  and  as  Governor  from  1807  to  1817.  From  1817 
to  1825  he  was  Yice-President  of  the  United  States.  He 
was  a  Democrat.  During  the  War  of  1812,  while  Governor 
of  New  York,  he  personally  rendered  considerable  financial 
aid  to  the  Federal  government,  with  the  result  of  passing 
his  last  days  deeply  in  debt. 

Tonnage  Tax.  A  tax  imposed  on  each  ton  of  burden  of 
entering  in  a  port.  (See  Navigation  Laws.) 


404     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Tory.  The  terms  Whig  and  Tory  had  been  in  use  in 
Kniilish  politics  for  about  one  hundred  years  before  the 
American  Revolution;  the  first  as  designating  the  faction 
opposing  the  royal  prerogative  and  generally  in  favor  of 
reforms,  the  latter  as  upholding  the  prerogative  and  cling- 
ing to  old  institutions.  In  the  colonial  clays  of  this  country, 
the  term  Tory  thus  came  to  mean  an  adherent  of  the  crown, 
and  the  term  Whig  an  opponent  thereof,  and  so  at  the 
outbreak  of  the  Revolution  the  Ameiican  sympathizers 
were  known  as  Whigs,  the  supporters  of  England  as  Tories. 
The  termination  of  the  war  and  the  resulting  independence 
of  this  country  did  away  with  differences  characterized  by 
the  terms  and  so  with  the  terms  themselves.  (See  Ameri- 
can Whigs.) 

To  the  Victor  Belong  the  Spoils  of  the  Enemy.  In  1832 
Martin  Van  Buren  was  nominated  by  President  Jackson 
for  the  post  of  Minister  to  England.  He  was  rejected. 
In  the  course  of  the  debate  on  his  nomination,  it  was 
charged  that  Van  Buren  had  introduced  in  Washington  the 
spoils  system  as  practised  in  New  York  politics.  Senator 
William  L.  Marcy  of  New  York,  in  replying,  used  the 
following  language  in  reference  to  these  New  YTork  poli- 
ticians: "They  see  nothing  wrong  in  the  rule  that  to  the 
victor  belong  the  spoils  of  the  enemy." 

Trade  Dollars.     (See  Coinage.) 

Trading  is  a  form  of  political  treachery.  When  an 
organization  withholds  its  support  from  a  particular  candi- 
date or  candidates  of  its  own  party  and  works  for  his 
opponent  at  the  polls,  it  is  said  to  be  "trading"  its  candi- 
date off.  The  friends  of  the  opponent  thus  aided  agree  in 
return  to  support  some  other  candidate  of  the  organization. 
The  success  of  some  member  of  a  ticket  is  thus  assured 
by  the  abandonment  of  the  remainder.  An  organization 

I  sometimes  thus  abandon  one  of  its  candidates  even 
t  has  no  desire  to  insure  by  his  defeat  the  election 
some  other  of  its  own  nominees;  in  those  cases  the 
r>nsideration  is  money  and  the  transaction  is  termed  sell- 
Both  of  these  operations  are  common,  especially 
in  Pities  W.KTC  voters  are  many  and  organizations  compact. 
r  are  usually  carried  out  by  printing  on  ballots  the 
the  regular  party  nominees,  except  that  of 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     405 

the  candidate  traded  off;  for  this  name  that  of  the  opponent 
is  substituted,  and  as  voters  usually  do  not  scan  their  ballots 
carefully,  the  result  is  easily  accomplished.  In  New  York 
City,  where  the  Democratic  majority  is  overwhelming,  it 
is  very  common  for  a  local  Republican  ticket  to  be  nomi- 
nated, with  no  intention  of  honest  support,  but  merely  for 
the  purpose  of  trading  it  off,  and  of  thus  gaining  votes  for 
the  Republican  State  or  National  ticket.  To  remedy  these 
evils  some  States  have  provided  for  the  printing  of  ballots 
at  the  public  expense. 

Treason  is  an  act  of  disloyalty  to  a  government  of  which 
the  offender  is  a  citizen  or  subject.  It  is  sometimes  called 
high  treason  in  distinction  from  petit  treason,  which  is 
the  killing  of  a  person  to  whom  the  criminal  owes  duty  or 
obedience,  as  a  husband  or  a  master.  Petit  treason  in 
England  and  the  United  States  is  now  considered  merely 
as  murder.  Misprision  of  treason  is  concealment  by  one 
who  has  knowledge  of  a  treasonable  act.  By  the  Constitu- 
tion, Article  3,  section  3,  treason  against  the  United  States 
consists  "only  in  levying  war  against  them,  or  in  adhering 
to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid  and  comfort."  The  his- 
tory of  European  nations  shows  that  kings  have  made  free 
use  of  accusations  of  treason  to  secure  the  death  of  political 
offenders  and  to  obtain  possession  of  their  property.  To 
avoid  this  form  of  oppression  in  the  United  States,  the 
Constitution  further  provides  that  conviction  of  treason 
can  only  follow  "on  the  testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the 
same  overt  act,  or  on  confession  in  open  court,"  and  that 
forfeiture  of  property  shall  last  no  longer  than  the  crimi- 
nal's life.  The  Act  of  1790  prescribed  death  as  the  pun- 
ishment of  treason.  The  trial  of  Aaron  Burr  was  the  most 
important  one  that  occurred  under  this  act.  By  the  Act 
of  1862  the  punishment  of  treason,  in  the  discretion  of 
the  court,  is  death  or  imprisonment  for  not  less  than  five 
years  and  a  fine  of  not  less  than  $10,000 ;  the  slaves  of  the 
offender  were  also  declared  free,  and  he  was  rendered  in- 
capable of  holding  Federal  office.  At  the  close  of  the  Civil 
War  there  were  a  few  indictments  for  treason  at  the  South, 
including  that  of  Jefferson  Davis,  but  these  were  never 
pushed  to  trial.  Treason  may  also  be  committed  against 
the  individual  States  of  the  Union,  and  the  constitutions 


406     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

of  most  of  them  define  treason  in  a  similar  way  to  the 
wording  of  the  Federal  Constitution.  Prosecutions  for 
treason  against  a  State  are  very  rare.  The  prosecution  of 
the  leader  cf  the  Dorr  Rebellion,  in  Khode  Island,  resulted 
in  his  being  sentenced  to  imprisonment  for  life,  but  in  a 
few  years  he  was  restored  to  liberty  and  all  his  rights. 
(See  Attainder.) 

Treasury  Department  is  one  of  the  three  original  execu- 
tive departments  of  the  government.  It  was  established 
by  Act  of  Congress  of  September  2,  1789.  At  its  head 
is  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  who  is  a  member  of  the 
President's  Cabinet.  He  is  appointed  by  the  President 
and  confirmed  by  the  Senate.  His  salary  is  $8,000.  This 
department  has  charge  and  control  not  only  of  all  the 
fiscal  affairs  of  the  government,  but  also  of  the  national 
banks  (so  far  as  they  are  subject  to  government  control), 
of  the  currency  and  coinage,  of  the  customs  and  internal 
revenue  systems,  the  commercial  marine,  the  lighthouse 
and  life-saving  systems,  the  coast  and  interior  surveys, 
the  inspection  of  steam  vessels  and  of  the  marine  hospitals. 
In  rank  the  Treasury  Department  stands  next  to  that  of 
the  State  Department,  while  in  work  it  is  the  largest  of 
any  of  the  departments  of  the  government.  The  Secre- 
tary's staff  in  the  city  of  Washington  numbers  thirty-six, 
and  employs  about  five  thousand  persons,  while  the  various 
branches  throughout  the  country  largely  increase  the 
number  of  employees  and  office-holders.  The  Treasurer, 
whose  duty  is  to  receive,  keep,  and  disburse  the  funds  of 
the  United  States,  to  sign  the  paper  currency,  and  to  per- 
form such  other  acts  as  properly  fall  to  such  an  office,  is 
aided  by  assistant  treasurers,  in  the  chief  commercial  cities 
of  the  country,  namely:  New  York,  Chicago,  Philadelphia, 
St.  Louis,  Boston,  Baltimore,  San  Francisco,  Cincinnati 
and  New  Orleans.  The  Comptroller  of  the  Treasury, 
aided  by  an  assistant,  among  other  duties  supervises  the 
work  of  Auditors,  of  which  there  are  six,  and  are  assigned 
to  the  Departments  of  the  Treasury,  War,  Interior,  Navy, 
State,  etc.,  and  Post  Office.  The  Comptroller  of  the  Cur- 
rency exercises  supervision  over  the  national  banks.  The 
Commissioner  of  Internal  Revenue  is  at  the  head  of  his 
branch  of  the  Department.  He  is  assisted  by  two  deputy 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     407 

Commissioners,  also  by  a  revenue  collector  in  each  revenue 
district.  There  is  a  Chief  of  Customs  Division,  but  the 
work  of  collecting  the  customs  is  intrusted  to  the  col- 
lectors— about  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  in  number — 
located  in  each  district.  There  are  also  Surveyors  of  Cus- 
toms— forty-five  in  all — in  the  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try. The  above  officers  are  appointed  by  the  President. 
The  purpose  of  the  Revenue  Cutter  Service  is  to  assist 
in  enforcing  the  revenue  laws.  The  Director  of  the  Mint 
supervises  all  the  mints  and  assay  offices  in  the  country. 
The  mints  are  located  as  follows :  Philadelphia,  San  Fran- 
cisco, and  New  Orleans;  while  at  Carson  City,  Nevada, 
and  at  Denver  there  are  mints  equipped  as  assay  offices. 
(See  Coinage,  and  Assay  Offices.)  A  minor  but  interest- 
ing branch  of  the  Treasury  Department  is  the  Life-Saving 
Service.  The  salaries  of  the  staff  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment range  from  the  Treasurer  of  the  United  States,  who 
receives  $6,000,  down  to  the  Government  Actuary,  who 
receives  $1,800. 

Treasury,  Secretary  of  the.  (See  Treasury  Department.) 
Treaties  of  the  United  States.  For  treaties  relating  to 
the  Canadian  Fisheries,  see  Fishery  Treaties.  For  the 
other  important  treaties,  which  have  distinctive  names,  see 
Ashburton  Treaty;  Burlingame  Treaty,  Clayton-Bulwer 
Treaty;  Jay's  Treaty;  Tripartite  Treaty;  Treaty  of  Ghent; 
Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo;  Treaty  of  Paris;  Treaty  of 
Washington.  See  also  Annexations;  Barbary  Pirates;  Ex- 
tradition; Northeast  Boundary ;  Northwest  Boundary. 

Treaty  of  Ghent.  In  the  summer  of  1814  commissioners 
from  England  and  the  United  States  met  abroad  for  the 
purpose  of  negotiating  a  treaty  to  end  the  War  of  1812. 
Our  representatives  were  John  Quincy  Adams,  James  A. 
Bayard,  Henry  Clay,  Jonathan  Russell  and  Albert  Gallatin. 
The  representatives  of  England  were  Lord  Gambier,  Henry 
Goulburn  and  William  Adams.  These  agents  of  both  na- 
tions met  at  Ghent,  Belgium,  where,  on  the  24th  of  Decem- 
ber, 1814,  they  signed  a  treaty  of  peace.  It  was  unani- 
mously ratified  by  the  United  States  Senate  on  February 
17,  1815,  and  proclaimed  by  the  President  the  next  day. 
The  treaty  took  away  from  Great  Britain  the  right  to  freely 
navigate  the  Mississippi  River,  it  provided  for  commissions 


4C8     A  DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


(ho  title  to  islands  in  Passamaqiioddy  Bay  and  to 
murk  the  northern  boundary  of  the  United  States  as  far 
west  as  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  ;  it  declared  against  the  slave 
trade.  It  was  also  a  treaty  of  peace  and  ended  the  war, 
but  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  most  important  dispute  be- 
tween the  two  nations  was  left  unmentioned.  The  rights 
in  the  fisheries,  rights  of  neutral  nations,  the  rights  of  ex- 
patriation (ivhicJi  see)  and  the  impressment  of  American 
seamen,  which  last  was  the  immediate  cause  of  the  war, 
were  thus  left  unsettled  by  the  treaty.  It  is  supposed,  how- 
ever, that  some  assurances  were  given  aside  from  the  treaty 
that  impressment  should  no  longer  be  continued,  and,  as  a 
matter  of  fact,  our  seamen  have  never  since  that  time  been 
impressed. 

Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo.  On  February  2,  1848, 
Nicholas  P.  Trist,  representing  the  United  States,  and 
three  commissioners  representing  Mexico,  signed  a  treaty 
of  peace  at  Guadalupe  Hidalgo,  in  Mexico.  The  treaty  pro- 
vided for  the  final  cessation  of  the  hostilities  of  the  Mexi- 
can War,  and  the  United  States  agreed  to  withdraw  its 
troops  from  Mexico.  The  southwestern  boundary  of  Texas 
was  fixed  at  the  Rio  Grande,  as  our  government  had 
claimed.  New  Mexico  and  California  were  ceded  to  the 
United  States,  in  return  for  which  territory  we  were  to  pay 
$15,000,000  and  assume  the  payment  of  claims  of  United 
States  citizens  against  Mexico,  amounting  to  $3.250,000. 
Both  governments  ratified  the  treaty,  and  on  July  4,  1848, 
President  Polk  proclaimed  peace.  (See  Annexations  IV.) 
Treaty  of  Paris  (1783).  On  November  30,  1782,  a  pre- 
liminary treaty  of  peace  was  signed  with  Great  Britain  at 
Paris;  Congress  ratified  it  in  the  following  April.  The 
commissioners  on  the  part  of  Great  Britain  were  Oswald, 
^itzherbert  and  Strachey,  and  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  Franklin,  Jay,  John  Adams  and  Henry  Laurens. 
On  September  3,  1783,  at  Paris,  a  definitive  treaty  of  peace 
was  signed  by  commissioners  from  the  nations  'that  had 
been  engaged  in  war,  namely,  Holland,  Spain,  France, 
Great  Britain  and  the  United  States.  So  far  as  we  are 
concerned,  the  chief  importance  of  this  treaty  is  that  it 
acknowledged  the  complete  independence  of  'the  United 
States.  Great  Britain  ceded  Florida  to  Spain  and  retained 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     409 

Canada  and  Nova  Scotia,  with  exclusive  control  of  the  St. 
Lawrence;  the  rest  of  the  territory  east  of  the  Mississippi 
was  given  up  to  the  United  States,  with  the  right  of  free 
navigation  of  the  great  lakes  and  the  Mississippi,  and  with 
practically  equal  rights  on  the  Newfoundland  fishing 
grounds. 

Treaty  of  Washington.  Many  treaties  have  been  nego- 
tiated at  Washington,  but  the  history  of  the  one  com- 
monly known  as  the  Treaty  of  Washington  is  as  follows: 
In  January,,  1871,  Great  Britain  proposed  to  the  United 
States  that  a  joint  commission  should  be  appointed  to  draw 
up  a  treaty  in  settlement  of  various  open  questions  existing 
between  the  two  governments  At  the  instance  of  the 
United  States  the  Alabama  claims  were  included  among  the 
subjects  for  consideration,  and  on  February  27,  1871,  five 
high  commissioners  of  each  of  these  nations  met  at  Wash- 
ington. On  May  8th  they  concluded  their  deliberations 
and  signed  the  treaty  which  they  had  drawn  up,  and  which 
is  the  one  generally  known  as  the  Treaty  of  Washington, 
though  others  have  been  negotiated  in  that  city.  It  was  at 
once  ratified  by  the  Senate  and  by  Great  Britain,  and  on 
July  4,  1871,  was  proclaimed  to  be  in  force  by  President 
Grant.  It  provided  that  the  disputed  questions  should  be 
referred  to  arbitration  as  follows :  1.  The  Alabama  Claims 
were  to  be  settled  by  a  tribunal  of  five  persons  appointed  by 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  the  Queen  of  Great 
Britain,  the  King  of  Italy,  the  President  of  Switzerland 
and  the  Emperor  of  Brazil.  (See  Geneva  Award.) 
2.  A  commission  was  to  be  appointed  and  to  sit  at  Wash- 
ington to  decide  on  certain  claims  of  Great  Britain  against 
the  United  States,  for  injuries  to  the  persons  and  property 
of  British  subjects  by  the  forces  of  the  United  States  dur- 
ing the  Civil  War.  3.  It  readmitted  American  fishermen 
to  certain  rights  in  British  waters,  and  the  compensation 
to  be  paid  for  this  privilege  was  referred  to  a  joint  com- 
mission which  was  to  sit  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia.  (See 
Fishery  Treaties;  Halifax  Fishery  Commission.)  4.  The 
dispute  as  to  the  Northwestern  Boundary  line  between  Van- 
couver's Island  and  the  mainland  was  submitted  to  the 
Emperor  of  Germany.  (See  Northwestern  Boundary.) 
The  final  settlement  of  these  questions  was  in  the  main 


410     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

favorable  to  the  United  States,  wholly  so  as  to  the  North- 
western Boundary,  and  largely  so  in  the  matter  of  the  Ala- 
bama Claims,  but  the  Halifax  Award  to  be  paid  to  Great 
Britain  was  generally  considered  in  this  country  as  exces- 
sive. The  Treaty  itself  was  favorably  received,  the  Senate 
ratifying  it  by  a  vote  of  fifty  to  twelve;  its  reference  of 
disputed  points  to  arbitration  was  applauded  by  the  peace- 
loving  people  of  the  United  States,  and  was  an  important 
event  in  the  history  of  international  treaty-making. 

Treaty  Elm,  The.  A  tree  which  formerly  grew  near  the 
city  of  Philadelphia,  beneath  the  branches  of  which  Penn 
made  his  treaty  with  the  Indians. 

Treaty  with  Japan.  The  first  commercial  treaty  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Japan  was  secured  by  Com- 
modore Perry,  in  1854. 

Treaty  with  Korea.  The  first  commercial  treaty  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Korea  was  negotiated  by 
Commodore  Shufeldt  in  1882. 

Trent  Affair.  In  the  autumn  of  1861,  on  one  of  the 
blockade  runners  which  succeeded  in  escaping  from  Charles- 
ton, sailed  James  M.  Mason  and  John  Slidell,  who  had 
been  appointed  by  the  Confederate  Government  as  Com- 
missioners to  England  and  France,  respectively.  They 
reached  Havana,  and  then  sailed  on  the  British  mail- 
steamer  Trent.  On  November  8,  1861,  this  vessel  was 
stopped  by  the  United  States  steamer  San  Jacinto,  Captain 
Wilkes.  Mason  and  Slidell  were  taken  on*  and  conveyed 
to  Boston,  where  they  were  imprisoned  in  Fort  Warren. 
This  action  of  Wilkes  met  with  hearty  support  among  the 
people  of  the  North.  England,  however,  felt  outraged, 
demanded  reparation  for  the  insult  to  her  flag,  and  com- 
menced preparations  for  hostilities.  Secretary  of  State 
Seward  saw  the  inconsistency  of  our  maintaining  the  right 
of  search  which,  when  exercised  by  Great  Britain,  had 
been  a  leading  cause  for  the  War  of  1812.  He  therefore 
apologized  for  Wilkes'  unauthorized  action,  and  Mason  and 
Slidell  were  set  at  liberty  and  sailed  for  England  early  in 
January,  1862.  Though  Wilkes'  action  was  disavowed  by 
the  executive  government  for  diplomatic  and  State  reasons, 
Wilkcs  received  a  vote  of  thanks  from  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, and  in  1862  was  made  a  Commodore  and  placed 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     411 

first  on  the  list.  Seward's  statesmanship  had  delivered  the 
United  States  from  what  promised  to  be  a  serious  difficulty. 
The  immemorial  doctrine  of  the  United  States  as  to  neu- 
tral vessels  was  adhered  to,  Great  Britain  herself  was  now- 
committed  to  the  same  position,  a  foreign  war  was  pre- 
vented, and  the  hopes  of  the  Confederates  for  such  an 
outcome  of  the  dispute  were  disappointed. 

Tripartite  Treaty.  In  consequence  of  the  filibustering 
expeditions  of  Lopez  to  Cuba  in  1850  and  1851  (see  Fili- 
busters), France  and  England  believed,  or  pretended  to 
believe,  that  the  United  States  were  meditating  the  con- 
quest of  Cuba,  though  our  government  had  disavowed  any 
such  intention  and  had  acted  in  accordance  with  such  dis- 
avowal. In  1852  France  and  Great  Britain  proposed  that 
the  United  States  should  join  them  in  a  tripartite  treaty, 
by  which  each  government  should  pledge  itself  forever  not 
to  attempt  the  acquisition  of  Cuba  and  to  discountenance 
any  nation's  making  such  an  attempt.  Edward  Everett, 
then  Secretary  of  State,  replied  with  an  able  paper  in 
December,  1852.  He  disclaimed  any  such  intention  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States  as  was  suspected,  but  asserted,  in 
accordance  with  the  Monroe  doctrine,  that  the  question 
was  purely  an  American  one  in  which  our  government 
would  not  see  with  indifference  any  foreign  interference. 

Triple-Headed  Monster.  A  nickname  applied  to  the 
Constitution  while  it  was  before  the  people  for  ratification, 
in  allusion  to  its  division  of  the  government  into  execu- 
tive, legislative  and  judicial  branches. 

Tripoli,  War  with.    (See  Barlary  Pirates.) 

Tmmbull,  Jonathan.  Governor  of  Connecticut,  1769-83. 
A  personal  and  particular  friend  of  Washington's,  who 
familiarly  called  him  "Brother  Jonathan"  (which  see). 
Born  at  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  October  12,  1710;  died  at 
Lebanon,  Connecticut,  August  17,  1785. 

Trusts.  A  corporation  derives  certain  benefits  from  the 
State  and  is  in  turn  subject  to  certain  State  control.  To 
avoid  this  State  control,  and  in  order  thus  to  enable  the 
largest  firms  and  corporations  in  any  particular  trade  to 
combine,  and  by  combined  action  to  limit  production  and 
raise  prices  while  killing  off  the  competition  any  outsider 
may  dare  to  offer,  what  are  known  as  trusts,  have  been 


412     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

devised.  A  trust  is  merely  the  combination  for  the  above 
purposes  of  the  large  interests  in  any  branch  of  trade. 
There  is  no  incorporation.  There  is  an  agreement  between 
the  parties;  the  profits  of  all  are  divided  in  certain  ascer- 
tained proportions,  and  the  public  cannot  from  any  sen- 
sible sign  know  whether  or  not  such  a  combination  exists. 
Secrecy  and  irresponsibility  are  its  objects. 

Tub  Conspiracy.  During  John  Adams'  administration 
the  Federalists  were,  or  pretended  to  be,  afraid  of  plots 
against  the  government,  on  the  part  of  the  French  agents 
in  America.  In  1799  the  department  of  State  pretended  to 
have  information  of  the  departure  for  the  United  States 
of  secret  agents  of  France,  having  in  their  possession  docu- 
ments dangerous  to  our  peace.  The  vessel  was  boarded 
immediately  on  its  arrival  at  Charleston,  South  Carolina, 
four  men  and  a  woman,  passengers  on  board,  were  arrested 
as  the  spies,  and  two  tubs,  in  a  false  bottom  of  which  the 
papers  were  said  to  be  hidden,  were  seized.  The  passen- 
gers turned  out  to  be  no  spies  and  the  papers  were  not 
compromising.  (See  Tailor's  Plot.) 
Turner's,  Nat,  Rebellion.  (See  Nat  Turner's  Rebellion.) 
Tweed  Ring.  In  1857  an  act  was  passed  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  New  York,  allowing  every  voter  in  New  York  City 
to  put  the  names  of  but  six  supervisors  on  his  ballot,  al- 
though twelve  were  to  be  elected.  The  practical  result  of 
this  was  the  election  of  the  six  supervisors  nominated  by 
the  Republicans  and  of  the  six  nominated  by  the  Demo- 
crats. Nomination  by  the  machine  was  made  equivalent  to 
an  election.  In  the  next  year  their  terms  were  extended  to 
six  years.  Of  this  board  of  supervisors  William  M.  Tweed 
was  the  leading  spirit;  he  was  four  times  its  president. 
The  board  was  the  nucleus  of  a  political  ring  that  con- 
trolled legislation  at  Albany,  concerning  the  city  of  New 
York,  and  the  votes  in  the  city  itself.  The  Republican 
part  of  the  ring  busied  themselves  with  the  former  object, 
the  Democratic  with  the  latter.  This  combination,  con- 
trolling all  local  offices,  plundered  the  city  at  its  will;  in 
April,  1870,  an  act  was  passed  conferring  on  the  mayor, 
the  comptroller,  the  commissioner  of  parks  and  the  com- 
missioner of  public  works,  the  practical  control  of  city 
affairs.  In  the  last-named  official  were  combined  the  duties 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     413 

of  the  former  street  commissioners  and  Croton  water  de- 
partment officials ;  he  was  to  be  appointed  by  the  mayor ;  the 
term  of  office  was  four  years,  and  it  was  provided  that  the 
only  method  of  removal  was  by  impeachment  by  the  mayor 
and  trial  before  all  of  the  six  judges  of  Common  Pleas. 
As  was  anticipated,  Tweed  was  at  once  appointed  to  the 
office.  Of  about  $12,000,000  of  plunder,  it  is  estimated 
that  $3,800,000  was  taken  in  1869;  $880,000  in  1870, 
before  the  passage  of  the  above  act;  $6,250,000  in  1870, 
after  the  passage  of  the  act,  and  $323,000  in  1871.  The 
enormous  sums  of  money  controlled  by  the  ring  gave  it  for 
a  time  almost  unlimited  power.  Tweed,  as  the  head  of 
Tammany  and  leader  of  the  ring,  was  "boss"  of  the  city — 
absolute  in  power.  The  taxpayers  seemed  powerless,  but 
the  disclosures  of  a  clerk  in  the  comptroller's  office  enabled 
the  Times  to  make  an  expose  showing  the  enormity  of  the 
frauds,  and  in  September,  1871,  a  mass  meeting  was  held, 
a  committee  of  twenty,  headed  by  H.  G.  Stebbins  as  chair- 
man, was  appointed,  and,  with  Charles  O'Conor  to  repre- 
sent the  people,  the  ring  was  proceeded  against.  Connolly, 
the  comptroller,  resigned  and  was  arrested ;  when  released 
on  $500,000  bail  he  went  to  Europe.  Sweeney,  the  park 
commissioner,  resigned  and  fled.  The  prosecution  of  A. 
Oakey  Hall,  the  mayor,  was  abandoned  after  two  mistrials. 
Tweed  himself  was  tried  and  a  disagreement  resulted;  on 
a  second  trial  he  was  convicted  and  sentenced  to  a  fine 
and  twelve  years  imprisonment.  His  sentence  being  cu- 
mulative, was,  on  appeal,  held  to  be  illegal.  He  was  dis- 
charged (1875),  but  immediately  re-arrested  on  a  criminal 
charge,  and  also  in  a  civil  suit  for  over  $6,500,000.  Soon 
after  he  managed  to  escape  from  custody  and  reached 
Spain.  He  was  delivered  up  in  1876  and  placed  on  Black- 
well's  Island.  A  verdict  for  the  full  amount  was  given  in 
the  civil  suit,  but  only  a  small  part  was  collected.  He  died 
April  12,  1878. 

Tweed,  William  M.  Born  at  New  York  City,  April  3, 
1823;  died  at  New  York  City,  April  12,  1878.  (See 
Tweed  Ring.) 

Twenty-first  Rule  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  be- 
tween 1840  and  1844,  was  intended  to  prevent  the  intro- 


414     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

duction  of  petitions  on  the  subject  of  slavery.     (See  Gag 
Lairs.) 

Twenty-four  Hour  Rule.  (See  Neutrality.) 
Twisting  the  British  Lion's  Tail.  There  are  in  this 
country  a  great  many  Irishmen.  Their  sympathies  are 
naturally  with  Ireland  in  the  attempt  of  the  latter  to  ex- 
tort Home  Rule  from  England,  and  any  demonstration  on 
the  part  of  this  country  that  can  in  any  way  be  deemed 
hostile  to  England  is  welcomed  by  them.  In  order  to 
curry  favor  with  this  vote,  it  is  the  practice  of  some  Con- 
gressmen to  abuse  England  at  every  opportunity  in  Con- 
gressional debates.  England  is  usually  typified  as  a  lion, 
and  so  the  operation  is  popularly  called  as  above. 

Tyler,  John,  was  born  in  Charles  County,  Virginia, 
March  29,  1790,  and  died  in  Richmond,  Virginia,  January 
17,  1862.  He  was  a  lawyer  and  a  graduate  of  William  and 
Mary  College.  From  1811  to  1816  he  served  in  the  State 
Legislature;  from  1816  to  1821  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives; froiri  1823  to  1825  again  in  the  State  Legisla- 
ture, and  as  Governor  from  1825  to  1827.  From  1827  to 
1836  he  was  United  States  Senator.  He  was  originally  a 
Republican  (Democratic-Republican),  but  was  elected 
Senator  as  a  National  Republican.  Although  a  believer  in 
the  extreme  State  rights  doctrine,  he  yet  remained  with  the 
Wlii<rs  when  Calhoun  and  his  followers  went  back  to  the 
Democratic  party,  and  resigned  his  seat  in  the  Senate 
rather  than  obey  the  instructions  of  the  Legislature  of  his 
State  to  vote  for  the  motion  expunging  from  the  Journal 
the  resolution  censuring  President  Jackson.  (See  Cen- 
sures of  the  President  by  Congress.)  In  1838  he  was 
-elected  as  a  Whig  to  the  Virginia  Legislature,  and  the  Whig 
national  convention  of  1840  nominated  him  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent,  to  conciliate  the  Clay  faction,  which  had  been  sorely 
disappointed  at  Harrison's  nomination.  On  Harrison's 
death,  a  mpnth  after  assuming  office,  Tyler  became  Presi- 
dent. A  quarrel  between  the  President  and  the  bulk  of  his 
party  broke  out  almost  immediately  on  the  subject  of  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  His  views  differed  widely  from  those 
of  the  Whigs,  and  his  supporters  in  Congress  were  known 
as  the  Corporal's  Guard.  The  principal  event  of  his  ad- 
ministration was  the  annexation  of  Texas.  (See  Annexes 


JOHN  TYLER. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     415 

tions  111.)  At  the  expiration  of  his  term,  Tyler  retired 
to  private  life,  but  reappeared  as  the  president  of  the 
Peace  Conference  in  18(>1.  On  the  failure  of  its  efforts  he 
joined  the  Confederacy  and  became  a  member  of  the 
Confederate  Congress. 

Uncle  Abe  was  a  familiar  appellation  of  Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Uncle  Sam  is  a  familiar  phrase  used  to  designate  the 
United  States,  just  as  John  Bull  is  used  to  represent  Eng- 
land. In  cartoons  Uncle  Sam  is  drawn  as  a  tall,  spare 
man,  with  a  thin,  straggling  beard,  dressed  in  a  swallow-tail 
coat  of  blue  with  white  stars,  and  a  pair  of  red  and  white 
striped  trousers  with  straps;  he  has  long  outgrown  his 
clothing  and  the  straps  have  stretched  halfway  up  his  leg ; 
on  his  head  is  a  white,  cylindrical  shaped  hat,  of  the  kind 
vulgarly  known  as  stove-pipe.  He  is  usually  represented 
as  whittling  a  stick  of  wood.  This  latter  is  said  to  be  a 
characteristic  of  New  Englanders  and  the  whole  figure,  in 
fact,  is  that  of  the  typical  New  England  countryman,  as 
he  is  popularly  supposed  to  look,  excepting  his  costume. 
The  name  originated  as  follows:  During  the  War  of  1812 
a  man  named  Samuel  Wilson  was  government  inspector  at 
Troy,  of  pork  and  beef  purchased  by  the  government.  The 
cases  containing  the  provisions  shipped  to  the  government 
by  a  contractor  named  Elbert  Anderson  were  marked  with 
his  initials,  E.  A.,  and  below  U.  S.,  standing  for  United 
States.  One  of  the  government  workmen,  new  at  the  task, 
asked  the  meaning  of  U.  S.,  and  was  jocularly  informed 
that  it  meant  Uncle  Sam  Wilson.  This  pleasantry  was 
repeated  in  various  forms,  and  Wilson  was  congratulated 
on  the  extent  of  his  property,  as  many  cases  passing  there 
were  so  marked.  The  story  spread  and  took  firm  root,  and 
to-day  the  allusion  is  everywhere  understood. 

Unconditional  Surrender.  In  February,  1862,  Grant, 
assisted  by  a  fleet  of  gunboats  under  Admiral  Foote,  was 
endeavoring  to  effect  the  capture  of  Fort  Donelson,  situated 
on  the  Cumberland  River,  in  Tennessee.  He  was  so  suc- 
cessful that  the  Confederate  Generals,  Floyd  and  Pillow, 
had  fled,  leaving  General  Buckner  in  command.  That 
officer  saw  the  hopelessness  of  his  situation  and  wrote  to 
Grant  asking  what  terms  of  surrender  would  be  allowed. 


416     A  DICTIONABY  OF  AMEEICAN  POLITICS 

General  Grant  replied:  "No  terms  other  than  an  uncon- 
ditional and  immediate  surrender  can  be  accepted.  I  pro- 
pose to  move  immediately  upon  your  works."  Buckner 
yielded  on  February  16th.  This  was  a  valuable  victory 
from  the  number  of  prisoners  and  arms  and  the  quantity 
of  stores  which  it  secured,  and  it  was  the  first  striking  suc- 
cess of  the  Civil  War  for  the  Federal  Army.  The  phrase 
"unconditional  surrender"  passed  at  once  into  popular  use. 
The  Republican  platform  of  1864,  on  which  Lincoln  stood 
for  re-election,  approved  "the  determination  of  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  not  ...  to  offer  any  terms 
of  peace  except  such  as  may  be  based  upon  an  uncondi- 
tional surrender." 

Underground  Kailroad.  During  the  slavery  days  in  this 
country  there  was  in  the  Northern  States  a  more  or  less 
organized  system  of  aiding  fugitive  slaves  to  freedom. 
Once  in  Canada,  the  slaves  were  safe,  and  the  efforts  of 
those  engaged  in  aiding  them  consisted  principally  in 
secreting  and  caring  for  the  fugitives.  This  system  was 
popularly  known  as  the  Underground  Railroad,  the  houses 
of  those  engaged  in  the  work  being  called  "stations." 
Negroes  would  be  secreted  in  these  stations  during  the  day, 
and  at  night  hurried  on  to  the  next  station,  until  at  length 
Canada  was  reached.  The  risk  run  by  those  engaged  in 
the  work  was  considerable,  as  the  slave  power  had  agents 
in  the  Northern  States  watching  over  its  interests,  and 
prosecutions  and  imprisonments  were  by  no  means  rare. 
Most  prominent  in  the  work  was  Levi  Coffin,  often  called 
the  president  of  the  road,  who,  it  is  estimated,  aided  in 
the  escape  of  over  2,500  slaves. 

Under-measurement  is  a  means  of  defrauding  the  gov- 
ernment of  part  of  its  duties  on  imports  paying  specific 
duties.  The  invoices  are  made  to  state  measurements  under 
the  actual  ones,  and  the  importer  is  thus  enabled  to  escape 
the  payment  of  the  full  duties,  unless,  indeed,  the  officials 
become  aware  of  the  fraud. 

Tinder-valuation  is  a  means,  frequently  employed,  of 
defrauding  the  government  of  part  of  its  duties  on  imports 
paying  ad  valorem  duties.  The  goods  are  invoiced  at  an 
amount  less  than  the  actual  value,  and  unless  the  fraud  is 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     417 

detected  by  the  customs  officers  the  importer  thus  avoids 
paying  the  full  amount  of  duty. 

Unionist  Party.     (See  Constitutional  Union  Party.) 

Union  Labor  Party.  This  party  was  organized  at  a 
convention  held  in  Cincinnati,  February  23,  1887.  It  has 
a  national  organization,  whose  principal  strength  is  in  the 
West.  It  must  not  be  confused  with  the  United  Labor 
party,  a  New  York  State  organization.  In  New  York  the 
Union  Labor  party  has  no  branch.  Its  platform  declares 
in  favor  of  a  graduated  land  and  income  tax ;  the  opening 
of  Indian  lands  to  settlement;  government  telegraphs  and 
railroads;  abolition  of  national  banks;  the  free  coinage  of 
silver;  payment  of  national  debt  at  maturity;  a  direct  vote 
for  Senators;  exclusion  of  the  Chinese;  woman  suffrage; 
arbitration  of  labor  disputes:  and  against  contract  labor 
in  prisons;  the  further  issue  of  interest-bearing  govern- 
ment bonds,  and  the  employment  of  armed  men  by  private 
corporations.  (See  United  Labor  Parti/.) 

Union  Must  be  Preserved.  During  the  nullification 
troubles  a  dinner  was  given  in  Washington,  April  13,  1830, 
to  celebrate  Jefferson's  birthday.  To  this  all  the  prominent 
Democrats  were  asked.  The  toasts  had  been  so  arranged 
as  to  give  to  the  dinner  the  appearance  of  indorsing  the 
nullifiers.  At  the  conclusion  of  the  regular  toasts,  Presi- 
dent Andrew  Jackson  responded  to  the  call  for  a  senti- 
ment with,  "Our  federal  union :  it  must  be  preserved." 

Union  Party.  This  name  was  adopted  during  the  Civil 
War  to  denote  the  elements  sanctioning  the  war  as  a  means 
of  preserving  the  Union.  Under  it  were  included  Bepub- 
licans  and  war  Democrats. 

United  Labor  Party.  This  party  originated  in  the  city 
of  New  York  in  1886,  being  founded  on  the  land  principles 
of  Henry  George  (see  his  name).  George  was  prominently 
identified  with  it,  and  was  its  candidate  for  mayor  in  that 
year,  receiving  68,110  votes,  against  90,552  received  by  the 
Democratic  and  60,435  by  the  Republican  nominee.  In 
the  following  year  the  organization  was  spread  throughout 
the  State,  and  was  perfected  at  a  convention  held  in  Syra- 
cuse, August  19th.  A  platform  was  adopted  and  George 
was  nominated  for  Secretary  of  State  of  New  York.  The 
refusal  of  the  convention  to  adopt  a  platform  satisfactory 


418     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

to  a  certain  faction  led  to  the  withdrawal  of  that  faction, 
and  its  separate  organization  as  a  political  party  under 
the  name  of  Progressive  Labor  Party  (ivhich  see).  In  the 
election  George  received  70,055  votes,  against  469,888  for 
the  Democratic,  452,811  for  the  Republican,  and  7,622  for 
the  Progressive  Labor  candidate.  The  platform  of  the 
United  Labor  Party  declared  that  it  does  "not  aim  at  se- 
curing any  forced  equality  in  the  distribution  of  wealth, 
.  nor  .  .  .  propose  that  the  State  shall  take 
possession  of  land  and  either  work  it  or  rent  it  out,"  but 
that  it  desires  to  abolish  all  taxes  on  industry  and  to  in- 
crease the  tax  on  land,  exclusive  of  improvements.  It 
desires  a  postal  telegraph  and  State  railroads;  the  prohi- 
bition of  the  employment  of  children,  and  of  competition 
with  convict  labor;  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor;  pre- 
vention of  the  abuse  of  conspiracy  laws;  simplification  of 
legal  procedure;  and  a  system  of  elections  relieving  "the 
candidates  for  public  office  from  the  heavy  expenses  now 
imposed  upon  them,"  thus  preventing  bribery  and  intimi- 
dation. This  organization  must  not  be  confused  with  the 
Union  Labor  Party  (which  see). 

United  States  Bank.  (See  Bank  of  the  United  States.) 
United  States  Commissioners.  The  President,  with  the 
advice  and  consent  of  the  Senate,  has  power  to  appoint 
commissioners  of  Customs,  Education,  Fisheries,  General 
Land  Office,  Indian  Affairs,  Internal  Eevenue,  Patents, 
Pensions,  and  also  diplomatic  commissioners,  whose  duties 
are  to  a  great  extent  explained  by  the  titles  of  their  offices. 
A  Commissioner  of  a  United  States  Circuit  Court,  who  is 
appointed  under  Section  627,  Chapter  VI,  of  the  Revised 
Statutes,  must  enforce  observance  of  the  laws  concerning  or 
affecting  the  election  of  the  President  and  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States  and  Congressional  Representatives  and 
delegates ;  institute  prosecutions  for  violation  of  civil  rights 
laws;  enforce  awards  of  foreign  consuls  in  differences  be- 
tween captains  and  crews;  summon  masters  of  vessels  in 
cases  of  seamen's  wages ;  imprison  or  bail  offenders  against 
United  States  laws;  apprehend  fugitives  from  justice; 
grant  warrants  to  internal  revenue  officers  to  search  prem- 
ises in  certain  cases ;  and  discharge  poor  convicts  sentenced 
by  any  court  of  the  United  States  to  pay  a  fine,  or  fine  and 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     419 

costs,  upon  his  taking  oath,  after  he  has  been  confined 
thirty  days,  that  he  is  unable  to  pay. 
United  States  Debt.  (See  Debt  of  United  States.) 
United  States  Flag.  (See  Flag  of  the  United  States.) 
United  States  Military  Academy  at  West  Point  is  an 
academy  established  for  the  purpose  of  training  officers  for 
the  army.  Every  Representative  and  every  Territorial 
Delegate  is  entitled  to  appoint  a  cadet,  provided  the  ap- 
pointment made  by  his  predecessors  has  expired.  Beside 
this,  there  are  ten  appointments  at  large  and  one  for  the 
District  of  Columbia,  these  latter  being  made  by  the  Presi- 
dent. Congressmen  frequently  offer  the  appointments  as 
the  reward  of  a  competitive  examination.  The  course  con- 
tinues for  four  years,  and  on  graduation  the  cadets  are 
commissioned  second  lieutenants  in  the  army.  The  acad- 
emy was  established  by  Act  of  Congress  of  March  16,  1802. 
Subsequent  laws  have  made  it  subject  to  the  articles  of 
war.  The  discipline  is  very  strict.  The  superintendent  and 
the  instructors  are  all  officers  of  the  regular  army. 

United  States  Naval  Academy  was  established  in  1845 
by  act  of  Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  educating  young  men 
as  naval  officers.  One  cadet  is  appointed  by  each  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives  and  by  each  Territorial 
Delegate,  provided  previous  appointments  for  the  district 
have  expired;  in  addition,  there  is  one  cadet  for  the  Dis- 
trict of  Columbia  and  ten  at  large.  These  eleven  are 
named  by  the  President.  Many  Congressmen  now  adopt 
the  plan  of  offering  the  cadetship  to  the  successful  candi- 
date in  a  competitive  examination.  Candidates  must  be 
between  fourteen  and  eighteen  years  of  age,  in  good  physi- 
cal condition  and  actual  residents  of  the  district  from 
which  they  are  named.  The  course  lasts  six  years,  the 
last  two  being  spent  at  sea.  The  advisability  of  reduc- 
ing the  course  to  four  years  is  being  agitated  at  present, 
as,  it  is  asserted,  the  cadets  learn  nothing  new  of  any  im- 
portance on  the  cruises.  Vacancies  in  the  marine  corps, 
the  line  and  the  engineer  service  of  the  navy  are  filled 
by  selecting  the  best  graduates  of  the  academy.  The  pay 
of  a  cadet  is  five  hundred  dollars  a  year.  Cadets  not  as- 
signed to  service  receive  one  year's  sea  pay  and  an  hon- 
orable discharge.  The  outbreak  of  the  Civil  War  caused 


420     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 


the  removal  of  the  academy  to  Newport,  Khode  Island,  but 
in  1865  it  was  moved  back  to  Annapolis.  The  academy  is 
under  the  charge  of  an  officer  of  the  navy. 

United  States  Notes.  Same  as  Legal  Tender  Notes.  (See 
Currency.) 

United  States,  Seal  of  the.  The  first  device  for  a  seal 
of  the  United  States  was  prepared  under  the  direction  of 
Benjamin  Franklin,  John  Quincy  Adams,  and  Thomas 
Jefferson,  who  had  been  appointed  a  committee  for  that 
purpose,  July  14,  1776.  On  one  side  of  the  design  offered 
were  the  Goddesses  of  Liberty  and  Justice,  and  around  them 
were  grouped  the  arms  of  all  the  European  nations ;  on  the 
other  side  were:  above,  the  pillar  of  fire,  and,  below,  Pha- 
raoh and  his  chariots  overthrown  in  the  Red  Sea.  This 
design,  however,  was  not  approved,  and  it  was  not  until 
1782  that  a  final  decision  in  regard  to  the  matter  was 
reached.  In  that  year  a  committee  who  had  been  appointed 
by  Congress  submitted  a  design  drawn  by  William  Barton 
of  Philadelphia,  which,  on  June  20th,  was  approved  and 
finally  adopted  as  the  Great  Seal  of  the  United  States. 
The  obverse  of  this  was  the  device  familiar  to  all,  of  an 
eagle  bearing  on  his  breast  the  national  escutcheon,  hold- 
ing in  his  right  talon  an  olive  branch,  and  in  his  left  a 
bunch  of  thirteen  arrows.  Above  his  head  were  thirteen 
stars  surrounded  by  a  halo  of  glory,  and  a  scroll  bearing 
the  legend  "E  Pluribus  Unum"  The  escutcheon  was 
placed  upon  the  breast  of  the  eagle  without  other  support, 
to  show  that  the  United  States  of  America  would  rely 
mainly  upon  their  own  strength  and  virtue.  The  olive 
branch  and  arrows  were  to  indicate  that  the  powers  of  peace 
and  war  were  vested  in  Congress.  On  the  reverse  side  was 
an  unfinished  pyramid;  above  it  an  eye  and  the  words 
"Annuit  Coeptis,"  and  beneath  it  "1776— Novus  Ordo 
Seculorum."  The  pyramid  was  used  to  signify  strength 
and  duration,  and  was  left  unfinished  to  indicate  that  the 
great  work  of  building  the  structure  of  human  liberty  was 
not  completed.  The  motto  "Annuit  Coeptis"  and  the  eye 
were  meant  to  allude  to  the  many  interferences  of  Provi- 
dence in  favor  of  the  American  cause.  The  date  of  the 
Declaration  of  Independence  and  the  words  "Novus  Ordo 
Seculorum"  ("A  new  series  of  ages")  allude  to  the  open- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     421 

ing  of  a  new  era  of  human  progress  and  freedom.  The 
thirteen  bars  on  the  shield  typified  the  States,  and  the  con- 
stellation of  stars  denoted  that  a  new  nation  was  to  take  its 
place  among  the  sovereign  powers  of  the  world.  After  the 
ratification  of  the  Constitution  this  seal  was  again  form- 
ally accepted,  September  15,  1789,  and  on  March  2,  1799, 
its  custody  was  transferred  to  the  Secretary  of  State.  In 
1841  the  old  seal  was  found  to  be  so  worn  that  a  new  one 
was  made  by  order  of  Daniel  Webster,  in  which,  for  some 
unknown  cause,  the  number  of  arrows  in  the  eagle's  talon 
was  reduced  to  six,  and  the  regular  width  of  the  stripes  on 
the  shield  was  altered.  From  its  adoption  half  of  the 
seal  has  done  duty  for  the  whole,  as  the  reverse  side  has 
never  been  engraved  for  the  purposes  of  the  government. 

United  We  Stand,  Divided  We  Fall.  The  motto  of  the 
State  of  Kentucky. 

Unit  Rule  is  the  practice  followed  in  Democratic  Na- 
tional Conventions,  of  allowing  the  majority  of  a  State 
delegation  to  determine  the  vote  of  the  State  as  a  Unit. 
An  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  it  into  the  Eepublican 
National  Convention  of  1880,  in  the  interest  of  General 
Grant's  nomination.  He  had  previously  served  two  terms. 
The  State  Conventions  of  New  York,  Pennsylvania,  and 
Illinois  had  instructed  their  delegations  (being  the  first, 
second  and  fourth  in  point  of  size)  to  vote  for  Grant.  The 
attempt  was  unsuccessful.  In  the  Democratic  National 
Convention  of  1884,  a  large  minority  of  the  New  York 
delegation  was  opposed  to  the  nomination  of  Cleveland, 
the  choice  of  the  majority,  and  an  attempt  was  made  to 
break  the  unit  rule,  for  the  purpose  of  defeating  him.  But 
this  attempt  was  unsuccessful. 

Unpleasantness,  The  Late,  or  Recent.  (See  Late  Un- 
pleasantness, The.) 

Unreconstructed  is  an  adjective  applied  to  those  South- 
erners that  have  not  yet  reconciled  themselves  to  the  results 
of  the  Civil  War.  The  re-admission  into  the  Union  of  the 
seceded  States  was  called  Reconstruction. 

Utah,  originally  a  part  of  the  region  acquired  by  the 
Mexican  Session  (see  Annexations  IV),  was  organized  as 
a  Territory  of  the  United  States  by  Act  of  September  9, 
1850.  It  included  land  which  has  since  been  cut  off  and 


422     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

added  to  Nevada,  Wyoming  and  Colorado.  The  capital 
is  Salt  Lake  City.  The  population  in  1890  was  207,905, 
and  in  1900,  276^749.  It  is  often  called  Deseret,  "the  land 
of  the  honey-bee."  The  preponderance  of  Mormons  in  its 
population  delayed  its  admission  as  a  State  until  January 
4,  1896,  when  it  entered  the  Union.  (See  Mormons.) 
TTte  War.  (See  Indian  Wars.) 

Valuation.  (See  Foreign  Valuation;  Home  Valuation.) 
Van  Buren,  Martin,  was  born  at  Kinderhook,  New  York, 
December  5, 1782,  and  died  at  the  same  place  July  24, 1862. 
By  profession  he  was  a  lawyer;  he  was  State  Senator  from 
1813  to  1820,  and  United  States  Senator  from  1821  to 
1828;  in  1829  he  was  Governor  of  the  State,  and  1829  to 
1831  Secretary  of  State  of  the  United  States,  and  Minister 
to  England,  1831  to  1832;  the  Senate  rejected  this  last 
nomination  and  he  returned  home;  from  1833  to  1837  he 
was  Vice-President,  and  from  1837  to  1841,  President, 
Although  nominated  for  a  second  term  he  was  defeated. 
In  1844  he  was  a  candidate  for  nomination,  but  his  party 
(the  Democratic)  named  Polk.  In  1848  he  was  nominated 
for  President  by  the  Free  Soil  Party,  and  his  candidacy 
drew  sufficient  votes  from  Cass,  the  Democratic  nominee,  to 
defeat  him.  As  a  politician  Van  Buren  was  one  of  the 
shrewdest  of  his  time,  and  an  excellent  party  manager.  He 
and  his  followers  were  the  first  to  bring  to  Washington  the 
crafty  methods  of  New  York  politics,  of  which  the  present 
party  machines  are  the  outgrowth.  He  was  Jackson's 
choice  as  the  latter's  successor,  and  belonged  to  the  Barn- 
burner faction  of  his  party.  The  most  important  events  of 
his  administration  were  the  panic  of  1837  and  the  Cana- 
dian Rebellion. 

Vermont  was  originally  part  of  the  colony  of  New  York, 
though  also  claimed  by  New  Hampshire.  A  convention  de- 
clared it  independent  of  both  of  these  in  1777.  Its  sepa- 
rate existence  was  not  formally  admitted  by  New  York  till 
1790.  'By  act  of  Congress  of"  February  18,  1791,  to  take 
effect  on "  the  following  4th  of  March,  Vermont  was  ad- 
mitted to  the  Union — the  first  State  after  the  original 
thirteen.  The  capital  is  Montpelier.  Its  name  is  of  French 
origin,  and  means  "green  mountain" ;  popularly  it  is  known 


MARTIN  VAN  BUREN. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     423 

as    the   Green   Mountain   State.      (See   New   Hampshire 
Grants.) 

Veto.  A  veto  is  the  act  by  which  the  executive  refuses 
his  concurrence  in  a  measure  of  the  legislative  body  with 
which  he  is  associated  and  thus  prevents  its  becoming  a 
law.  The  power  of  veto  is  generally  given  to  mayors 
of  cities  and  to  Governors  of  States,  the  latter  sometimes 
acting  in  conjunction  with  other  officials.  The  veto  may 
be  overridden  by  a  vote  of  the  legislative  body,  in  most  of  the 
States  a  two-thirds  vote  being  necessary  for  that  purpose, 
while  in  the  others  a  three-fifths  or  even  a  simple  majority 
vote  is  sufficient.  Only  four  of  the  States,  namely,  Rhode 
Island,  Delaware,  North  Carolina,  and  Ohio,  have  refused 
to  give  the  executive  the  power  to  veto.  The  right  to  veto 
acts  of  Congress  is  vested  by  Article  1,  section  7,  of  the 
Constitution,  in  the  President  alone.  He  is  required  to  sign 
every  bill  or  return  it  to  the  house  of  Congress  in  which  it 
originated,  with  his  objections.  The  latter  act  constitutes 
a  veto,  and  if  two-thirds  of  each  house  pass  the  bill  again 
it  becomes  a  law  notwithstanding  the  veto.  If  the  Presi- 
dent fails  to  return  the  bill  within  ten  days  (Sundays  ex- 
cepted)  it  becomes  a  law,  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless 
"Congress  by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return,  in 
which  case  it  shall  not  be  a  law."  If,  therefore,  Congress 
adjourn  within  ten  days  after  the  passage  of  a  bill  and  the 
President  has  refrained  from  acting  on  the  bill,  it  does  not 
become  a  law;  the  disposal  of  a  bill  in  this  way,  when  the 
President  does  not  choose  to  veto  it  formally,  is  termed  a 
"pocket  veto,"  a  term  which  seems  first  to  have  been  ap- 
plied by  the  Whigs  to  the  disposition  in  this  way  of  two 
internal  improvement  bills  by  Jackson.  The  earlier  Presi- 
dents of  the  United  States  seldom  exercised  the  veto  power. 
Up  to  Jackson's  administration  it  had  been  used  but  nine 
times — twice  by  Washington,  six  times  by  Madison  and 
once  by  Monroe.  Jackson  vetoed  nine  bills,  and  after  him 
the  exercise  of  the  right  became  more  frequent.  Up  to 
Johnson's  administration  no  bill  had  been  passed  over  a 
veto,  but  now  a  large  majority  in  each  house  was  opposed 
to  the  President's  policy ;  Johnson  constantly  vetoed  bills 
which  were  usually  repassed  by  the  necessary  two-thirds 
vote  and  became  laws  in  spite  of  him.  Hayes'  administra- 


424     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

tion  shows  a  large  number  of  vetoes,  including  those  of  a 
bill  to  restrict  Chinese  immigration  and  several  appropria- 
tion bills  with  riders  attached;  but  since  1869  Cleveland 
has  vetoed  the  largest  number  of  bills,  more  than  all  the 
previous  Presidents  collectively,  but  the  greater  number  of 
these  were  private  pension  bills. 

Veto  Mayor.  A  term  applied  to  Grover  Cleveland  while 
he  was  mayor  of  Buffalo  because  of  his  fearless  use  of  the 
veto  power. 

Vice-president  of  the  United  States  is  the  officer  that 
succeeds  the  President  in  case  of  the  latter's  removal  by 
"death,  resignation  or  inability."  His  salary  is  $8,000. 
The  Vice-President  is  president  of  the  Senate,  but  has  a 
vote  only  in  case  of  a  tie.  Originally  each  Presidential 
elector  voted  for  two  persons,  and  the  person  receiving  the 
highest  vote  was  elected  President,  he  receiving  the  next 
highest,  Vice-President.  (Constitution,  Article  2,  section 
1.)  The  twelfth  amendment  changed  the  method  of  elec- 
tion, separate  votes  now  being  cast  for  President  and  Vice- 
President.  When  the  Vice-President  is  absent  or  perform- 
ing the  duties  of  the  President,  a  president  pro  tempore  of 
the  Senate  is  chosen.  Under  the  former  law,  in  case  of 
inability  to  serve  of  both  President  and  Vice-President,  the 
duties  of  the  office  devolved  upon  this  officer;  accordingly, 
to  prepare  for  all  emergencies,  it  was  customary  toward  the 
end  of  a  session  of  Congress  for  the  Vice-President  to  with- 
draw and  a  president  pro  tempore  to  be  elected.  For  the 
present  law  on  that  subject  see  Presidential  Succession. 
The  office,  of  Vice-President  is  in  some  respects  the  most 
difficult  and  unsatisfactory  of  all  the  public  offices.  He 
has  absolutely  no  duties  to  perform  excepting  to  preside 
over  the  Senate ;  and  even  in  this  he  is  little  more  than  a 
figurehead,  for  he  has  no  vote  except  in  case  of  a  tie,  and, 
representing  no  definite  constituency  in  the  same  sense 
that  the  Senators  do,  his  influence  is  very  light.  Further, 
it  is  the  custom  of  the  Senate,  at  the  beginning  of  the  ses- 
sion, to  elect  a  president  pro  tempore,  and  thus  there  is  no 
real  necessity  for  the  Vice-President  performing  even  this 
one  dreary  routine  duty.  In  the  ordinary  course  of  events 
this  office  is  practically  a  sinecure.  At  the  same  time  the 
Vice-President  must  hold  himself  in  readiness  to  perform, 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     425 

on  short  notice,  all  the  arduous  duties  of  the  President  and 
to  bear  all  the  responsibilities  connected  therewith.  In 
other  words,  for  the  duties  of  the  Vice-Presidency  in  itself, 
no  great  qualities  of  statesmanship  are  demanded;  but  in 
case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  by  "death,  resignation 
or  inability,"  the  very  highest  qualities  of  statesmanship 
are  demanded. 

In  the  history  of  the  United  States  five  Presidents  have 
died  in  office,  and  in  every  case  this  death  occurred  near 
the  beginning  of  the  term.  President  William  Henry  Har- 
rison died  April  4,  1841,  exactly  one  month  after  his  in- 
auguration. President  Taylor  died  July  9,  1850,  sixteen 
months  and  five  days  after  his  inauguration.  President 
Lincoln  died  April  15,  1865,  just  six  weeks  after  his  second 
inauguration.  President  Garfield  died  September  19,  1881, 
six  and  one-half  months  after  his  inauguration.  President 
'McKinley  died  September  14,  1901,  six  months  and  ten 
days  after  his  second  inauguration.  In  these  five  cases  the 
Vice-Presidents  performed  the  duties  of  President  for 
nearly  the  entire  term  of  office.  In  every  case  these  "acci- 
dental Presidents"  were  candidates  to  succeed  themselves 
in  office — candidates  either  before  the  nominating  conven- 
tion or  before  the  country.  Fillmore's  nomination,  how- 
ever, came  four  years  after  his  term  of  office  had  expired. 
The  only  one  of  the  number  who  was  successful  was  Theo- 
dore Koosevelt.  He  was  elected  Vice-President  for  Presi- 
dent McKinley's  second  term,  and  at  the  expiration  of  that 
term  was  elected  President. 

Vigilance  Committee.  Among  those  who  hastened  to 
California  after  the  discovery  of  gold  in  1849  were  many 
lawless  characters,  who  soon  caused  a  reign  of  terror.  The 
Territory  became  a  State  in  1850,  but  the  laws  seemed 
powerless  to  restrain  the  commission  of  crime.  To  alter 
this  condition  of  affairs  large  numbers  of  the  best  citizens, 
irrespective  of  party,  banded  together  in  San  Francisco  and 
other  places  in  1851,  under  the  name  of  vigilance  commit- 
tees, took  the  law  into  their  own  hands,  and  by  their  vigor- 
ous actions  gradually  restored  the  country  to  a  safe  and 
peaceable  state.  In  1856  they  were  again  forced  to  ad- 
minister the  law.  They  held  trials  and  administered  justice 
as  seemed  to  them  right.  In  other  parts  of  the  United 


426     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

States  vigilance  committees  have  been  organized  at  different 
times  as  temporary  measures  of  necessity,  or  to  punish  par- 
ticular crimes,  but  their  actions  have  often  been  more  en- 
titled to  the  name  of  lynch  law  than  those  of  the  Cali- 
fornia vigilance  committee. 

Vilas,  William  F.,  was  born  at  Chelsea,  Vermont,  July  9, 
1840.  He  graduated  at  the  Wisconsin  State  University,  to 
which  State  his  family  had  moved,  and  also  at  the  Albany 
Law  School,  Albany,  New  York.  He  raised  a  company  in 
1862,  going  to  the  war  in  command  of  it ;  reached  the  grade 
of  lieutenant-colonel.  In  1863  he  resumed  the  practice  of 
law  in  Wisconsin.  He  was  law  lecturer  in  the  State  Uni- 
versity. He  was  postmaster-general,  1885-88 ;  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  1888-89;  United  States  Senator  from  Wis- 
consin, 1891. 

Vinton  Bill.    (See  Apportionment.) 

Virginia  was  one  of  the  original  States  of  the  Union. 
On  April  17,  1861,  a  State  convention  passed  an  ordinance 
of  secession  which  was  ratified  by  a  popular  vote  in  May. 
By  Act  of  January  26,  1870,  the  State  was  re-admitted 
to  the  Union.  The  capital  is  Richmond.  It  was  named 
for  Queen  Elizabeth,  the  "Virgin  Queen."  Popularly  it  is 
called  the  Old  Dominion,  sometimes  the  Mother  of  Presi- 
dents, and  occasionally  the  Mother  of  States.  (See  West 
Virginia.) 

Virginia  Dynasty  is  a  name  given  to  the  group  of  Vir- 
ginians that,  at  the  beginning  of  this  century,  wielded  an 
almost  controlling  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the  nation. 
(See  Virginia  Influence.) 

Virginia  Influence.  By  this  name  is  known  the  influence 
wielded  by  the  State  of  Virginia,  headed  by  Jefferson,  Madi- 
son, Monroe,  Taylor,  Tazewell,  the  Randolphs  and  others, 
from  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  until  about  1824. 
It  arose  largely  from  the  unanimity  of  its  people  on  na- 
tional subjects,  owing  to  a  certain  clannish  feeling  among 
them.  The  lead  taken  by  the  State  in  opposition  to  Ham- 
ilton's view  of  the  Constitution  caused  it  to  be  regarded  as 
the  head  of  that  opposition,  and  therefore  of  the  Republican 
party.  This  Virginia  Influence  was  a  distinct  factor  in 
national  politics.  After  John  Adams,  all  the  Presidents 
until  John  %Quincy  Adams,  in  1825,  were  from  Virginia. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     427 

Virginia  Plan,  The.  A  draft  or  proposition  for  a  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  which  was  presented  by  1'M- 
nmnd  Randolph,,  of  Virginia,  to  the  Constitutional  Con- 
vention. It  was  rejected  without  very  much  argument. 

Virginia  Resolutions  of  1798  were  resolutions  adopted 
in  that  year  by  Virginia.  They  were  drawn  up  by  Madi- 
son and  were  similar  in  import  to  the  Kentucky  Resolu- 
tions of  1798  (which  see). 

Virginius  Case.    On  October  31,  1873,  the  steamer  Vir- 

finius  was  captured  on  the  high  seas,  near  Jamaica,  by  a 
panish  vessel.  The  Virginius  was  sailing  under  the 
American  flag,  but  was  supposed  to  be  carrying  men  and 
arms  to  aid  insurgents  in  Cuba.  Executions  followed  of 
the  captain  and  several  others.  The  United  States  de- 
manded the  surrender  of  the  vessel  and  the  survivors,  and 
reparation  for  the  insult  to  our  flag.  The  vessel  was  sur- 
rendered in  December,  but  sank  on  the  voyage  to  New 
York.  The  prisoners  were  also  liberated.  Spain  disclaimed 
any  intention  to  insult  us,  and  it  was  proven  that  the  Vir- 
ginius was  not  entitled  to  sail  under  our  flag. 

Vote,  Presidential.     (See  Presidential  and  Vice-Presi- 
dential Electoral  Vote;  Presidential  Popular  Vote.) 
Voters,  Qualifications  of.   (See  Qualifications  of  Voters.) 
Voting  in  the  Air.     This  phrase  was  invented  by  Wil- 
liam M.  Evarts,  of  New  York,  during  the  Presidential  cam- 
paign of  1884,  to  characterize  the  action  of  those  who  in- 
tended to  vote  for  St.  John,  the  Prohibitionist  candidate. 
St.  John  had  no  chance  of  election,  and  votes  for  him  were 
considered,   from  the  Republican  standpoint,   as   thrown 
away. 

Wade-Davis   Manifesto.     (See  Davis-Wade  Manifesto.) 
Wagon  Boy.    Thomas  Corwin,  of  Ohio,  was  so  called 
because  he  had  driven  an  army-wagon  during  the  War  of 
1812. 

Walker,  William  (sometimes  called  "the  gray-eyed  man 
of  destiny"),  was  born  in  Nashville,  Tennessee,  in  1824, 
followed  journalism  in  New  Orleans  and  San  Francisco, 
practised  law  in  California,  and  then  engaged  in  the  ex- 
peditions, an  account  of  which  will  be  found  under  the 
title  Filibusters. 


428     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMEBICAtf  POLITICS 

Walking  Delegate.  In  the  trades-unions  of  to-day  there 
is  employed  an  official  known  as  Walking  Delegate.  He  is 
a  species  of  inspector,  carrying  to  the  different  branches  ol 
an  organization  the  decrees  of  the  central  bureau  and  su- 
pervising their  execution.  One  of  his  principal  duties  con- 
sists in  discovering  and  reporting  any  instance  of  the  em- 
ployment of  non-union  men  in  institutions  where  union 
men  are  at  work,  the  latter  being  forbidden  to  work  with 
the  former. 

Wampum.     (See  Porcelaine  Currency.) 

War,  the,  a  Failure.  The  Democratic  party  at  its  na- 
tional convention  in  1864  declared  the  Civil  War  a  failure. 
(See  Anti-War  Democrat.)  Previous  to  that  time  the 
Legislature  of  Illinois,  that  met  January,  1863,  had  carried 
in  the  house  resolutions  condemning  the  war,  and  recom- 
mending the  adoption  by  the  Federal  Government  of  meas- 
ures leading  to  a  peaceful  settlement.  These  resolutions 
failed  in  the  State  Senate.  Those  that  favored  this  solu- 
tion of  the  national  difficulties  were  known  as  "Peace  with 
Dishonor"  men. 

War  Democrats.  Those  individuals  that,  Democrats 
before  the  Civil  War,  yet  favored  the  prosecution  of  that 
contest  and  supported  the  Republican  party  during  its  con- 
tinuance, were  so  called. 

War  Department.  One  of  the  executive  departments  of 
the  government;  it  was  established  by  the  Act  of  August 
7,  1789,  and  with  the  departments  of  State  and  of  the 
Treasury  constituted  the  original  departments.  At  its  head 
is  the  Secretary  of  War ;  he  is  a  member  of  the  Cabinet ;  his 
salary  is  $8,000  per  annum.  The  department  has  charge  of 
all  matters  relating  to  war  or  to  the  army,  including  pur- 
chase and  distribution  of  supplies  and  army  transportation ; 
it  also  has  charge  of  the  signal  service  and  meteorological 
records  and  of  the  disbursement  of  river  and  harbor  appro- 
priations, and  the  administration  of  the  insular  Territor- 
ies. Since  1890  the  Secretary  of  War  has  been  aided  by 
an  assistant  secretary.  The  other  principal  subordinates 
are:  Adjutant-General,  Military  Secretary,  Inspector-Gen- 
eral, Judge-Advocate-Generai,  Quartermaster-General, 
Commissary-General,  Surgeon -General,  Paymaster-General, 
Chief  of  Engineers,  Chief  of  Ordnance,  Chief  Signal  Offi- 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     429 

cer,  and  Officer  in  charge  of  the  Public  Buildings.  To 
each  of  the  above  is  provided  a  chief  clerk.  All  arc  mem- 
bers of  the  Regular  Army,  and  of  the  rank  and  pay  of 
Brigadier-General,  except  the  Adjutant-General  and  Mili- 
tary Secretary,  who  rank  as  major-generals,  and  the  Officer 
in  charge  of  Public  Buildings,  who  ranks  as  colonel. 

War  of  1812,  sometimes  called  the  second  war  for  in- 
dependence. In  the  early  part  of  this  century  European 
nations  did  not  admit  the  right  of  expatriation.  Great 
Britain  held  that  "once  an  Englishman  always  an  English- 
man," and  maintained  the  rights  of  search  and  impress- 
ment. Many  of  our  vessels  were  stopped  on  the  high  seas 
and  searched;  seamen  claimed  to  be  British  subjects  were 
taken  from  them  and  forced  to  serve  in  the  British  navy 
or  imprisoned  for  refusing  to  serve.  Several  of  our  men-of- 
war  were  fired  upon  and  compelled  to  give  up  seamen  in 
their  crews.  The  arrogance  of  Great  Britain  was  further 
shown  by  her  interference  with  our  commerce  under  her 
paper  blockades.  She  interfered  with  rights  which  our 
government  claimed  for  our  vessels  as  neutral  ships.  (See 
Embargo  Act.)  The  Henry  affair  (see  Henry  Documents) 
also  increased  the  bitter  feeling  of  our  people.  For  several 
years  previous  to  the  war  England's  action  had  been  in- 
tolerable. The  failure  of  the  Non-Importation,  Non-Inter- 
course and  Embargo  acts  (which  see)  necessitated  more 
vigorous  measures.  The  Federalists  were  opposed  to  war; 
the  Republicans  favored  it.  Madison,  the  Republican  Presi- 
dent, was  personally  not  disposed  to  warlike  measures,  and 
it  was  asserted  that  he  "could  not  be  kicked  into  a  war." 
Finally,  however,  the  pressure  from  public  and  party  be- 
came too  strong  for  him.  The  Congress  which  assembled 
in  December,  1811,  was  heartily  disposed  to  resort  to  arms. 
It  passed  acts  to  increase  the  army,  and  appropriated  large 
sums  for  the  army  and  navy.  Finally,  on  June  18,  1812, 
the  President  declared  war  against  Great  Britain.  The 
Republican  scheme  of  invading  Canada  was  hardly  a  suc- 
cess, but  brilliant  victories  were  gained  on  the  ocean,  and 
by  Jackson  at  New  Orleans.  During  the  war  the  Federal- 
ists continued  to  oppose  the  government's  measures.  (See 
Hartford  Convention.)  The  war  was  ended  by  the  Treaty 
of  Ghent  (which  see).  Its  result  practically  was  the  end 


430     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

of  the  old  Federalist  party  and  renewed  strength  to  the 
Republicans.  The  objects  of  the  war,  so  far  as  English 
arrogance  was  concerned,  were  practically  accomplished, 
though  the  terms  of  the  treaty  did  not  expressly  negative 
the  British  claims. 

War  Power  of  the  President  is  a  term  applied  to  the 
power  of  the  President  as  Commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  (Constitution,  Article  2,  section  2).  This  power 
is  great  or  small,  according  to  the  emergency  it  is  called 
upon  to  face.  In  serious  emergencies  it  is  almost  despotic, 
being  limited  only  by  the  power  of  Congress  to  withhold 
supplies.  In  time  of  peace  it  is  entirely  suspended.  The 
Emancipation  Proclamation  -was  issued  "as  a  fit  and  neces- 
sary measure  of  war"  by  the  President  as  Commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army  and  navy. 

War,  Secretary  of.    (See  War  Department.) 

Wars  of  the  United  States.  The  chief  wars  in  which  the 
United  States  have  been  engaged  since  the  formation  of  the 
government,  in  1789,  are  five  in  number,  and  are  treated 
under  the  headings,  Barbary  Pirates  (the  Algerine  War), 
Civil  War,  Mexican  War,  War  of  1812,  and  Spanish- 
American  War.  The  most  important  conflicts  with  Indian 
tribes  are  discussed  under  Indian  Wars.  The  Aroostook 
boundary  disturbance  is  mentioned  in  the  article  North- 
west Boundary,  and  the  title  Canadian  Rebellion  covers 
another  slight  difficulty  on  our  northern  frontier.  (See 
also  Fenians.)  The  irregular  hostilities  with  France  at 
the  close  of  the  last  century  are  treated  under  X.  Y.  Z. 
Mission.  For  domestic  difficulties,  sometimes  called  "wars," 
see  under  appropriate  headings,  as  Border  War,  Buckshot 
War,  Hot  Water  War,  etc. 

War  to  the  Knife  and  the  Knife  to  the  Hilt.  This  sen- 
timent was  attributed  to  the  Republicans  by  the  Anti-War 
Democrats  during  the  Civil  War. 

War  with  Tripoli.    (See  Barbary  Pirates.) 

Washington,  City  of.  (See  Capital  of  the  United  States; 
District  of  Columbia.) 

Washington,  George,  the  first  President  of  the  United 
States,  was  born  in  Westmoreland  County,  Virginia,  Feb- 
ruary 22,  1732.  He  died  at  Mount  Vernon,  Virginia,  De- 
cember 14,  1799.  He  was  of  English  descent.  His  educa- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     431 

tion  was  obtained  in  the  local  schools.  In  his  early  days 
he  was  a  land  surveyor.  He  inherited  considerable  prop- 
erty from  his  father  and  from  his  older  brother.  He  dis- 
tinguished himself  during  the  French  and  Indian  War, 
where  he  rose  to  the  rank  of  colonel  and  commander  of  the 
Virginian  forces.  After  that  war  he  lived  quietly,  managing 
his  property  and  serving  in  the  Virginia  House  of  Bur- 
gesses, until  sent  to  the  Continental  Congress  in  1774.  In 
1759  he  had  married  Martha  Danbridge  Custis,  widow  of 
John  Parke  Custis.  On  June  15,  1775,  he  was  appointed 
by  the  Congress,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  American 
forces  engaged  in  the  Revolution ;  this  position  he  retained 
to  the  end  of  the  war.  Immediately  after  the  war  he  re- 
signed his  commission  and  retired  to  Mount  Vernon, 
whence  he  emerged  as  delegate  to  the  Convention  of  1787 
(which  see)  :  of  this  he  became  the  presiding  officer.  On 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  framed  by  that  Conven- 
tion he  was  elected  President  of  the  United  States,  receiv- 
ing the  compliment,  unparalleled  in  our  history,  of  a 
unanimous  vote.  He  was  similarly  elected  for  a  second 
term.  During  his  administration  the  government's  finances 
were  put  in  order  and  the  Bank  of  the  United  States  was 
established;  Indian  troubles  on  the  frontiers  were  sup- 
pressed after  two  unsuccessful  attempts ;  Jay's  Treaty  was 
concluded  with  England  in  the  settlement  of  various  mat- 
ters in  dispute,  and  the  Whisky  Insurrection  in  Pennsyl- 
vania was  crushed.  In  1797  he  was  once  again  called  from 
Mount  Vernon,  whither  he  had  withdrawn  at  the  expiration 
of  his  term  as  President,  to  act  as  Commander-in-Chief  of 
the  Army,  in  a  war  then  threatening  with  France.  When 
the  danger  of  a  war  had  passed  by  he  again  retired  to  his 
home,  where  he  died  in  1799.  With  his  countrymen  his 
influence,  drawn  partly  from  his  military  fame  and  partly 
from  his  lofty  character,  was  enormous,  and  it  was  always 
exerted  for  good.  The  adoption  of  the  Constitution  was  in 
many  quarters  owing  to  his  approval  of  it.  As  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Revolutionary  Army  he  had  refused  to  ac- 
cept pay.  As  President,  he  professed  adherence  to  no  party 
or  faction,  although  his  leanings  were  toward  the  centraliz- 
ing tendencies  of  Hamilton.  Personally  he  was  cold,  digni- 
fied and  aristocratic. 


432     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

Washington  Territory  was  admitted  to  the  Union  as  a 
State  by  Act  of  Congress,  November  11,  1889.  It  was  part 
of  the  Louisiana  Purchase  (see  Annexations  I)  and  was 
for  a  time  a  part  of  Oregon.  It  was  organized  as  a  sepa- 
rate territory  by  Act  of  March  2,  1853.  The  northern 
boundary  of  this  region  was  for  a  long  time  in  dispute  with 
Great  Britain,,  but  was  settled  in  1846.  (See  Northwest 
Boundary.)  It  was  named  in  honor  of  George  Washington. 
The  capital  is  Olympia. 

Waterloo.  "A  Waterloo"  has  come  to  be  the  synonym 
of  a  complete  and  irretrievable  defeat.  At  Waterloo,  a 
village  of  Belgium,  on  June  18,  1815,  the  English  and 
Prussians,  under  the  Duke  of  Wellington,  completely  routed 
Napoleon  Bonaparte,  who,  with  the  French  Army,  had  for 
years  been  maintaining  a  gigantic  and  successful  struggle 
against  many  of  the  nations  of  Europe.  By  this  defeat  his 
power  and  prestige  were  hopelessly  shattered. 

Watterson,  Henry.  Served  in  the  Confederate  Army 
during  the  Civil  War;  member  of  Congress  from  Ken- 
tucky, 1876-77.  Born  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  1840. 

Wayne,  Anthony.  Served  in  the  Continental  Army 
during  the  War  of  the  Eevolution;  member  of  the  Penn- 
sylvania ratifying  convention;  member  of  Congress  from 
Georgia,  1791-92.  Born  in  Pennsylvania,  January  1,  1745  ; 
died  at  Presque  Isle,  Pennsylvania,  December  15,  1796. 
(See  Mad  Anthony.) 

Ways  and  Means,  Committee  of,  is  the  most  important 
of  the  standing  committees  of  the  House  of  Eepresentatives. 
Its  function  is  the  ways  and  means  of  raising  and  collecting 
revenue;  or,  in  other  words,  the  general  subject  of  govern- 
ment revenues;  this  includes  the  tariff  and  internal  reve- 
nue, as  well  as  the  public  debt  and  financial  measures. 
Prior  to  1865  the  expenditure  of  the  government  was  also 
within  its  scope.  This  is  now  in  the  hands  of  the  Appro- 
priations "Committee.  (See  Appropriations.) 

Weaver,  James  B.  Served  in  the  Union  Army  during 
the  Civil  War.  Member  of  Congress  from  Iowa,  1879-81 ; 
unsuccessful  candidate  on  the  Greenback-Labor  ticket  for 
President,  1880,  and  on  the  People's  Party  ticket  for  Presi- 
dent, 1892  :  member  of  Congress  from  Iowa,  1885-89.  Born 
at  Davton,  Ohio,  June  12,  1833. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     433 

Webster,  Daniel,  was  born  at  Salisbury,  New  Hampshire, 
January  18,  1782,,  and  died  at  Marshfield,  Massachusetts, 
October  24,  1852.  He  was  a  lawyer,  and  a  graduate  of 
Dartmouth.  From  1813  to  1817  he  represented  New 
Hampshire  in  Congress  as  a  Federalist,  then  removed  to 
Boston,  serving  in  Congress  from  Massachusetts  from  1823 
to  1827,  in  the  Senate  from  1827  to  1841,  as  Secretary  of 
State  from  1841  to  1843,  again  in  the  Senate  from  1845  to 
1850,  and  once  more,  from  1850  until  his  death,  as  Secre- 
tary of  State.  It  is  conceded  that  he  was  the  foremost 
orator  this  country  has  ever  possessed.  His  name  is  best 
known  in  connection  with  the  Dartmouth  College  case 
(which  see),  and  his  debate  with  Senator  Hayne  on  Foote's 
Resolution  (which  see).  Although  frequently  mentioned 
as  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  he  never  attained  even 
the  formal  nomination  of  his  party,  although  in  1836  the 
Massachusetts  electors  cast  their  votes  for  him.  In  1850  he 
made  his  famous  Seventh  of  March  speech,  regarded  by 
many  as  a  final  bid  for  the  Presidency.  However  that  may 
be,  he  was  not  nominated,  and  died  soon  after. 

We  Have  Been  Unfortunate,  but  Not  Disgraced.  On  the 
28th  of  March,  1814,  during  the  War  of  1812,  Captain 
David  Porter  lay  in  the  harbor  of  Valparaiso,  Chili,  in  the 
United  States  frigate  Essex.  Notwithstanding  the  fact 
that  he  was  in  neutral  waters  he  was  attacked  by  two  Brit- 
ish vessels,  the  frigate  Phoebe  and  the  sloop-of-war  Cherub. 
His  vessel  had  been  crippled  by  a  storm,  but  he  fought 
bravely,  till  nearly  all  his  men  were  disabled,  and  then 
struck  his  colors.  He  reported  to  the  government,  "We 
have  been  unfortunate,  but  not  disgraced." 

We  have  Lived  Long,  but  This  is  the  Noblest  Work  of 
Our  Whole  Lives.  This  remark  was  made  by  Robert  R. 
Livingston  after  the  Louisiana  Purchase  in  1803.  (See 
Annexations  I.) 

We  Have  Met  the  Enemy  and  They  Are  Ours.  During 
the  War  of  1812  the  control  of  Lake  Erie  became  neces- 
sary to  the  Americans  for  an  aggressive  movement  on 
Canada.  To  oppose  the  British  squadron,  under  Commo- 
dore Barclay,  of  six  vessels  carrying  sixty-three  guns  in  all, 
Commodore  Oliver  H.  Perry  gathered. nine  vessels  mount- 
ing in  all  fifty-four  guns.  On  the  10th  of  September,  1813, 


434     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

he  attacked  the  British,  fought  a  desperate  battle,  in  the 
course  of  which  he  performed  the  daring  feat  of  trans- 
ferring his  flag  from  the  Lawrence,  which  was  badly  in- 
jured, to  the  Niagara,  and  defeated  the  enemy.  To  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  who  was  anxiously  awaiting  on  shore  the 
event  of  the  battle,  he  sent  the  following  dispatch:  "We 
have  met  the  enemy  and  they  are  ours ;  two  ships,  two  brigs, 
one  schooner  and  one  sloop."  This  victory  was  celebrated 
in  a  rude  song  of  the  day,  as  follows : 

"The  tenth  of  September 

Let  us  all  remember, 
As  long  as  the  world  on  its  axis  goes  round; 

Our  tars  and  marines 

On  Lake  Erie  were  seen 
To  make  the  proud  flag  of  Great  Britain  come  down." 

Well-Born,  The.  A  term  of  contempt  applied  to  the  Fed- 
eralists. The  term  was  used  by  John  Adams  during  the 
discussion  preceding  the  adoption  of  the  Constitution.  "The 
rich,  the  well-born  and  the  able  will,"  wrote  he,  "acquire  an 
influence  among  the  people  that  will  soon  be  too  much  for 
simple  honesty  and  plain  sense  in  a  House  of  Representa- 
tives." 

We  Love  Him  for  the  Enemies  that  He  Has  Made.  This 
sentence  was  uttered  by  Edward  S.  Bragg,  of  Wisconsin, 
in  the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1884,  in  a  speech 
urging  the  nomination  of  Grover  Cleveland  for  President. 
The  reference  was  to  the  minority  of  the  New  York  dele- 
gation, which  was  opposed  to  Cleveland's  nomination,  and 
which  had  attempted  to  abolish  the  Unit  Eule  for  the  pur- 
pose of  compassing  his  defeat.  Cleveland  was  nominated. 

Western  Reserve.    (See  Territories.) 

West  Florida.    (See  Annexations  II.) 

West  Point  and  Military  Academy.  (See  United  States 
Military  Academy  at  West  Point.) 

West  Virginia  was  once  a  part  of  Virginia,  but  its  peo- 
ple did  not  sympathize  with  the  pro-slavery  and  secession 
sentiments  of  the  eastern  portion  of  the  State,  and  on  the 
ratification  of  the  ordinance  of  secession  (see  Virginia)  a 
convention  at  Wheeling  declared  it  null  and  void.  A  gov- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     435 

eminent  was  formed,  claiming  to  be  the  government  of 
Virginia,  which  gave  its  consent  to  the  erection  of  a  new 
State,  and  West  Virginia  was  thus  admitted  to  the  Union 
by  Act  of  December  31,  1862,  which  took  effect  June  19, 
1863.  The  capital  is  Charleston.  The  name  first  pro- 
posed for  the  State  was  Kanawha.  Popularly  it  is  called 
the  Pan-Handle  State. 

Westward  the  Course  of  Empire  Takes  Its  way.  The 
following  lines  are  from  a  poem  entitled  "On  the  Prospect 
of  Planting  Arts  and  Learning  in  America,"  written  in 
the  first  half  of  the  last  century  by  Bishop  Berkeley,  an 
English  philosopher: 

"Westward  the  course  of  empire  takes  its  way ; 

The  four  first  acts  already  past, 
A  fifth  shall  close  the  drama  with  the  day ; 
Time's  noblest  offspring  is  the  last." 

The  epigraph  to  Bancroft's  "History  of  the  United  States" 
made  the  first  line  of  the  above  read  as  follows : 

"Westward  the  star  of  empire  takes  its  way/' 

Wets.  A  term  used  chiefly,  if  not  exclusively,  in  Georgia 
and  applied  to  the  Anti-Prohibitionists.  Opposed  to 
"Drys." 

Whig  Party.  The  opposition  to  Andrew  Jackson  took 
the  form  of  the  National  Republican  party  on  the  part  of 
those  differing  from  him  on  economic  principles;  to  these 
were  added  those  that  had  upheld  Nullification,  and  fac- 
tious Democrats  in  some  of  the  Southern  States,  notably 
in  Georgia,  Alabama  and  Tennessee,  in  the  two  latter 
States  headed  by  Hugh  L.  White.  James  Watson  Webb, 
of  the  New  York  Courier  and  Enquirer,  suggested  the  name 
of  Whig  for  this  combination,  as  indicating  opposition  to 
"executive  usurpation,"  a  meaning  it  was  asserted  to  have 
had  in  England,  and  during  the  Revolution  in  America. 
Under  this  name  were  ultimately  included  the  National 
Republicans  and  the  Southern  factions ;  the  Nullifiers  were 
never  a  portion  of  them;  they  formed  a  separate  pro- 
alavery  faction  in  the  Democratic  party.  Harrison  was 


436     A  BICTIONABY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  first  nominee  of  the  party  and  he  was  indorsed  by 
numerous  anti-Masonic  and  other  conventions.  Three  other 
candidates  were  placed  in  nomination  beside  the  Demo- 
cratic nominee,  Van  Buren,  who  was  elected.  In  1840 
Harrison,  a  military  and  anti-Masonic  man,  was  nom- 
inated ;  as  Vice-President,  Tyler,  one  of  the  Southern  wing, 
was  named.  This  combination  received  an  overwhelm- 
ingly large  electoral  vote;  the  campaign  had  been  a  vig- 
orous one,  based  on  Harrison's  military  services,  to  the  cry 
of  "Tippecanoe  and  Tyler,  too."  The  Whigs  had  a  small 
majority,  also,  in  both  Houses.  One  month  after  his  in- 
auguration Harrison  died.  Soon  after  his  accession,  Tyler 
broke  with  his  party,  the  occasion  being  the  veto  by  him  of 
a  National  Bank  Bill.  The  first  platform  of  the  party 
adopted  in  1844  meant  anything  or  nothing.  Clay  was 
nominated,  and  his  defeat,  to  a  great  extent,  was  owing  to 
the  action  of  the  Liberty  party.  The  question  of  the  an- 
nexation of  Texas  foreshadowed  the  importance  that  slavery 
was  soon  to  assume.  This  topic  it  was  the  constant  effort  of 
the  Northern  Whigs  to  keep  out  of  politics.  Opposition 
to  slavery  meant  rupture  with  the  Southern  Whigs,  who 
were  first  pro-slavery  and  only  then  Whigs ;  advocacy  of  it 
meant  the  displeasure  of  Northern  constituents.  The  Wil- 
mot  Proviso  was  accordingly  supported  by  Northern  Whigs, 
and  opposed  by  the  Southerners.  Taylor  was  the  nominee 
in  1848;  no  platform  was  adopted.  He  was  elected  largely 
on  his  military  reputation.  The  Compromise  of  1850  and 
all  other  measures  affecting  slavery  found  the  Southern 
Whigs  acting  with  the  Democrats  and  against  their  North- 
ern brothers  in  the  party.  These  latter  made  every  effort 
to  keep  the  subject  down,  and  every  new  piece  of  legislation 
on  the  subject  was  declared  by  them  to  be  a  "finality."  In 
1852  the  platform  contained  a  plank  to  that  effect,  and 
General  Winfield  Scott  was  named  for  President,  Scott 
was  completely  defeated.  The  Southern  Whigs  were  now 
practically  apart  from  the  party,  and  many  of  them  soon 
became  so  in  name  also.  The  Whig  party  was  broken  lip. 
A  part  of  it  joined  the  ranks  of  the  American  party,  but 
ultimately  its  Northern  elements  were  swallowed  up  in  the 
Republican  party ;  the  Southern  elements  joined  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  while  the  old  Whig  desire  of  keeping  slavery 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     437 

out  of  politics  was  visible  in  the  Constitutional  Union  party, 
composed  of  Whig  remnants  in  the  border  States. 

Whisky  Insurrection.  This  was  a  revolt  in  Western 
Pennsylvania,  occasioned  by  the  passage  of  the  excise  law 
of  March  3,  1791.  Laws  of  this  kind  had  always  been 
odious,  and  they  were  especially  so  to  this  community,  the 
greater  part  of  whose  grain  was  converted  into  whisky.  The 
tax  was  suggested  by  Hamilton  for  the  purpose  of  exerting 
the  Federal  power  of  direct  taxation,  and  also,  as  some 
authorities  assert,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  an  insurrec- 
tion of  small  proportions  and  of  having  the  Federal  power 
exerted  in  crushing  it  Hamilton  saw  that  the  Union  could 
not  be  a  success  unless  the  authority  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment was  recognized,  and  he  thought  that  a  small  disturb- 
ance speedily  suppressed  might  check  a  tendency  to  dis- 
union and  separation,  which,  once  fairly  intrenched,  would 
prove  the  end  of  the  government.  His  forecast  was  cor- 
rect. The  suppression  was  practically  bloodless;  but  two 
persons  were  killed,  and  these  in  brawls  with  the  soldiers. 
Moreover,  the  prompt  exercise  of  federal  authority  showed 
the  inherent  strength  and  vitality  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. Hamilton's  purpose  was  not,  of  course,  avowed — 
not  even  known.  The  best-known  leader  in  this  insurrec- 
tion was  a  man  named  Bradford,  but  William  Findley,  a 
member  of  Congress,  and  Albert  Gallatin  were  also  con- 
cerned in  it.  The  first  meeting  to  oppose  the  measure  was 
held  July  27th.  This  meeting  was  peaceful,  but  disorders 
followed.  Any  person  taking  office  under  the  law  was  de- 
clared a  public  enemy,  and  in  one  case  a  revenue  officer 
was  tarred  and  feathered.  The  opposition  continued  to 
increase,  and  in  May,  1792,  Congress  empowered  the  Presi- 
dent to  use  militia  in  suppressing  disorders  within  a  State. 
About  this  time  the  tax  was  also  reduced.  September  15th 
a  proclamation  was  issued  warning  the  people  to  abandon 
their  unlawful  combinations.  The  disturbances  had  not  as 
yet  come  to  a  head.  The  agitation  continued  throughout 
1793  and  1794.  Secret  societies  were  organized  to  oppose 
the  tax.  Under  the  law  only  federal  courts  had  jurisdiction 
of  offenses  against  it,  and  this  necessitated  the  transporta- 
tion of  the  accused  to  Philadelphia,  a  long  journey  in  those 
days.  In  June,  1794,  this  just  cause  of  complaint  was  re- 


438     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

moved  by  giving  the  State  courts  concurrent  jurisdiction  in 
excise  offenses.  The  issue,  May  31st,  in  Philadelphia,  of 
fifty  writs  against  various  western  people  charged  with 
connection  with  the  disturbances,  brought  the  insurrection 
to  a  head.  The  marshal  serving  the  warrants  was  seized 
and  made  to  swear  that  he  would  serve  no  more  of  them. 
A  meeting  of  7,000  armed  men  was  held.  Those  opposed  to 
these  proceedings  were  intimidated,  and  preparations  for 
armed  defense  against  the  United  States  were  made.  The 
Federal  Government  acted  promptly.  A  proclamation  or- 
dered the  insurgents  to  disperse.  A  requisition  for  15,000 
militia  was  made  on  the  Governors  of  New  Jersey,  Virginia 
and  Maryland.  Meanwhile  commissioners  were  sent  ahead 
to  offer  amnesty  to  those  that  would  submit.  Their  mis- 
sion was  a  failure,  and  on  September  25th  another  procla- 
mation was  issued  by  the  President,  in  which  he  gave  notice 
of  the  advance  of  the  troops.  President  Washington  ac- 
companied them  a  part  of  the  way;  Hamilton  remained 
with  them  throughout.  Several  meetings  were  now  held  de- 
claring submission,  but  they  were  not  regarded  as  repre- 
sentative, and  the  troops  continued  to  advance.  On  their 
arrival  at  the  scene  of  the  disorders,  time  was  given  for 
submission  under  the  President's  proclamation,  and  all 
those  not  submitting  were  arrested.  The  violent  leaders, 
including  Bradford,  had  fled;  Gallatin  was  among  those 
that  had  all  along  counseled  submission.  The  insurrection 
was  suppressed ;  all  but  about  2,500  of  the  troops  returned 
home;  these  remained  encamped  in  the  region  throughout 
the  winter. 

Whisky  Ring  is  a  name  given  to  a  vast  conspiracy,  orig- 
inating in  about  the  year  1873,  for  the  purpose  of  defraud- 
ing the  government  in  the  collection  of  its  tax  on  distilled 
spirits.  The  conspiracy  included  distillers,  dealers,  United 
States  collectors,  gangers  and  many  other  persons.  It  ex- 
tended from  St.  Louis,  its  headquarters,  to  Chicago,  Mil- 
waukee, Peoria,  Cincinnati  and  New  Orleans.  It  had  an 
agent  in  Washington.  The  method  of  defrauding  was  by 
the  secret  shipment  of  whisky  which  was  reported  as  stored. 
Suspicion  was  first  aroused  in  1874  by  a  discrepancy  dis- 
covered between  the  returns  of  shipments  of  the  Merchants' 
Exchange,  of  St.  Louis,  and  those  of  the  revenue  officers. 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     439 

To  Benjamin  H.  Bristow,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  is 
due  the  credit  of  unearthing  this  gigantic  fraud.  The 
influence  of  the  ring  made  itself  felt  in  the  highest  places, 
and  every  effort  against  it  was  for  a  time  thwarted.  Fin- 
ally, after  careful  secret  examinations,  a  general  seizure  in 
three  cities  was  made,  May  10, 1875.  Property  aggregating 
$3,500,000  in  value  was  seized,  and  238  persons  were  in- 
dicted. When  the  papers  in  these  cases  were  laid  before 
President  Grant,  he  indorsed  one  of  them  with  the  in- 
junction, "Let  no  guilty  man  escape."  0.  E.  Babcock, 
President  Grant's  private  secretary,  was  implicated,  but 
though  acquitted,  his  guilt  was  generally  conceded.  No 
charge  was  ever  made  implicating  Grant,  but  his  tenacity 
in  supporting  his  friends,  even  when  their  guilt  was  evident 
to  others,  made  it  easy  for  the  ring  to  put  many  obstacles 
in  Bristow's  way.  In  one  case,  even,  documents  were  tam- 
pered with.  Many  convictions  were  obtained,  among  others 
that  of  the  chief  clerk  of  the  Treasury,  Avery.  In  1876 
Bristow  turned  his  attention  to  a  whisky  ring  on  the  Pa- 
cific Coast.  As  a  consequence  the  Senator  from  that  State 
demanded  the  removal  of  several  special  Treasury  agents 
employed  in  San  Francisco.  The  Secretary  refused.  An 
appeal  to  the  President  caused  him  to  take  a  stand  against 
Bristow,  and  the  latter  resigned.  The  ring,  however,  was 
dead. 

White  House.  The  residence  of  the  President  in  Wash- 
ington is  built  of  freestone  and  painted  white,  and  for  this 
reason  is  called  the  "White  House. " 

White  League.  A  name  sometimes  applied  to  the  Kw- 
Klvx  Klan. 

Whitewash.  When  a  corrupt  public  servant  desires  to 
obtain  an  official  statement  exonerating  him  from  acts 
charged  against  him,  it  is  a  common  method  for  his  friends 
to  secure  the  appointment  of  a  legislative  committee  of  in- 
vestigation, taking  care  to  have  the  committee  so  consti- 
tuted as  to  insure  a  report  clearing  him  from  blame.  This 
proceeding  is  known  as  whitewashing. 

Wigwam.    (See  Tammany.) 

Wildcat  Banks.  The  fraudulent  institutions  known  as 
wildcat  banks  were  started  principally  in  the  West  and 
South  after  the  closing  up  of  the  United  States  Bank  and 


440     A  DICTIONAKY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  transfer  of  its  deposits  in  1832.  The  scarcity  of  capi- 
tal in  those  regions  made  it  comparatively  easy  to  put  in 
circulation  anything  that  purported  to  be  money.  Hence, 
any  one  with  a  very  limited  capital — or,  in  fact,  without 
any  capital  at  all — could  open  a  bank,  issue  $10,000  or 
more  in  small  notes,  and  pass  them  over  in  easy  loans  to 
land  speculators,  who,  in  their  turn,  paid  them  out  in 
country  villages  and  among  farmers  where  the  standing  of 
the  bank  of  issue  would  necessarily  be  unknown.  Hun- 
dreds of  these  banks  were  started,  and  immense  amounts  of 
so-called  money  were  loaned  to  build  cities  in  the  wilder- 
ness, and  to  contractors  anxious  to  build  railroads  without 
material,  tools,  or  means  of  paying  wages.  In  some  cases 
the  real  place  of  issue  was,  for  instance,  New  Orleans  or 
Buffalo,  while  the  bills  purported  to  be  issued  and  payable 
in,  say  Georgia  or  Illinois.  This  method  of  doing  business 
lasted  four  years,  when  the  panic  of  1837  (which  see),  the 
most  painful  and  prolonged  crisis  in  the  financial  history 
of  the  United  States,  overtook  the  country.  Fortunately, 
this  led  to  the  adoption  in  nearly  all  the  States  of  such 
banking  laws  as  rendered  similar  schemes  impossible  in 
the  future.  These  institutions  were  called  wildcat  banks, 
owing  to  their  utter  lawlessness,  and  because  their  victims 
were  "most  awfully  clawed." 
Wildcat  Money.  (See  Wildcat  Banks.) 
Wilmot,  David.  Member  of  Congress  from  Pennsylva- 
nia, 1845-51 ;  unsuccessful  candidate  for  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  1857;  United  States  Senator  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, 1861-63.  Judge  of  the  United  States  Court  of 
Claims.  Born  at  Bethany,  Pennsylvania,  January  20, 
1814;  died  at  Towanda,  Pennsylvania,  March  16,  1868. 
(See  Wilmot  Proviso.) 

Wilmot  Proviso.  In  1846  a  bill  was  introduced  into 
Congress  placing  about  $2,000,000  at  the  disposal  of  the 
President  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  him  to  make  a 
treaty  with  Mexico  (with  which  we  were  then  at  war), 
paying  her  that  sum,  and  in  return  acquiring  a  consider- 
able tract  of  territory.  To  this  measure  David  Wilmot,  of 
Pennsylvania,  moved  a  proviso  prohibiting  slavery  in  any 
territory  that  we  might  acquire  from  Mexico.  Thus 
amended,  the  bill  was  passed  by  the  House  and  sent  to  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     441 

Senate  during  the  last  hours  of  the  session.  In  the  Senate 
the  debate  on  a  motion  to  strike  out  the  proviso  lasted  to  the 
hour  of  adjournment,  and  so  the  bill  died.  In  1848  the 
proviso  was  moved  in  the  House  as  an  independent  reso- 
lution, but  a  motion  that  it  lie  on  the  table  prevailed  (105 
to  93).  When  first  introduced  the  proviso  seemed  to  have 
a  good  chance  of  passing,  but  during  the  election  of  1846 
the  Southern  Democrats  were  forced  by  public  opinion  to 
determined  opposition  to  it;  the  Northern  Democrats  fa- 
vored the  proviso,  and  at  the  same  time  annexation.  In  this 
dilemma  the  doctrine  of  "popular"  or  "squatter"  sove- 
reignty was  devised;  it  was,  in  effect,  to  let  the  people  of 
a  territory  determine  the  question  of  slavery  for  them- 
selves, and  it  came  as  a  relief  to  Northern  Democrats  by 
enabling  them  consistently  to  oppose  the  Wilmot  Proviso. 

Wilson,  Henry,  was  born  at  Framingham,  New  Hamp- 
shire, February  16,  1812,  and  died  in  Washington,  Novem- 
ber 22,  1875.  In  1830  his  name  was  changed  from  Jere- 
miah Jones  Colbath  to  Henry  Wilson,  by  Act  of  Legisla- 
ture. In  politics  he  was  an  Anti-slavery  Whig,  serving  in 
the  Legislature  in  that  capacity;  he  then  joined  the  Free- 
soil,  the  American,  and  ultimately  the  Eepublican  Party. 
He  was  Vice-President  from  1873  until  his  death. 

Winthrop,  John.  Founded  Saybrook,  Connecticut,  1635, 
and  was  its  first  Governor ;  founded  New  London,  Connecti- 
cut; Governor  of  Connecticut,  1657-76.  Born  in  England, 
February  12,  1606;  died  at  Boston,  Massachusetts,  April 
5,  1676. 

Wire  Pulling  is  a  political  phrase.  It  is  applied  to  the 
activity  of  politicians  in  securing  votes  and  making  other 
preparations  necessary  to  the  success  of  a  candidate  or 
measure. 

Wirt,  William.  Attorney-General,  1817-29;  anti-Ma- 
sonic candidate  for  President,  1832,  and  received  the  elec- 
toral vote  of  Vermont.  Born  at  Bladensburg,  Maryland, 
November  8,  1772;  died  at  Washington,  D.  C.,  February 
18,  1834. 

Wisconsin  was  once  a  part  of  the  Northwest  Territory, 
and  afterwards  was  successively  a  part  of  Indiana,  Illinois 
and  Michigan  territories.  In  1836  the  territory  of  Wis- 
consin was  formed,  which,  two  years  later,  was  reduced  to 


442     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

the  .size  of  the  present  State  of  the  same  name,  and  was 
thus  admitted  to  the  Union,  May  29,  1848.  The  capital  is 
Madison.  The  State  is  named  after  its  principal  river, 
which  in  the  Indian  tongue  is  said  to  mean  "wild  rushing 
river."  Popularly  it  is  known  as  the  Badger  State. 

With  Malice  Toward  None,  with  Charity  for  All. 
These  phrases  occurred  in  Lincoln's  address  at  his  second 
inauguration.  (See  Lincoln,  Abraham.) 

Wizard  of  Kinderhook.  Martin  Van  Buren,  who  was 
born  at  Kinderhook,  New  York,  was  often  called  by  his 
contemporaries  the  Wizard  of  Kinderhook  because  of  his 
ability  and  astuteness  in  politics. 

Woman's  Rights.     (See  Woman  Suffrage.) 

Woman  Suffrage.  The  gradual  removal  of  restrictions 
on  the  suffrage  in  the  States  has  naturally  brought  forward 
the  question  why  women  should  be  deprived  of  this  privi- 
lege. As  early  as  1790  the  question  had  been  asked  in 
France.  Under  New  Jersey's  constitution  of  1776  an  act 
had  indeed  been  passed  by  that  State  in  1793  imposing  cer- 
tain restrictions  on  voters,  but  imposing  them  equally  on 
both  sexes.  The  act  was,  however,  repealed  in  1807.  The 
subject  was  brought  into  prominence  in  1848  by  the  first 
woman's  rights  convention  held  in  this  country.  The  con- 
vention met  at  Seneca  Falls,  New  York,  July  19,  1848. 
The  agitation  of  the  subject  of  slavery  and  the  incidental 
discussion  of  the  natural  rights  of  man  had  as  their  logical 
consequence  the  demand,  on  the  part  of  some  women,  of  a 
privilege  exercised  in  many  cases  by  persons  far  below  them 
in  intelligence  and  education.  They  assert  that  many  of 
their  number  pay  taxes,  that  all  are  interested  in  good  gov- 
ernment, and  that  it  is  unjust  for  women  of  intelligence  to 
be  deprived  of  a  vote  while  ignorant  men  have  a  voice  in 
the  government.  They  assert  that  their  influence  will  have 
a  purifying  effect  on  politics.  They  demand  that  any  re- 
strictions on  the  suffrage  may  apply  equally  to  both  sexes. 
It  is  but  just  to  add  that  many  women  of  education  are 
opposed  to  the  extension  of  the  suffrage  to  women.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  objected  that  suffrage  cannot  be  demanded 
as  a  right,  but  it  is  a  privilege  granted  by  the  State  as 
expediency  may  direct;  that  the  community  is  best  served 
by  a  division  of  labor  which  relegates  woman  to  the  fam- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     443 

ily  exclusively;  that  her  interests  are  sufficiently  protected 
by  representation  as  at  present  constituted,  and  that  her 
presence  would  have  no  influence  for  good.  In  October, 
1850,  the  first  national  woman's  rights  convention  was 
held  at  Worcester,  Massachusetts.  Since  then  the  subject 
has  been  constantly  agitated,  and  large  strides  in  advance 
have  been  made.  In  1866  a  petition  on  this  subject  was 
laid  before  Congress  by  the  American  Equal  Rights  Asso- 
ciation. It  was  the  first  of  its  kind  presented  to  that  body. 
In  1870  the  Republican  State  Convention  of  Massachu- 
setts admitted  Lucy  Stone  and  Mary  A.  Livermore  as  dele- 
gates. The  Republican  National  Conventions  of  1872  and 
1876  resolved  that  "the  honest  demands"  of  this  "class  of 
citizens  for  additional  rights  .  .  .  should  be  treated  with 
respectful  consideration."  Since  1872  the  Prohibition  party 
has  embodied  a  demand  for  woman  suffrage  in  every  plat- 
form. The  Greenback  national  platform  of  1884  favored 
the  submission  to  the  people  of  a  woman  suffrage  amend- 
ment to  the  Constitution.  The  Equal  Rights  party  in 
1884  nominated  Mrs.  Belva  A.  Lockwood  for  the  Presi- 
dency. The  votes  received  by  the  ticket  are  among  those 
classed  as  "scattering,"  and  amounted  to  about  2,500. 
Women  have  voted  on  the  same  terms  with  men  in  Wyom- 
ing since  1870,  and  when  the  Territory  was  admitted  to 
the  Union  a  provision  was  inserted  in  the  constitution  se- 
curing them  suffrage.  In  Kansas  full  municipal  suffrage 
has  been  granted  to  women,  and  in  the  following  States 
they  vote  at  school  elections  under  certain  conditions  as  to 
property,  marriage,  etc. :  Colorado,  Indiana,  Kansas,  Ken- 
tucky, Massachusetts,  Michigan,  Minnesota,  Nebraska,  New 
Hampshire,  New  Jersey,  New  York,  Oregon,  Vermont, 
Wisconsin,  Delaware,  Idaho,  Illinois,  North  Dakota,  South 
Dakota,  Texas,  Washington  and  Montana,  and  in  the  Ter- 
ritories of  Arizona  and  Oklahoma.  In  Arkansas  and  Mis- 
souri women  vote  (by  petition)  on  the  sale  of  liquor.  Full 
suffrage  was  granted  to  women  in  Utah  and  in  Washington, 
while  a  Territory.  In  the  former  they  were  excluded  by 
the  Edmunds  law,  and  in  the  latter  through  a  technical 
informality  in  the  construction  of  the  act.  Thus  Wyoming 
remains  as  the  only  instance  in  this  country  of  a  complete 


444     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

equality  of  the  sexes  in  the  matter  of  suffrage.  (See 
Suffrage.) 

Wooden  Gods  of  Sedition.  A  name  of  derision  in  1798 
for  the  Liberty  Poles. 

Woolly  Heads.    (See  Conscience  Whigs.) 

Workers,  Political.    (See  Boys,  The.) 

World's  Columbian  Exposition.     (See  Expositions.) 

Wyandotte  Constitution.  The  constitution  under  which 
Kansas  was  admitted  to  the  Union ;  adopted  at  Wyandotte 
(now  part  of  Kansas  City),  1859. 

Wyoming.  The  larger  part  of  Wyoming  was  acquired  by 
the  Louisiana  Purchase  (see  Annexations  I),  but  the  south- 
western portion  was  included  in  the  Mexican  cession  (see 
Annexations  IV)  of  1848.  It  was  organized  as  a  separate 
territory  of  the  United  States  by  Act  of  July  25,  1868,  and 
was  admitted  to  the  Union  as  a  State  by  Act  of  July  11, 
1890.  The  capital  is  Cheyenne. 

X.  Y.  Z.  Mission.  During  the  Revolution  the  United 
States  secured  the  valuable  aid  of  France  by  treaties  in 
1778.  In  1789  monarchy  was  overthrown  in  France,  and 
that  nation  soon  found  herself  at  war  with  England  and 
other  European  nations.  She  desired  the  United  States 
as  an  ally,  and  Genet  (see.  Genet,  Citizen)  was  sent  to  ac- 
complish her  purpose.  His  mission  failed,  Washington 
persisted  firmly  in  preserving  our  neutrality,  and  Jay's 
Treaty  (tvhich  see)  was  concluded  with  England.  The 
course  of  our  government  angered  France.  In  1797  the 
director}',  which  then  governed  that  country,  gave  permis- 
sion to  the  French  navy  to  assail  our  vessels.  Following  a 
policy  of  conciliation,  in  spite  of  French  insults  to  our 
minister  and  the  threat  to  our  commerce,  President  Adams 
called  a  special  session  of  Congress  in  May,  1797,  and 
Charles  Cotesworth  Pinckney,  John  Marshalfand  Elbridge 
Gerry  were  sent  to  France  to  arrange  matters.  In  the 
spring  of  the  next  year  the  President  submitted  to  Con- 
gress dispatches  that  had  been  received  from  these  com- 
missioners. They  had  been  kept  waiting  by  Talleyrand,  the 
minister  of  foreign  affairs,  and  had  been  approached  by 
three  unofficial  persons  with  what  was  in  effect  a  demand 
for  a  bribe  and  a  loan  to  the  directory  before  any  arrange- 
ment could  be  concluded  with  the  United  States.  In  the 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     445 

dispatches  the  names  of  these  three  persons  were  indicated 
merely  by  the  letters  X.,  Y.  and  Z.,  and  hence  the  whole 
affair  came  to  be  termed  the  X.  Y.  Z.  Mission.  To  these 
demands  our  representatives  returned  a  decided  refusal.  It 
is  said  that  Pinckney  made  use  of  the  phrase,  "Millions  for 
defense,  but  not  one  cent  for  tribute."  The  answer  as 
recorded,  however,  was,  "No,  no,  no;  not  a  sixpence." 
About  the  time  when  these  dispatches  were  submitted  to 
Congress,  Pinckney  and  Marshall  were  ordered  to  leave 
France,  and  Gerry  was  afterward  recalled  by  our  govern- 
ment. A  warlike  feeling  instantly  sprang  up  in  the  United 
States.  The  Federalists,  with  Adams  as  leader,  desired  to 
defend  by  force,  if  necessary,  their  policy  of  keeping  this 
country  from  entangling  foreign  alliances,  and  desired 
to  resent  French  insults.  The  Democrats  (then  called 
Eepublicans)  had  always  favored  an  alliance  with  France 
and  had  opposed  the  creation  of  a  navy  for  the  United 
States.  Now,  however,  the  popular  pressure  could  not  be 
withstood.  Bills  were  passed  for  increasing  the  navy  and 
separating  it  from  the  War  Department  (April  30,  1798). 
Provision  was  made  for  a  national  loan  and  the  imposition 
of  a  direct  tax.  The  President  was  authorized  to  increase 
the  army  in  case  of  a  foreign  war  within  three  years,  and 
soon  Washington  was  called  to  be  commander-in-chief  of 
the  army  and  Alexander  Hamilton  was  selected  as  the  active 
commander.  On  July  9,  1798,  Congress  declared  the  trea- 
ties with  France  no  longer  binding,  and  authorized  our 
war  vessels  and  privateers  to  capture  armed  French  vessels. 
A  few  naval  engagements  occurred,  but  no  event  of  great 
importance.  The  effect. of  our  warlike  feeling  and  prepa- 
rations on  France  was  excellent.  American  prisoners  were 
released  and  the  embargo  which  had  been  declared  was 
raised  on  American  ships.  Talleyrand  now  hinted  to  our 
Minister  to  Holland,  William  Vans  Murray,  that  he  was 
willing  to  receive  another  American  Minister.  Adams  ac- 
cordingly appointed  Murray,  in  February,  1799,  and  soon 
joined  with  him  Oliver  Ellsworth  and  William  R.  Davis. 
The  President's  action  created  much  stir,  politically,  as 
he  was  considered  to  have  become  subservient  to  France  and 
to  have  changed  the  former  attitude  of  himself  and  the 
Federal  party.  It  was  some  months  after  their  appoint- 


446     A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS 

ment  that  our  envoys  arrived  in  Paris.  Napoleon  was  then 
at  the  head  of  the  government  as  First  Consul,  and  was 
favorably  inclined  toward  the  United  States.  French  com- 
missioners were  appointed,  and  on  September  30,  1800,  a 
friendly  convention  was  signed.  Both  countries  ratified  it, 
and  it  was  declared  in  force  December  21,  1801.  For  a 
while  the  safety  of  our  commerce  was  thus  secured.  (See 
Embargo  Act.) 

Yankee.  There  are  several  conflicting  theories  concern- 
ing the  derivation  of  the  word  Yankee.  The  most  probable 
is  that  it  came  from  a  corrupt  pronunciation  by  the  In- 
dians of  the  word  English,  or  its  French  form,  Anglais. 
The  term  Yankee  was  originally  applied  only  to  natives 
of  the  New  England  States,  but  foreigners  have  extended 
it  to  all  natives  of  the  United  States,  and  during  the  Civil 
War  the  Southerners  used  it  as  a  term  of  reproach  for  all 
inhabitants  of  the  North. 

Yankee  Doodle.  The  air  known  as  "Yankee  Doodle" 
was  originally  "Nankee  Doodle/'  and  is  as  old  as  the  time 
of  Cromwell.  It  was  known  in  New  England  before  the 
Eevolution,  and  is  said  to  have  been  played  by  the  English 
troops  in  derisive  allusion  to  the  then  popular  nickname  of 
the  New  Englanders.  Afterward  the  New  Englanders,  say-i 
ing  that  the  British  troops  had  been  made  to  dance  to 
"Yankee  Doodle,"  adopted  the  air. 

Yazoo  Fraud.  About  the  time  of  the  formation  of  the 
United  States,  Georgia  owned  or  claimed  the  greater  part 
of  the  territory  between  her  present  limits  and  the  Missis- 
sippi Eiver.  In  1789  she  sold  for  about  $200,000  some  ten 
or  fifteen  million  acres  of  this  land  to  the  South  Carolina 
Yazoo  Company,  the  Virginia  Yazoo  Company,  and  the 
Tennessee  Company.  Difficulties  arose,  however,  which 
prevented  the  sales  from  being  consummated.  In  1795 
what  was  distinctly  known  as  the  "Yazoo  fraud"  occurred. 
The  purchasers,  generally  known  as  the  Yazoo  Companies, 
from  their  operations  in  the  Yazoo  district,  having  been 
reorganized,  Georgia  in  that  year  sold  to  them  for  $500,000 
the  larger  part  of  her  western  territory,  comprising  about 
35,000,000  acres,  which  now  forms  the  States  of  Alabama 
and  Mississippi.  Such  a  transaction  was  of  national  in- 
terest, and  Washington  sent  a  message  to  Congress  con- 


A  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS     447 

cerning  it.  Charges  were  made  that  the  necessary  legisla- 
tion had  been  secured  by  extensive  bribery,  and  James 
Jackson,  then  Georgia's  representative  in  the  Senate,  re- 
signed from  that  body,  stood  for  a  seat  in  the  State  Legis- 
lature, was  elected,  and,  as  the  exponent  of  the  demand  of 
the  people,  was  enabled  to  repeal  the  objectionable  act  and 
expunge  it  from  the  records.  In  1802  Georgia  ceded  all 
the  territory  west  of  her  present  boundary  to  the  Federal 
Government.  The  purchasers  now  demanded  their  rights 
from  the  United  States,  and  Jefferson's  Cabinet  expressed 
the  opinion  that  it  would  be  "expedient"  to  make  a  reason- 
able compromise  with  them,  while  not  recognizing  their 
claims  as  a  matter  of  right.  The  opponents  of  the  admin- 
istration raised  a  great  clamor  and  did  not  hesitate  to 
charge  that  improper  influences  had  moved  Jefferson  and 
his  advisers.  The  question  came  before  Congress,  some  of 
whose  members  were  personally  interested  in  the  matter, 
but,  largely  because  of  the  vehement  opposition  made  by 
John  Randolph  of  Virginia,  the  relief  measure  was  de- 
feated by  a  large  majority.  The  purchasers  afterward  ob- 
tained a  favorable  verdict  from  the  Supreme  Court,  and 
Congress  in  1814  appropriated  $8,000,000  in  scrip,  payable 
from  the  proceeds  of  Mississippi  lands,  to  satisfy  the  claim- 
ants. Much  of  this  money,  however,  went  to  speculators,  to 
whom  discouraged  claimants  had  transferred  their  interests. 

"You  can  fool  all  of  the  people  some  of  the  time,  and 
some  of  the  people  all  the  time ;  but  you  cannot  fool  all  of 
the  people  all  of  the  time."  (See  Barnum,  Phineas  T.) 

Young  Hickory.  Andrew  Jackson  was  called  Old  Hick- 
ory. (See  that  title.)  James  K.  Polk  was  born  in  the 
same  State  as  Jackson,  North  Carolina,  and  settled  in  the 
same  State,  Tennessee;  moreover,  a  certain  resemblance 
in  their  political  feelings  led  to  his  being  called  Young 
Hickory. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     449 


APPENDIX 


ARTICLES    OF    CONFEDERATION    AND    PER 
PETUAL   UNION 

Between  the  States  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay, 
Rhode  Island  and  Providence  Plantations,  Connecticut, 
New  ForTc,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Mary- 
land, Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia. 

ARTICLE  I.  The  style  of  this  confederacy  shall  be,  "  THB 
UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA." 

ARTICLE  II.  Each  State  retains  its  sovereignty,  freedom 
and  independence,  and  every  power,  jurisdiction  and  right, 
which  is  not,  by  this  confederation,  expressly  delegated  to  the 
United  States  in  Congress  assembled. 

ARTICLE  III.  The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter  into  a 
firm  league  of  friendship  with  each  other,  for  their  common 
defense,  the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and 
general  welfare;  binding  themselves  to  assist  each  other  against 
all  force  offered  to,  or  attacks  made  upon  them,  or  any  of  them, 
on  account  of  religion,  sovereignty,  trade,  or  any  other  pre- 
tense whatever. 

ARTICLE  IV.  The  better  to  secure  and  perpetuate  mutual 
friendship  and  intercourse  among  the  people  of  the  different 
States  in  this  Union,  the  free  inhabitants  of  each  of  these 
States,  paupers,  vagabonds  and  fugitives  from  justice  excepted, 
shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and  immunities  of  free  citi- 
zens in  the  several  States ;  and  the  people  of  each  State  shall 
have  free  ingress  and  egress  to  and  from  any  other  State,  and 
shall  enjoy  therein  all  the  privileges  of  trade  and  commerce, 
subject  to  the  same  duties,  impositions  and  restrictions  as  the 
inhabitants  thereof  respectively ;  provided,  that  such  restric- 
tions shall  not  extend  so  far  as  to  prevent  the  removal  of  prop 
erty  imported  into  any  State  to  any  other  State  of  which  the 
owner  is  an  inhabitant;  provided,  also,  that  no  imposition, 
duties  or  restriction  shall  be  laid  by  any  State  on  the  property 
of  the  United  States,  or  either  of  them. 

If  any  person  guilty  of,  or  charged  with  treason,  felony  or 
other  high  misdemeanor  in  any  State,  shall  nee  from  justice, 
and  be  found  in  any  of  the  United  States,  he  shall,  upon  de- 
mand of  the  governor  or  executive  power  of  the  State  from 


450       DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

which  he  fled,  be  delivered  up  and  removed  to  the  State  having 
jurisdiction  of  his  offense. 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  cf  these  States 
to  the  records,  acts  and  judicial  proceedings,  of  the  courts  and 
magistrates  of  every  other  State. 

ARTICLE  V.  For  the  more  convenient  management  of  the 
general  interests  of  the  United  States,  delegates  shall  be  an 
nually  appointed  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature  of  each 
State  shall  direct,  to  meet  in  Congress  on  the  first  Monday  in 
November,  in  every  year,  with  a  power  reserved  to  each  State 
to  recall  its  delegates,  or  any  of  them,  at  any  time  within  the 
year,  and  send  others  in  their  stead  for  the  remainder  of  the 
year. 

No  State  shall  be  represented  in  Congress  by  less  than  two, 
nor  by  more  than  seven  members,  and  no  person  shall  be  capa- 
ble of  being  a  delegate  for  more  than  three  years  in  any  term 
of  six  years,  nor  shall  any  person,  being  a  delegate,  be  capable 
of  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  for  which  he,  or 
another  for  his  benefit,  receives  any  salary,  fees  or  emolument 
of  any  kind. 

Each  State  shall  maintain  its  own  delegates  in  a  meeting  of 
the  States,  and  while  they  act  as  members  of  the  committee  of 
the  States. 

In  determining  questions  in  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  each  State  shall  have  one  vote. 

Freedom  of  speech  and  debate  in  Congress  shall  not  be  im- 
peached or  questioned  in  any  court  or  place  out  of  Congress; 
and  the  members  of  Congress  shall  be  protected  in  their  per- 
sons from  arrest  and  imprisonment  during  the  time  of  their 
going  to  and  from,  and  attendance  on  Congress,  except  for 
treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  the  peace. 

ARTICLE  VI.  No  State,  without  the  consent  of  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  send  any  embassy  to,  or  re- 
ceive any  embassy  from,  or  enter  into  any  conference,  agree- 
ment, alliance  or  treaty  with  any  king,  prince  or  State;  uoi* 
shall  any  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  the 
United  States,  or  any  of  them,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office  or  title  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king, 
prince  or  foreign  State;  nor  shall  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  or  any  of  them,  grant  any  title  of  nobility. 

No  two  or  more  States  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  confeder- 
ation or  alliance  whatever,  between  them,  without  the  consent 
of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  specifying  accu- 
rately the  purposes  for  which  the  same  is  to  be  entered  into,  and 
how  long  it  shall  continue. 

No  State  shall  lay  any  imposts  or  duties  which  may  inter- 
fere with  any  stipulations  in  treaties  entered  into  by  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  with  any  king,  prince  or  State, 
in  pursuance  of  any  treaties  already  proposed  by  Congress  to 
the  courts  of  France  and  Spain. 

No  vessels  of  war  shall  be  kept  up  in  time  of  peace  by  any 
State,  except  such  number  only  as  shall  be  deemed  necessary 
by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  for  the  defense  of 
such  State  or  its  trade ;  nor  shall  any  body  of  forces  be  kept 
up  by  any  State,  in  time  of  peace,  except  such  number  only  as 
in  the  judgment  of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      451 

shall  be  deemed  requisite  to  garrison  the  forts  necessary  for 
the  defense  of  such  State ;  but  every  State  shall  always  keep 
up  a  well-regulated  and  disciplined  militia,  sufficiently  armed 
and  accouteredj  and  shall  provide  and  constantly  have  ready 
for  use,  in  public  stores,  a  due  number  of  field-pieces  and  tents, 
and  a  proper  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition  and  camp  equip- 
age. 

No  State  shall  engage  in  any  war,  without  the  consent  of 
the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be 
actually  invaded  by  enemies,  or  shall  have  received  certain 
advice  of  a  resolution  being  formed  by  some  nation  of  Indians 
to  invade  such  State,  and  the  danger  is  so  imminent  as  not  to 
admit  of  a  delay  till  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled 
can  be  consulted ;  nor  shall  any  State  grant  commissions  to 
any  ship  or  vessels  of  war,  nor  letters  of  marque  or  reprisal, 
except  it  be  after  a  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled,  and  then  only  against  the  Kingdom  or 
State,  and  the  subjects  thereof,  against  which  war  has  been  so 
declared,  and  under  such  regulations  as  shall  be  established  by 
the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  unless  such  State  be 
infested  by  pirates,  in  which  vessels  of  war  may  be  fitted  out 
for  that  occasion,  and  kept  so  long  as  the  danger  shall  con- 
tinue, or  until  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall 
determine  otherwise. 

ARTICLE  VII.  When  land  forces  are  raised  by  any  State  for 
the  common  defense,  all  officers  of,  or  under  the  rank  of  colonel, 
shall  be  appointed  by  the  Legislature  of  each  State,  respect- 
ively, by  whom  such  forces  shall  be  raised,  or  in  such  manner 
as  such  State  shall  direct,  and  all  vacancies  shall  be  fille "  up 
by  the  State  which  first  made  the  appointment. 

ARTICLE  VIII.  All  charges  of  war,  and  ail  other  expenses 
that  shall  be  incurred  for  the  common  defense,  or  general  wel- 
fare, and  allowed  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled, 
shall  be  defrayed  out  of  a  common  treasury,  which  shall  be 


be  estimated,  according  to  such  mode  as  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled  shall  from  time  to  time  direct  and  appoint. 
The  taxes  for  paying  that  proportion  shall  be  laid  and  levied 
by  the  authority  and  direction  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  several 
States  within  the  time  agreed  upon  by  the  United  States  in 
Congress  assembled. 

ARTICLE  IX.  The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall 
have  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  determining  on 
peace  and  war,  except  in  the  cases  mentioned  in  the  sixth  arti- 
cle: Of  sending  and  receiving  embassadors:  Entering  into 
treaties  and  alliances ;  provided  that  no  treaty  of  commerce 
shall  be  made  whereby  the  legislative  power  of  the  respective 
States  shall  be  restrained  from  imposing  such  imposts  and 
duties  on  foreigners  as  their  own  people  are  subjected  to,  or 
from  prohibiting  the  exportation  or  importation  of  any  species 
of  goods  or  commodities  whatever.  Of  establishing  rules  for 
deciding,  in  all  cases,  what  captures  on  land  or  water  shall 
be  legal ;  and  in  what  manner  prizes  taken  by  land  or  naval 
torces  ia  the  service  of  the  United  States  shall  be  divided  or 


452        DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

letters  of  marque  or  reprisal  in 
•  courts  for  the  trial  of  piracies  and 
high  seas ;  and  establishing  courts, 
for  receiving  and  determining,  finally,  appeals  in  all  cases  of 
captures;  provided,  that  no  member  of  Congress  shall  be 
appointed  a  judge  of  any  of  the  said  courts. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  also  be  the 
last  resort,  on  appeal,  in  all  disputes  and  differences  now  sub- 
sisting, or  that  hereafter  may  arise,  between  two  or  more 
States,  concerning  boundary,  jurisdiction,  or  any  other  cause 
whatever;  which  authority  shall  always  be  exercised  in  the 
manner  following:  Whenever  the  legislative  or  executive 
authority,  or  lawful  agent,  of  any  State,  in  controversy  with 
another,  shall  present  a  petition  to  Congress,  stating  the  mat- 
ter in  question,  and  praying  for  a  hearing,  notice  thereof  shall 
be  given,  by  order  of  Congress,  to  the  legislative  or  executive 
authority  of  the  other  State  in  controversy ;  and  a  day  assigned 
for  the  appearance  of  the  parties  by  their  lawful  agents,  who 
shall  then  be  directed  to  appoint,  by  joint  consent,  commis- 
sioners or  judges,  to  constitute  a  court  for  hearing  and  deter- 
mining the  matter  in  question ;  but  if  they  cannot  agree,  Con- 
gress shall  name  three  persons,  out  of  each  of  the  United  States, 
and  from  the  list  of  such  persons  each  party  shall  alternately 
strike  out  one,  the  petitioners  beginning,  until  the  number 
shall  be  reduced  to  thirteen;  and  from  that  number,  not  less 
than  seven,  nor  more  than  nine,  names,  as  Congress  shall  direct, 
shall,  in  the  presence  of  Congress,  be  drawn  out,  by  lot;  and 
the  persons  whose  names  shall  be  so  drawn,  or  any  five  of  them, 
shall  be  commissioners  or  judges,  to  hear  and  finally  determine 
the  controversy,  so  always  as  a  major  part  of  the  judges,  who 
shall  hear  the  cause,  shall  agree  in  the  determination.  And  if 
either  party  shall  neglect  to  attend  at  the  day  appointed,  with- 
out showing  reasons  which  Congress  shall  judge  sufficient,  or 
being  present  shall  refuse  to  strike,  the  Congress  shall  proceed 
to  nominate  three  persons  out  of  each  State;  and  the  secretary 
of  Congress  shall  strike  in  behalf  of  such  party  absent  or  refus- 
ing; and  the  judgment  and  sentence  of  the  court,  to  be  ap- 
pointed in  the  manner  before  prescribed,  shall  be  final  and 
conclusive.  And  if  any  of  the  parties  shall  refuse  to  submit  to 
the  authority  of  such  court,  or  to  appear,  or  defend  their  claim 
or  cause,  the  court  shall,  nevertheless,  proceed  to  pronounce 
sentence  or  judgment,  which  shall  in  like  manner  be  final  aud 
decisive;  the  judgment,  or  sentence,  and  other  proceedings, 
being  in  either  case,  transmitted  to  Congress,  and,  lodged 
among  the  acts  of  Congress,  for  the  security  of  the  parties 
concerned:  Provided  that  every  commissioner,  before  he  sits 
in  judgment,  shall  take  an  oath,  to  be  administered  by  one  of 
the  judges  of  the  Supreme  or  Superior  Courts  of  the  State  where 
the  cause  shall  be  tried,  "  Well  and  truly  to  hear  and  determine 
the  matter  in  question,  according  to  the  best  of  his  judgment, 
•without  favor,  affection,  or  hope  of  reward: "  Provided,  also, 
that  no  State  shall  be  deprived  of  territory  for  the  benefit  of 
the  United  States. 

All  controversies  concerning  the  private  right  of  soil  claimed 
under  different  grants  of  two  or  more  States,  whose  jurisdic- 
tion, as  they  may  respect  such  lauds,  aud  the  States  whioh 


DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       453 

passed  such  grants  are  adjusted,  the  said  grants  or  either  ot 
them  being  at  the  same  time  claimed  to  have  originated  ante- 
cedent to  such  settlement  of  jurisdiction,  shall*,  on  the  petition 
of  either  party  to  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  be  finally 
determined,  as  near  as  maybe,  in  the  same  manner  as  is  before 
prescribed  for  deciding  disputes  respecting  Uvritorial  juris- 
diction between  different  States. 

The  United  States,  in  Congress  assembled,  shall  have  the 
sole  and  exclusive  right  and  power  of  regulating  the  alloy  and 
value  of  coin  struck  by  their  own  authority,  or  by  that  of  the 
respective  States :  Fixing  the  standard  of  weights  and  meas- 
ures throughout  the  United  States :  Regulating  the  trade  and 
managing  all  affairs  with  the  Indians,  not  members  of  any  of 
the  States;  provided  that  the  legislative  right  of  any  State, 
within  its  own  limits,  be  not  infringed  or  violated:  Establish- 
ing and  regulating  post-offices  from  one  State  to  another, 
throughout  all  the  United  States,  and  exacting  such  postage 
on  the  papers  passing  through  the  same  as  may  be  requisite  to 
defray  the  expenses  of  the  said  office :  Appointing  all  officers 
of  the  land  forces  in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  except- 
ing regimental  officers :  Appointing  all  the  officers  of  the 
naval  forces,  and  commissioning  all  officers  whatever  in  the 
service  of  the  United  States:  Making  rules  for  the  govern- 
ment and  regulation  of  the  land  and  naval  forces,  and  directing 
their  operations. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  have  authority 
to  appoint  a  committee,  to  sit  in  the  recess  of  Congress,  to  be 
denominated  A  COMMITTEF  OP  THE  STATES,  and  to  consist  of 
one  delegate  from  each  State ;  and  to  appoint  such  other  com- 
mittees and  civil  officers  as  may  be  necessary  for  managing  the 
general  affairs  of  the  United  States  under  their  direction :  To 
appoint  one  of  their  number  to  preside;  provided,  that  no 
person  be  allowed  to  serve  in  the  office  of  president  more  than 
one  year  in  any  term  of  three  years:  To  ascertain  the  neces- 
sary sums  of  money  to  be  raised  for  the  service  of  the  United 
States,  and  to  appropriate  and  apply  the  same  for  defraying 
the  public  expenses :  To  borrow  money,  or  emit  bills  on  the 
credit  of  the  United  States,  transmitting  every  half  year  to  the 
respective  States  an  account  of  the  sums  of  money  so  borrowed 
or  emitted :  To  build  and  equip  a  navy :  To  agree  upon  the 
number  of  land  forces,  and  to  make  requisitions  from  each 
State  for  its  quota,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  white  in- 
habitants in  such  State,  which  requisition  shall  be  binding ; 
and  thereupon  the  Legislature  of  each  State  shall  appoint  the 
regimental  officers,  raise  the  men,  and  clothe,  arm  and  equip 
them,  in  a  soldier-like  manner,  at  the  expense  of  the  United 
States;  and  the  officers  and  men  so  clothed,  armed  and 
equipped,  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed,  and  within  the 
time  agreed  on  by  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled; 
but  if  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall,  on  con- 
sideration of  circumstances,  judge  proper  that  any  State  should 
not  raise  men,  or  should  raise  a  smaller  number  than  its  quota, 
and  that  any  other  State  should  raise  a  greater  number  of  men 
than  its  quota  thereof,  such  extra  number  shall  be  raised, 
officered,  clothed,  armed  and  equipped,  in  the  same  manner  as 
the  quota  of  such  State*  unless  the  Legislature  of  such  State 


454        DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

shall  judge  that  such  extra  number  cannot  be  safely  spared 
out  of  the  same;  in  which  case  they  shall  raise,  officer,  clothe, 
arm  and  equip,  as  many  of  such  extra  number  as  they  judge 
can  be  safely  spared;  and  the  officers  and  men  so  clothed, 
armed  and  equipped  shall  march  to  the  place  appointed,  and 
within  the  time  agreed  on,  by  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled  shall  never  engage 
in  a  war,  nor  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal  in  time  of 
peace,  nor  enter  into  any  treaties  or  alliances,  nor  coin  money, 
nor  regulate  the  value  thereof,  nor  ascertain  the  sum  and 
expenses  necessary  for  the  defense  and  welfare  of  the  United 
States,  or  any  of  them,  nor  emit  bills,  nor  borrow  money  on 
the  credit  of  the  United  States,  nor  appropriate  money,  nor 
agree  upon  the  numbers  of  vessels  of  war  to  be  built  or  pur- 
chased, or  the  number  of  land  or  sea  forces  to  be  raised,  nor 
appoint  a  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  or  navy,  unless  nine 
States  assent  to  the  same ;  nor  shall  a  question  on  any  other 
point,  except  for  adjourning  from  day  to  day,  be  determined, 
unless  by  the  votes  of  a  majority  of  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  shall  have  power  to 
adjourn  at  any  time  within  the  year,  and  to  any  place  within 
the  United  States,  so  that  no  period  of  adjournment  be  for  a 
longer  duration  than  the  space  of  six  months,  and  shall  publish 
the  journal  of  their  proceedings  monthly,  except  such  parts 
thereof  relating  to  treaties,  alliances,  or  military  operations  as 
in  their  judgment  require  secrecy;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of 
the  delegates  of  each  State,  on  any  question,  shall  be  entered 
on  the  journal,  when  it  is  desired  by  any  delegate ;  and  the 
delegates  of  a  State,  or  any  of  them,  at  his  or  their  request, 
shall  be  furnished  with  a  transcript  of  the  said  journal,  except 
such  parts  as  are  above  excepted,  to  lay  before  the  legislatures 
of  the  several  States. 

ARTICLE  X.  The  committee  of  the  States,  or  any  nine  of 
them,  shall  be  authorized  to  execute,  in  the  recess  of  Congress, 
such  of  the  powers  of  Congress  as  the  United  States  in  Con- 
gress assembled,  by  the  consent  of  nine  States,  shall,  from  time 
to  time,  think  expedient  to  vest  them  with ;  provided  that  no 
power  be  delegated  to  the  said  committee,  for  the  exercise  of 
which,  by  the  Articles  of  Confederation,  the  voice  of  nine 
StateSj  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  assembled,  is 
requisite. 

ARTICLE  XI.  Canada,  acceding  to  this  Confederation,  and 
ioining  in  the  measures  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  admitted 
into  and  entitled  to  all  the  advantages  of  this  Union ;  but  no 
other  colony  shall  be  admitted  into  the  same  unless  such 
admission  be  agreed  to  by  nine  States 

ARTICLE  XII.  All  bills  of  credit  emitted,  moneys  borrowed, 
and  debts  contracted  by  or  under  the  authority  of  Congress, 
before  the  assembling  of  the  United  States,  in  pursuance  of 
the  present  Confederation,  shall  be  deemed  and  considered  as 
a  charge  against  the  United  States,  for  payment  and  satisfac- 
tion whereof  the  said  United  States  and  the  public  faith  are 
hereby  solemnly  pledged. 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       455 

ARTICLE  XIII.  Every  State  shall  abide  by  the  determina- 
tions of  the  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  on  all  ques- 
tions which,  by  this  Confederation,  are  submitted  to  them. 
And  the  Articles  of  this  Confederation  shall  be  inviolably 
observed  by  every  State;  and  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 
Nor  shall  any  alteration  at  any  time  hereafter  be  made  in  any 
of  them,  unless  such  alteration  be  agreed  to,  in  a  Congress  of 
the  United  States,  and  be  afterward  confirmed  by  the  legis- 
latures of  every  State. 

And  whereas,  it  hath  pleased  the  great  Governor  of  the 
Tvorld  to  incline  the  hearts  of  the  Legislatures  we  respectively 
represent  in  Congress,  to  approve  of,  and  to  authorize  us  to 
ratify,  the  said  Articles  of  Confederation  and  Perpetual 
Union  : 

KNOW  YE,  That  we,  the  undersigned  delegates,  by  virtue  of 
the  power  and  authority  to  us  given  for  this  purpose,  do,  by 
these  presents,  in  the  name,  and  in  behalf,  of  our  respective 
constituents,  fully  and  entirely  ratify  and  confirm  each  and 
every  of  the  said  Articles  of "  Confederation  and  Perpetual 
Union,  and  all  and  singular  the  matters  and  things  therein 
contained.  And  we  do  further  solemnly  plight  and  engage 
the  faith  of  our  respective  constituents,  that  they  shall  abide 
by  the  determinations  of  the  United  States  in  Congress 
assembled,  on  all  questions,  which,  by  the  said  Confederation, 
are  submitted  to  them  ;  and  that  the  articles  thereof  shall  be 
inviolably  observed  by  the  States  we  respectively  represent; 
and  that  the  Union  shall  be  perpetual. 

In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunto  set  our  hands  in 
Congress. 

Done  at  Philadelphia,  in  the  State  of  Pennsylvania,  the 
ninth  day  of  July,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  one  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  seventy-eight,  and  in  the  third  year  of  the  Inde- 
pendence of  America. 

[Here  follow  the  signatures  of  the  delegates  from  New 
Hampshire,  Massachusetts  Bay,  Rhode  Island  and  Providence 
Plantations,  Connecticut,  New  Y9rk,  New  Jersey,  Pennsyl- 
vania, Delaware,  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Carolina,  South 
Carolina,  and  Georgia.  Forty-eight  in  all.] 


THE  DECLAKATION   OF  INDEPENDENCE. 

A  Declaration  by  the  Representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America  in  Congress  assembled,  July  4,  1776. 

When,  in  the  course  of  human  events,  it  becomes  necessary 
for  one  people  to  dissolve  the  political  bands  which  have  con- 
nected them  with  another,  and  to  assume,  among  the  power* 


456          DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

of  the  earth,  the  separate  and  equal  station  to  which  the  law§ 
of  nature  and  of  nature's  God  entitle  them,  a  decent  respect 
to  the  opinions  of  mankind  requires  that  they  should  declare 
the  causes  which  impel  them  to  the  separation. 

We  hold  these  truths  tx>  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  rights ;  that  among  these,  are  life,  liberty 
and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  That,  to  secure  these  rights, 
governments  are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just 
powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  whenever  any 
form  of  government  becomes  destructive  of  these  ends,  it  is 
the  right  of  the  people  to  alter  or  to  abolish  it,  and  to  institute 
a  new  government,  laying  its  foundation  on  such  principles, 
and  organizing  its  powers  in  such  form,  as  to  them  shall  seem 
most  likely  to  effect  their  safety  and  happiness.  Prudence, 
indeed,  will  dictate  that  governments  long  established  should 
not  be  changed  f o*'  light  and  transient  causes ;  and,  accord- 
ingly, all  experience  hath  shown,  that  mankind  are  more  dis- 
posed to  suffer,  while  evils  are  sufferable,  than  to  right  them- 
selves by  abolishing  the  forms  to  which  they  are  accustomed. 
But,  when  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pursuing 
invariably  the  same  object,  evinces  a  design  to  reduce  them 
under  absolute  despotism,  it  is  their  right,  it  is  their  duty,  to 
throw  off  such  government,  and  to  provide  new  guards  for 
their  future  security.  Such  has  been  the  patient  sufferance  of 
these  colonies,  and  such  is  now  the  necessity  which  constrains 
them  to  alter  their  former  systems  of  government.  The  his- 
tory of  the  present  king  of  Great  Britain  is  a  history  of  re- 
peated injuries  and  usurpations,  all  having,  in  direct  object, 
the  establishment  of  an  absolute  tyranny  over  these  States. 
Toprove  this,  let  facts  be  submitted"  to  a  candid  world : 

He  has  refused  to  assent  to  laws  the  most  wholesome  and 
necessary  for  the  public  good. 

He  has  forbidden  his  governors  to  pass  laws  of  immediate 
and  pressing  importance,  unless  suspended  in  their  operation 
till  his  assent  should  be  obtained ;  and,  when  so  suspended,  he 
has  utterly  neglected  to  attend  to  them. 

He  has  refused  to  pass  other  laws  for  the  accommodation  of 
large  districts  of  people,  unless  those  people  would  relinquish 
the  right  of  representation  in  the  legislature ;  a  right  inesti- 
mable to  them,  and  formidable  to  tyrants  only. 

He  has  called  together  legislative  bodies  at  places  unusual, 
uncomfortable,  and  distant  from  the  depository  of  their^public 
records,  for  the  sole  purpose  of  fatiguing  them  into  compliance 
with  his  measures. 

He  has  dissolved  representative  houses  repeatedly,  for  op- 
posing, with  manly  firmness,  his  invasions  on  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

He  has  refused,  for  a  long  time  after  such  dissolutions,  to 
cause  others  to  be  elected ;  whereby  the  legislative  powers,  in- 
capable of  annihilation,  have  returned  to  the  people  at  large 
for  their  exercise ;  the  State  remaining,  in  the  meantime,  ex- 
posed to  all  the  danger  of  invasion  from  without,  and  convul- 
sions within. 

He  has  endeavored  to  prevent  the  population  of  these  States ; 
for  that  purpose,  obstructing  the  laws  for  naturalization  of 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        457 

foreigners;  refusing  to  pass  others  to  encourage  their  migra- 
tion hither,  and  raising  the  conditions  of  new  appropriations 
of  lands. 
He  has  obstructed  the  administration  of  justice,  by  refusing 


for  the  ten- 
payment  of  their  sala- 
ries. 

He  has  erected  a  multitude  of  new  offices,  and  sent  hither 
swarms  of  officers  to  harass  our  people,  and  eat  out  their  sub- 
stance. 

He  has  kept  among  us,  in  times  of  peace,  standing  armies 
without  the  consent  of  our  legislatures. 

He  has  affected  to  render  the  military  independent  of,  and 
superior  to,  the  civil  power. 

He  has  combined,  with  others,  to  subject  us  to  a  jurisdiction 
foreign  to  our  constitution,  and  unacknowledged  by  our  laws; 
giving  his  assent  to  their  acts  of  pretended  legislation  : 
For  quartering  large  bodies  of  armed  troops  among  us : 
For  protecting  them  by  a  mock  trial,  from  punishment,  for 
any  murders  which  they  should  commit  on  the  inhabitants  of 
these  States: 

For  cutting  off  our  trade  with  all  parts  of  the  world: 
For  imposing  taxes  on  us  without  our  consent : 
For  depriving  us,  in  many  cases,  of  the  benefit  of  trial  by 

For  transporting  us  beyond  seas  to  be  tried  for  pretended 
offenses : 

For  abolishing  the  free  system  of  English  laws  in  a  neighbor- 
ing province,  establishing  therein  an  arbitrary  government, 
and  enlarging  its  boundaries,  so  as  to  render  it  at  once  an  ex- 
ample and  fit  instrument  for  introducing  the  same  absolute 
rule  into  these  colonies : 

For  taking  away  our  charters,  abolishing  our  most  valuable 
laws,  and  altering,  fundamentally,  the  powers  of  our  govern- 
ments : 

For  suspending  our  own  legislatures,  and  declaring  them- 
selves invested  with  power  to  legislate  for  us  in  all  cases  what- 
soever. 

He  has  abdicated  government  here,  by  declaring  us  out  of 
his  protection,  and  waging  war  against  us. 

He  has  plundered  our  seas,  ravished  our  coasts,  burnt  our 
towns,  and  destroyed  the  lives  of  our  people. 

He  is,  at  this  time,  transporting  large  armies  of  foreign  mer- 
cenaries to  complete  the  works  of  death,  desolation  and 
tj7ranny,  already  begun,  with  circumstances  of  cruelty  and 
perfidy  scarcely  paralled  in  the  most  barbarous  ages,  and 
totally  unworthy  the  head  of  a  civilized  nation. 

He  has  constrained  our  fellow-citizens,  taken  captive  on  the 
high  seas,  to  bear  arms  against  their  country,  to  become  the 
executioners  of  their  friends  and  brethren,  or  to  fall  them- 
selves by  their  hands. 

He  has  excited  domestic  insurrections  among  us,  and  has  en- 
deavored to  bring  on  the  inhabitants  of  our  frontiers^  the 
merciless  Indian  savages,  whose  known  rule  of  warfare  is  an 
undistinguished  destruction  of  all  ages,  sexes  and  conditions. 


458         DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

In  every  stage  of  these  oppressions  we  have  petitioned  for 
redress,  in  the  most  humble  terms;  our  repeated  petitions 
have  been  answered  only  by  repeated  injury.  A  prince,  whose 
character  is  thus  marked  by  every  act  which  may  define  a 
tyrant,  is  unfit  to  be  the  ruler  of  a  free  people. 

Nor  have  we  been  wanting  in  attention  to  our  British  breth- 
ren. We  have  warned  them,  from  time  to  time,  of  attempts 
made  by  their  legislature  to  extend  an  unwarrantable  juris- 
diction over  us.  We  have  reminded  them  of  the  circumstances 
of  our  emigration  and  settlement  here.  We  have  appealed  to 
their  native  justice  and  magnanimity,  and  we  have  conjured 
them,  by  the  ties  of  our  common  kindred,  to  disavow  these 
usurpations,  which  would  inevitably  interrupt  our  connec- 
tions and  correspondence.  They,  too,  have  been  deaf  to  the 
voice  of  justice  and  of  consanguinity.  We  must,  therefore, 
acquiesce  in  the  necessity  which  denounces  our  separation, 
and  hold  them,  as  we  hold  the  rest  of  mankind,  enemies  in 
war,  in  peace,  friends. 

We,  therefore,  the  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  general  Congress  assembled,  appealing  to  the  Su- 
preme Judge  of  the  world  for  the  rectitude  of  our  intentions, 
do,  in  the  name,  and  by  the  authority  of  the  good  people  of 
these  colonies,  solemnly  publish  and  declare,  that  these  United 
Colonies  are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent 
States ;  that  they  are  absolved  from  all  allegiance  to  the 
British  crown,  and  that  all  political  connection  between  them 
and  the  State  of  Great  Britain,  is,  and  ought  to  be,  totally  dis- 
solved ;  and  that,  as  free  and  independent  states,  they  have 
full  power  to  levy  war,  conclude  peace,  contract  alliances,  es- 
tablish commerce,  and  to  do  all  other  acts  and  things  which 
independent  states  may  of  right  do.  And,  for  the  support  of 
this  declaration,  with  a  firm  reliance  on  the  protection  of 
Divine  Providence,  we  mutually  pledge  to  each  other,  our 
lives,  our  fortunes  and  our  sacred  honor. 

JOHN  HANCOCK. 

New  Hampshire.— Josiah  Bartlett,  Wm.  Whipple,  Matthew 
Thornton. 

Massachusetts  Bay.—S&ml.  Adams,  John  Adams,  Robt. 
Treat  Paine,  Elbridge  Gerry. 

Rhode  Island,  etc.— Steph.  Hopkins,  William  Ellery. 

Connecticut.— Roger  Sherman,  Sain'l  Huntington,  Wm.  Will- 
iams, Oliver  Wolcott. 

New  Ybrfc.— Wm.  Floyd,  Phil.  Livingston,  Frans.  Lewis, 
Lewis  Morris. 

New  Jersey.— Richd.  Stockton,  Jno.  Witherspoon,  Frans, 
Hopkinson,  John  Hart,  Abra.  Clark. 

Pennsylvania.— Robt.  Morris,  Benjamin  Rush,  Ben ja.  Frank- 
lin, John  Morton,  Geo.  Clymer,  Jas.  Smith,  Geo.  Taylor,  James 
Wilson,  Geo.  Ross. 

Delaware.— Csesar  Rodney,  Geo.  Read,  Tho.  M'Kean. 

M ary land.— Samuel  Chase,  Wm.  Paoa,  Tho*.  Stone,  Gharle* 
Carroll  of  Carrolltoi*. 


d 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        475 

of  retirement  is  as  necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be  welcome.  Sat. 
isfled  that  if  any  circumstances  have  given  peculiar  value  to 
my  services,  they  were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation  to 
believe,  that  while  choice  and  prudence  invite  me  to  quit  the 
political  scene,  patriotism  does  not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is  intended  to  ter- 
minate the  career  of  my  public  life,  my  feelings  do  not  permit 
me  to  suspend  the  deep  acknowledgment  of  that  debt  of  grati- 
tude which  I  owe  to  my  beloved  country,  for  the  many  honors 
it  has  conferred  upon  me ;  still  more  for  the  steadfast  confi- 
dence with  which  it  has  supported  me ;  and  for  the  opportuni- 
ties I  have  thence  enioyed  of  manifesting  my  inviolable  attach- 
ment, by  services  faithful  and  persevering,  though  in  useful- 
ness unequal  to  my  zeal.  If  benefits  have  resulted  to  our 
country  from  these  services,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to 
your  praise,  and  as  an  instructive  example  in  our  annals,  that 
under  circumstances  in  which  the  passions,  agitated  in  every 
direction,  were  liable  to  mislead,  amidst  appearances  some- 
times dubious — vicissitudes  of  fortune  often  discouraging — in 
situations  in  which  not  unfrequently  want  of  success  has 
countenanced  the  spirit  of  criticism — the  constancy  of  your 
support  was  the  essential  prop  of  the  efforts,  and  a  guaranty 
of  the  plans  by  which  they  were  effected.  Profoundly  pene- 
trated with  this  idea,  I  shall  carry  it  with  me  to  my  grave,  as 
a  strong  incitement  to  unceasing  wishes  that  Heaven  may  con- 
tinue to  you  the  choicest  tokens  of  its  beneficence— that  your 
union  and  brotherly  affection  may  be  perpetual— that  the  free 
constitution  which  is  the  work  of  your  hands  may  be  sacredly 
maintained— that  its  administration  in  every  department  may 
be  stamped  with  wisdom  and  virtue — that,  in  fine,  the  happi- 
ness of  the  people  of  these  States,  under  the  auspices  of  liberty, 
may  be  made  complete,  by  so  careful  a  preservation,  and  so 
prudent  a  use  of  this  blessing,  as  will  acquire  to  them  the  glory 
of  recommending  it  to  the  applause,  the  affection,  and  adop- 
tion of  every  nation  which  is  yet  a  stranger  to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop.  But  a  solicitude  for  your 
welfare,  which  cannot  end  but  with  my  life,  and  the  appre- 
hension of  danger,  natural  to  that  solicitude,  urge  me,  on  an 
occasion  like  the  present,  to  offer  to  your  solemn  contempla- 
tion, and  to  recommend  to  your  frequent  review,  some  senti- 
ments, which  are  the  result  of  much  reflection,  of  no  inconsid- 
erable observation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all-important  to 
the  permancy  of  your  felicity  as  a  people.  These  will  be  offered 
to  you  with  the  more  freedom,  as  you  can  only  see  in  them  the 
disinterested  warnings  of  a  parting  friend,  who  can  possibly 
have  no  personal  motive  to  bias  his  counsel.  Nor  can  I  forget, 
as  an  encouragement  to  it,  your  indulgent  reception  of  my 
gentiments  on  a  former  and  not  dissimilar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every  ligament  of 
your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of  mine  is  necessary  to  fortify 
or  confirm  the  attachment. 

The  unity  of  government  which  constitutes  you  one  people, 
is  also  now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so ;  for  it  is  a  main  pillar 
in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence,  the  support  of  your 
tranquility  at  home,  your  peace  abroad ;  of  your  safety ;  of 
your  prosperity;  of  that  very  liberty  which  you  so  highly 


476        DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

prize.  But  as  it  is  easy  to  foresee  that  from  different  causet 
arid  from  different  quarters,  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many 
artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  conviction  of 
this  truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in  your  political  fortress  against 
which  the  batteries  of  internal  and  external  enemies  will  be 


,_-.„  your , 

to  your  collective  and  individual  nappiness ;  that  you  should 
cherish  a  cordia],  habitual  and  immovable  attachment  to  it, 
accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it  as  of  the  palla- 
dium of  your  political  safety  and  prosperity ;  watching  for  its 
preservation  with  jealous  anxiety;  discountenancing  what- 
ever might  suggest  even  a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be 
abandoned ;  and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the  first  dawning 
of  every  attempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country  from 
the  rest,  or  to  enfeeble  the  sacred  ties  which  now  link  together 
the  various  parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy  and  inter- 
est. Citizens  by  birth  or  choice,  of  a  common  country,  that 
country  has  a  right  to  concentrate  your  affections.  The  name 
of  AMERICAN,  which  belongs  to  you,  in  your  national  capacity, 
must  always  exalt  the  just  pride  of  patriotism,  more  than  any 
appellation  derived  from  local  discriminations.  With  slight 
shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  manners, 
habits  and  political  principles.  You  have  in  a  common  cause 
fought  and  triumphed  together;  the  Independence  andi.ib- 
erty  you  possess  are  the  work  of  joint  councils  and  joint 
efforts,  of  common  dangers,  sufferings  and  successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully  they  address 
themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are  greatly  outweighed  by  those 
which  apply  more  immediately  to  your  interest.  Here  every 
portion  of  our  country  finds  the  most  commanding  motives  for 
carefully  guarding  and  preserving  the  union  of  the  whole. 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with  the  South, 
protected  by  the  equal  laws  of  a  common  government,  finds  in 
the  productions  of  the  latter  great  additional  resources  of 
miritime  and  commercial  enterprise  and  precious  materials  of 
manufacturing  industry.  The  South,  in  the  same  intercourse, 
benefiting  by  the  agency  of  the  North,  sees  its  agriculture 
grow  and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning  partly  into  its  own 
channels  the  seamen  of  the  North,  it  finds  its  particular  navi- 
gation invigorated ;  and  while  it  contributes,  in  different  ways, 
to  nourish  and  increase  the  general  mass  of  the  national  navi- 
gation, it  looks  forward  to  the  protection  of  a  maritime 
strength,  to  which  itself  is  unequally  adapted.  The  East,  in  a 
like  intercourse  with  the  West,  already  finds,  and  in  the  pro- 
gressive improvement  of  interior  communications,  by  Ian  I 
and  water,  will  more  and  more  find  a  valuable  vent  for  the 
commodities  which  it  brings  from  abroad  or  manufactures  at 
home.  The  West  derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to 
its  growth  and  comfort— and  what  is  perhaps  of  still  greater 
consequence,  it  must  of  necessity  owe  the  secure  enjoyment  of 
indispensable  outlets  for  its  own  productions  to  the  weight,  in- 
fluence and  the  future  maritime  strength  of  the  Atlantic  side 
of  the  Union,  directed  by  an  indissoluble  community  of  inter- 


DIC  TJONA  RY  OF  A  M ERIC  A  N  POLITICS.        477 

est  a*  one  nation.  Any  other  tenure  oy  which  the  Went  can 
hold  this  essential  advantage,  whether  derived  from  its  own 
separate  strength,  or  from  an  apostate  and  unnatural  connec- 
tion with  any  foreign  power,  must  be  intrinsically  precarious. 

While  then  every  part  of  our  country  thus  ieels  the  immedi- 
ate and  particular  interest  in  union,  all  the  parts  combined 
cannot  fail  to  find  in  the  united  mass  of  means  and  efforts, 
greater  strength,  greater  resource,  proportionally  greater  se- 
curity from  external  danger,  a  less  frequent  interruption  of 
their  peace  by  foreign  nations;  and  what  is  of  Inestimable 
value,  they  must  derive  from  union  an  exemption  from 
those  broils  and  wars  between  themselves,  which  sc  frequeutly 
afflict  neighboring  countries,  n9t  tied  together  by  the  same 
government;  which  their  own  rivalship  alone  would  be  suffi- 
cient to  produce,  but  wnich  opposite  foreign  alliances,  attach- 
ments and  intrigues  would  stimulate  and  embitter.  Hence 
likewise  they  will  avoid  the  necessity  of  those  overgrown  mili- 
tary establishments,  which  under  any  form  of  government  are 
inauspicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be  regarded  as  par- 
ticularly hostile  to  Republican  Liberty.  In  this  sense  it  is, 
that  your  Union  ought  to  be  considered  as  the  main  prop  of 
your  liberty,  and  that  the  love  of  the  one  ought  to  endear  to 
you  the  preservation  of  the  other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language  to  every 
reflecting  and  virtuous  mind,  and  exhibit  the  continuance  of 
the  Union  as  a  primary  ooject  of  patriotic  desire.  Is  there  a 
doubt  whether  a  common  government  can  embrace  so  large  a 
sphere  ?  Let  experience  solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere  specula- 
tion in  such  a  case  were  criminal.  We  are  authorized  to  hope 
that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole,  with  the  auxiliary 
agency  of  governments  for  the  respective  subdivisions,  will 
afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  experiment.  It  is  well  worth  a  fair 
and  full  experiment.  With  such  powerful  and  obvious  mo- 
tives to  union,  affecting  all  parts  of  our  country,  while  experi- 
ence shall  not  have  demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there 
will  always  be  reason  to  distrust  the  patriotism  of  those  who 
in  any  quarter  may  endeavor  to  weaken  its  bands. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb  our  union,  it 
occurs  as  matter  of  serious  concern  that  any  ground  should 
have  been  furnished  for  characterizing  parties  by  geographical 
discriminations — Northern  ai_d  Southern — Atlantic  and  West- 
ern; whence  designing  men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief 
that  there  is  a  real  difference  of  local  interests  and  views.  One 
of  the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire  influence,  within  partic- 
ular districts,  is  to  misrepresent  the  opinions  and  aims  of  other 
districts.  You  cannot  shield  yourselves  too  much  against  the 
jealousies  and  heart-burnings  which  spring  from  these  misrep- 
resentations;  they  tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other  those 
who  ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affection.  The 
inhabitants  of  our  western  country  have  lately  had  a  useful 
lesson  on  this  head;  they  have  seen,  in  the  negotiation  by  the 
Executive,  and  in  the  unanimous  ratification  by  the  Senate,  of 
the  treaty  with  Spain,  and  the  universal  satisfaction  at  the 
event  throughout  the  United  States,  a  decisive  proof  how  un- 
founded were  the  suspicions  propagated  among  them  of  a 
policy  iu  the  general  government,  and  in  the  Atlantic  States, 


478       &ICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

unfriendly  to  their  interests  in  regard  to  the  MISSISSIPPI  ;  they 
have  been  witnesses  to  the  formation  of  two  treaties,  that  with 
Great  Britain  and  that  with  Spain,  which  secure  to  them  every- 
thing they  could  desire,  in  respect  to  our  foreign  relations,  to- 
ward confirming  their  prosperity.  Will  it  not  oe  their  wisdom 
to  rely  for  the  preservation  of  these  advantages  on  the  UNION 
by  which  they  were  procured  ?  Will  they  not  henceforth  be 
deaf  to  those  advisers,  if  such  they  are,  who  would  sever  them 
from  their  brethren,  and  connect  them  with  aliens? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  Union,  a  Govern- 
ment for  the  whole  is  indispensable.  No  alliances,  however 
strict,  between  the  parts  can  be  an  adequate  substitute ;  they 
must  inevitably  experience  the  infractions  and  interruptions 
which  all  alliances  in  all  times  have  experienced.  Sensible  of 
this  momentous  truth,  you  have  improved  upon  your  first  es- 
say, by  the  adoptiou  of  a  Constitution  of  Government  better 
calculated  than  your  former  for  an  intimate  Union,  and  for 
the  efficacious  management  of  your  common  concerns.  This 
Government,  the  offspring  cf  your  own  choice,  uninfluenced 
and  unawed,  adopted  upon  full  investigation  and  mature  de- 
liberation, completely  free  in  its  principles,  in  the  distribution 
of  its  powers,  uniting  security  with  enei  gy,  and  containing 
within  itself  a  provision  for  its  own  amendment,  has  a  just 
claim  to  your  confidence  and  your  support.  Respect  for  its 
authority,  compliance  with  its  laws,  acquiescence  in  its  meas- 
ures, are  duties  enjoined  by  the  fundamental  maxims  of  true 
liberty.  The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  right  of  the 
people  to  make,  and  to  alter  their  Constitutions  of  Govern- 


and  the  right  of  the  people  to  establish  Government,  presup- 
poses the  duty  of  every  individual  fcc  obey  the  established 
Government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  Ox  the  laws,  all  combina- 
tions and  associations,  under  whatever  plausible  character, 
with  the  real  design  to  direct,  control,  counteract  or  awe  the 
regular  deliberation  and  action  of  the  constituted  authorities, 
are  destructive  of  this  fundamental  principle,  and  of  fatal  ten- 
dency. They  serve  to  organize  faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial 
and  extraordinary  force— to  put  in  the  place  of  the  delegated 
will  of  the  nation,  the  will  of  a  party,  often  a  small  but  artful 


gruous  projects  of  faction,  rather  than  the  organ  of  consistent 
and  wholesome  plans  digested  by  common  councils  and  modi- 
fied by  mutual  interests. 

However  combinations  or  associations  of  the  abovo  descrip- 
tion may  now  and  then  answer  popular  ends,  they  are  likely, 
in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  to  become  potent  engines,  by 
which  cunning,  ambitious,  and  unprincipled  men  will  be  en- 
abled to  subvert  the  power  of  the  people,  and  to  usurp  for 
themselves  the  reins  of  government ;  destroying  afterward  the 
Very  engines  which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  dominion. 

Toward  the  preservation  of  your  government,  and  the  per- 


DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        479 

manency  of  your  present  nappy  state,  it  is  requisite,  not  only 
that  you  steadily  discountenance  irregular  oppositions  to  ita 
acknowledged  authority,  but  also  that  you  resist  with  care 
the  spirit  or  innovation  upon  its  principles,  however  specious 
the  pretexts.  One  method  of  assault  may  be  to  effect  in  the 
form  of  the  Constitution  alterations  which  will  impair  the  en- 
ergy of  the  system,  and  thus  to  undermine  what  cannot  be  di- 
rectly overthrown.  In  all  the  changes  to  which  you  may  be 
invited,  remember  that  time  and  habit  are  at  least  as  necessary 
to  fix  the  true  character  of  governments,  as  of  other  human 
institutions ;  that  experience  is  the  surest  standard  by  which 
to  test  the  real  tendency  of  the  existing  constitution  of  a 
country— that  facility  in  changes  upon  the  credit  of  mere  hy- 
pothesis and  opinion,  exposes  to  perpetual  change  from  the 
endless  variety  of  hypothesis  and  opinion ;  and  remember, 
especially,  that  for  the  efficient  management  of  your  common 
interests,  in  a  country  so  extensive  as  ours,  a  government  of 
as  much  vigor  as  is  consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of  lib- 
erty, is  indispensable.  Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such  a  gov- 
ernment, with  powers  properly  distributed  and  adjusted,  its 
surest  guardian.  It  is,  indeed,  little  else  than  a  name,  where 
the  government  is  too  feeble  to  withstand  the  enterprises  of 
faction,  to  confine  each  member  of  the  society  within  the  lim- 
its prescribed  by  the  laws,  and  to  maintain  all  in  the  secure 
and  tranquil  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you  the  danger  of  parties  in  the 
state,  with  particular  reference  to  the  founding  of  them  on 
geographical  discriminations.  Let  me  now  take  a  more  com- 
prehensive view,  and  warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner 
against  the  baneful  effects  of  the  spirit  of  party,  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our  nature, 
having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions  of  the  human  mind. 
It  exists  under  different  shapes  in  all  governments,  more  or 
less  stifled,  controlled,  or  repressed ;  tut  in  those  of  the  popu- 
lar form  it  is  seen  in  greatest  rankress,  and  it  is  truly  their 
worst  enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  another,  sharp- 
ened by  the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to  party  dissension, 
which  in  different  ages  and  countries  has  perpetrated  the  most 
horrid  enormities,  is  itself  a  frightful  despotism.  But  this  leads 
at  length  to  a  more  formal  and  permanent  despotism.  The  dis- 
orders and  miseries  which  result,  gradually  incline  the  minds  of 
men  to  seek  security  and  repose  in  the  absolute  power  of  an 
individual,  and  sooner  or  later  the  chief  of  some  prevailing 
faction,  more  able  or  more  fortunate  than  his  competitors, 
turns  this  disposition  to  the  purposes  of  his  own  elevation  on 
the  ruins  of  public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this  kind  (which 
nevertheless  ought  not  to  be  entirely  out  of  sight),  the  common 
and  continual  mischiefs  of  the  spirit  of  party  are  sufficient  to 
make  it  the  interest  and  duty  of  a  wise  people  to  discourage 
and  restrain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public  councils,  and  enfeeble 
the  public  administration.  It  agitates  the  community  with 
ill-founded  jealousies  and  false  alarms ;  kindles  the  animosity 
of  one  part  against  another,  foments  occasionally  riot  and 


480          DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS, 

insurrection.  It  opens  the  door  to  foreign  influence  and  oorrup* 
tion,  which  find  a  tacilitated  access  to  the  government  itself 
through  the  channels  of  party  passions.  Thus  the  policy  and 
the  will  of  one  country  are  subjected  to  the  policy  and  will  of 
another.  There  is  an  opinion  that  parties  in  free  countries  are 
useful  checks  upon  the  administration  of  government,  and 
serve  to  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  liberty.  This  within  certain 
limits  is  probably  true;  and  in  governments  of  a  monarchial 
cast,  patriotism  may  look  with  indulgence,  if  not  with  favor, 
upon  the  spirit  of  party.  But  in  those  of  the  popular  char- 
acter, in  governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be 
encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency  it  is  certain  there 
will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit  for  every  salutary  purpose. 
And  there  being  constant  danger  of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to 
be,  by  force  of  public  opinion,  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A 
fire  not  to  be  quenched,  it  demands  uniform  vigilance  to  pre- 
vent its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest,  instead  of  warming,  it 
should  consume. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  thinking,  in  a 
free  country,  should  inspire  caution  in  those  intrusted  with  its 
administration,  to  confine  themselves  within  their  respective 
constitutional  spheres,  avoiding  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers 
of  one  department  to  encroach  upon  another.  The  spirit  of 
encroachment  tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  depart- 
ments in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  gov- 
ernment, a  real  despotism.  A  just  estimate  of  that  love  of 
power,  and  prpneness  to  abuse  it,  which  predominates  in  the 
human  heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  us  of  the  truth  of  this  po- 
sition. The  necessity  of  reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of 
political  power,  by  dividing  and  distributing  it  into  different 
depositories,  and  constituting  each  the  guardian  of  the  publio 
weal  against  invasions  by  the  others,  has  been  evinced  by  ex- 
periments ancient  and  modern ;  some  of  them  in  our  country 
and  under  our  own  eyes.  To  preserve  them  must  be  as  neces- 
sary as  to  institute  them.  If,  in  the  opinion  of  the  people,  the 
distribution  or  modification  of  the  constitutional  powers  be  in 
any  particular  wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by  an  amendment  in 
the  way  which  the  Constitution  designates.  But  let  there  be 
no  change  by  usurpation;  for  though  this,  in  one  instance, 
may  be  the  instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  customary  weapon  by 
which  free  governments  are  destroyed.  The  precedent  must 
always  greatly  over-balance  in  permanent  evil  any  partial  or 
transient  benefit  which  the  use  can  at  any  time  yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to  political 
prosperity,  RELIGION  and  MORALITY  are  indispensable  sup- 
ports. In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tributes  of  PATBI- 
OTISM,  who  should  labor  to  subvert  these  great  pillars  of 
human  happiness,  these  firmest  props  of  the  duties  of  men  and 
citizens.  The  mere  politician,  equally  with  the  pious  man, 
ought  to  respect  and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could  net 
trace  all  their  connections  with  private  and  publio  felicity. 
Let  it  simply  be  asked,  where  is  the  security  for  property,  for 
reputation,  for  life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obligation  desert 
the  oaths  which  are  the  instruments  of  investigation  in  courts 
of  justice  ?  And  let  us  with  caution  indulge  the  supposition 
that  morality  can  be  maintained  without  religion. 


D1CTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.         481 

may  be  conceded  to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on 
minds  of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and  experience  both  forbid 
us  to  expect  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in  exclusion  of 
religious  principle. 

It  is  substantially  true  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a  necessary 
spring  of  popular  government.  The  rule  indeed  extends  with 
more  or  less  force  to  every  species  of  free  government.  Who 
that  is  a  sincere  friend  to  it,  can  look  with  indifference  upon 
attempts  to  shake  the  foundation  of  the  fabric? 

Promote  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  importance,  institu- 
tions for  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge.  In  proportion  as 
the  structure  of  a  government  gives  force  to  public  opinion,  it 
is  essential  that  public  opinion  should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  security,  cherish 

Eublic  credit.  One  method  of  preserving  it,  is  to  use  it  as  spar- 
igly  as  possible — avoiding  occasions  of  expense  by  cultivating 
peace ;  but  remember  also  that  timely  disbursements  to  pre- 
pare for  danger  frequently  prevent  much  greater  disburse- 
ments to  repel  it;  avoiding  likewise  the  accumulation  of  debt, 
not  only  by  shunning  occasions  of  expense,  but  by  vigorous 
exertions  in  time  of  peace  to  discharge  the  debts  which  un- 
avoidable wars  may  have  occasioned,  not  ungenerously  throw- 
ing upon  posterity  the  burden  which  we  ourselves  ought  to 
bear.  The  execution  of  these  maxims  belongs  to  your  Repre- 
sentatives, but  it  is  necessary  that  public  opinion  should  co- 
operate. To  facilitate  to  them  the  performance  of  their  duty, 
it  is  essential  that  you  should  practically  bear  in  mind,  that 
toward  the  payment  of  debts  there  must  be  revenue;  that  to 
have  revenue  there  must  be  taxes;  that  no  taxes  can  be  de- 
vised which  are  not  more  or  less  inconvenient  and  unpleasant ; 
that  the  intrinsic  embarrassment  inseparable  from  the  selec- 
tion of  the  proper  objects  (which  is  always  a  choice  of  difficul- 
ties) ought  to  be  a  decisive  motive  for  a  candid  construction  of 
the  conduct  of  the  government  in  making  it,  and  for  a  spirit 
of  acquiescence  in  the  measures  for  obtaining  revenue  which 
the  public  exigencies  may  at  any  time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  toward  all  nations,  cultivate 
peace  and  harmony  with  all :  religion  and  morality  enjoin  this 
conduct;  and  can  it  be  that  good  policy  does  not  equally  en- 
join it?  It  will  be  worthy  of  a  free,  enlightened,  and,  at  no 
distant  period,  a  great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the  mag- 
nanimous and  too  novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided  by 
an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  )Vho  can  doubt  but  in 
the  course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of  such  a  plan  would 
richly  repay  any  temporary  advantage  which  might  be  lost  by 
a  steady  adherence  to  it?  Can  it  be  that  Providence  has  not 
connected  the  permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its  virtue? 
The  experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  sentiment 
which  ennobles  human  nature.  Alas !  is  it  rendered  impossible 
by  its  vices  ? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothin  is  more  essential  than 
that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies  against  particular 
nations,  and  passionate  attachments  for  others,  should  be  ex- 
cluded ;  and  that  in  place  of  them  just  and  amicable  feelings 
toward  all  should  be  cultivated.  The  nation  which  indulges 
toward  another  an  habitual  hatred  or  an  habitual  fondness,  ia 


482         DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICA^  POLITICS. 

in  some  degree  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to  its  animosity  or  to  it* 
affection,  either  of  which  is  sufficient  to  lead  it  astray  from  it* 
duty  and  its  interest.  Antipathy  in  one  nation  against  an. 
other  disposes  each  more  readily  to  offer  insult  and  injury,  to 
lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of  umbrage,  and  to  be  haughty  and 
intractable,  when  accidental  or  trifling  occasions  of  dispute 
occur.  Hence  frequent  collisions,  obstinate,  envenomed  and 
bloody  contests.  The  nation,  prompted  by  ill-will  and  resent- 
ment, sometimes  impels  to  war  the  government,  contrary  to 
the  best  calculations  of  policy.  The  government  sometimes 
participates  in  the  national  propensity,  and  adopts  through 
passion  what  reason  would  reject;  at  other  times,  it  makes  the 
animosity  of  the  nation  subservient  to  projects  of  hostility  in- 
stigated by  pride,  ambition  and  other  sinister  and  pernicious 
motives.  The  peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  liberty,  of 
nations  has  been  the  victim. 
So,  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  nation  for  an- 


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into  one  the  enmities  of  the  other,  betrays  the  former  into  a 
participation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars  of  the  latter,  without 
adequate  inducement  or  justification.  It  leads  also  to  conces- 
sions to  the  favorite  nation  of  privileges  denied  to  others, 
which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure  the  nation  making  the  conces- 
sions, by  unnecessarily  parting  with  what  ought  to  have  been 
retained;  and  by  exciting  jealousy,  ill-will  and  a  disposition 
to  retaliate,  in  the  parties  from  whom  equal  privileges  are 
withheld.  And  it  gives  to  ambitious,  corrupted  or  deluded 
citizens  (who  devote  themselves  to  the  favorite  nation)  facility 
to  betray  or  sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  own  country,  with- 
out odium,  sometimes  even  with  popularity ;  gilding  with  the 
appearance  of  a  virtuous  sense  of  obligation  a  commendable 
deference  for  public  opinion,  or  a  laudable  zeal  for  public 
good,  the  base  or  foolish  compliances  of  ambition,  corruption, 
or  infatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable  ways,  such 
attachments  are  particularly  alarming  to  the  truly  enlightened 
and  independent  patriot.  How  many  opportunities  do  they 
afford  to  tamper  with  domestic  factions ;  to  practice  the  arts 
of  sedition,  to  mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  or  awe  the 
public  councils!  Such  an  attachment  of  a  small  or  weak,  to- 
ward a  great  and  powerful  nation,  dooms  the  former  to  be  the 
satellite  of  the  latter.  Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign 
influence  (I  conjure  you  to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens)  tne 
iealousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be  constantly  awake;  since 
history  and  experience  prove  that  foreign  influence  is  one  of 
the  most  baneful  foes  of  Republican  Government.  But  that 
jealousy  to  be  useful  must  be  impartial;  else  it  becomes  the 
instrument  of  the  very  influence  to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a 
defense  against  it.  Excessive  partiality  for  one  foreign  nation, 
and  excessive  dislike  of  another,  cause  those  whom  they  actu- 
ate to  see  danger  only  on  one  side,  and  serve  to  veil  ana  even 
second  the  arts  of  influence  on  the  other.  Real  patriots,  who 
may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the  favorite,  are  liable  to  become 
suspected  and  odious;  while  its  tools  and  dupes  uiurp  the 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        483 

applause  and  confidence  of  the  people,  to  surrender  their 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations, 
is,  in  extending  our  commercial  relations,  to  have  with  them 
as  little  political  connection  as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have  al- 
ready formed  engagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect 
good  faith.  Here  let  us  stop. 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us  have  none, 
or  a  very  remote  relation.  Hence  she  must  be  engaged  in  fre- 
quent controversies,  the  causes  of  which  are  essentially  foreign 
to  our  concerns.  Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us  to 
implicate  ourselves,  by  artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicissi- 
tudes of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations  and  col- 
lisions of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  enables  us  to 
pursue  a  different  course.  If  we  remain  one  people,  under  an 
efficient  government,  the  period  is  not  far  off  when  we  may 
defy  material  injury  from  external  annoyance;  when  we  may 
take  such  an  attitude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality  we  may  at 
any  time  resolve  upon  to  be  scrupulously  respected;  when 
belligerent  nations,  under  the  impossibility  of  making  acquisi- 
tions upon  us,  will  not  lightly  hazard  the  giving  us  provoca- 
tion; when  we  may  choose  peace  or  war,  as  our  interest, 
guided  by  justice,  shall  counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situation  ?  Why 
quit  our  own  to  stand  upon  foreign  ground  ?  Why,  by  inter- 
weaving our  destiny  with  that  of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle 
our  peace  and  prosperity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambition, 
rivalship,  interest,  humor  or  caprice  ? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  alliances 
with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world :  so  far,  I  mean,  as  we 
are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it;  for  let  me  not  be  understood  as 
capable  of  patronizing  infidelity  to  existing  engagements.  I 
hold  the  maxim  no  less  applicable  to  public  than  to  private 
affairs,  that  honesty  is  always  the  best  policy.  I  repeat  it, 
therefore,  let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their  genuine 
•ense.  But,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary,  and  would  be  un- 
wise to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable  establish- 
ments, on  a  respectable  defensive  posture,  we  may  safely  trust 
to  temporary  alliances  for  extraordinary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  and  a  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations,  are  rec- 
ommended by  policy,  humanity  and  interest. 

But  even  our  commercial  policy  should  hold  an  equal  and 
impartial  hand ;  neither  seeking  nor  granting  exclusive  favors 
or  preferences ;  consulting  the  natural  course  of  things ;  dif- 
fusing and  diversifying  by  gen  tie  means  the  streams  of  com- 
merce, but  forcing  nothing ;  establishing,  with  powers  so  dis- 
posed, in  order  to  give  trade  a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights 
of  our  merchants,  and  to  enable  the  government  to  support 
them,  conventional  rules  of  intercourse,  the  best  that  present 
circumstances  and  mutual  opinion  will  permit,  but  temporary, 
and  liable  to  be  from  time  to  time  abandoned  or  varied,  as  ex- 
perience and  circumstances  shall  dictate ;  constantly  keeping 
In  view,  that  it  is  folly  in  one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested 
favors  from  another;  that  it  must  pay  with  a  portion  of  if  ift- 


484        DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

dependence  lor  whatever  it  may  accept  under  that  character; 
that  by  such  acceptance  it  may  place  itself  in  the  condition  of 
having  given  equivalents  for  nominal  favors,  and  yet  of  being 
reproached  with  ingratitude  for  not  giving  more.  There  can 
be  no  greater  error  than  to  expect,  or  calculate  upon,  real 
favors  from  nation  to  nation.  It  is  an  illusion  which  experi- 
ence must  cure,  which  a  just  pride  ought  to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels  of  an  old 
and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope  they  will  make  the 
strong  and  lasting  expression  I  could  wish— that  they  will  con- 
trol the  usual  current  of  the  passions,  or  prevent  our  nation 
from  running  the  course  which  has  hitherto  marked  the  des- 
tiny of  nations.  But  if  I  may  even  flatter  myself  that  they 
may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some  occasional 
good ;  but  they  may  now  and  then  recur  to  moderate  the  fury 
of  party  spirit,  to  warn  against  the  mischiefs  of  foreign  in- 
trigue, to  guard  against  the  impostures  of  pretended  patriot- 
ism ;  this  hope  will  be  a  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for 
your  welfare  by  which  they  have  been  dictated. 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties  I  have  been 
guided  by  the  principles  which  have  been  delineated,  the  pub- 
lic records  and  other  evidences  of  my  conduct  must  witness  to 
you  and  to  the  world.  To  myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own 
conscience  is,  that  I  have  at  last  believed  myself  to  be  guided 
by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in  Europe,  my  procla- 
mation of  the  22d  of  April,  1793,  is  the  index  to  my  plan.  Sanc- 
tioned by  your  approving  voice,  and  by  that  of  your  Repre- 
sentatives in  both  Houses  of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that 
measure  has  continually  governed  me,  uninfluenced  by  any 
attempts  to  deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination,  with  the  aid  of  the  best  lights 
I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that  our  country,  under  all 
the  circumstances  of  the  case,  had  a  right  to  take,  and  was 
bound  in  duty  and  interest  to  take,  a  neutral  position.  Hav- 
ing taken  it,  I  determined,  as  far  as  should  depend  upon  me, 
to  maintain  it  with  moderation,  perseverance  and  firmness. 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to  hold  this  con- 
duct, it  is  not  necessary  on  this  occasion  to  detail.  I  will  only 
observe,  that  according  to  my  understanding  of  the  matter, 
that  right,  so  far  from  being  denied  by  any  of  the  Belligerent 
Powers,  has  been  virtually  admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be  inferred,  with- 
out any  thing  more,  from  the  obligation  which  justice  and 
humanity  impose  on  every  nation,  in  cases  in  which  it  is  free 
to  act,  to  maintain  inviolate  the  relations  of  peace  and  amity 
toward  other  nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing  that  conduct  will 
best  be  referred  to  your  own  reflections  and  experience.  With 
me,  a  predominant  motive  has  been  to  endeavor  to  gain  time 
to  our  country  to  settle  and  mature  its  yet  recent  institutions, 
and  to  progress,  without  interruption,  to  that  degree  of 
strength  and  consistency  which  is  necessary  to  give  it, 
humanely  speaking,  the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  administration,  I 
am  unconscious  of  intentional  error,  I  am  nevertheless  too 


DIG  T20NA  RY  OF  A  ME  RICA  N  POLI  TICS.        485 

sensible  of  my  own  defects,  not  to  think  it  probable  that  I 
may  have  committed  many  errors.  Whatever  they  may  be,  I 
fervently  beseech  the  Almighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils 
to  which  they  may  tend.  1  shall  also  carry  with  mo  the 
hope  that  my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  in- 
dulgence ;  and  that  after  forty-live  years  of  my  life  dedicated 
to  its  service,  with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of  incompetent 
abilities  will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as  myself  must  soon  be 
jo  the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things,  and  actu- 
ated by  that  fervent  love  toward  it,  which  is  so  natural  to  a 
man  who  views  it  in  the  native  soil  of  himself  and  his  pro- 
genitors for  several  generations ;  I  anticipate  with  pleasing 
expectation,  that  retreat  in  which  I  promise  myself  to  realize, 
without  alloy,  the  sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in  the  midst 
of  my  fellow-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under 
a  free  government — the  ever  favorite  object  of  my  heart,  and 
the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares,  labors  and 
dangers. 

G.  WASHINGTON 
UNITED  STATES, 

17th  September,  1796. 


486    DICTIONARY  O$  AMERICAN  PoLlftCS. 

PARTY  PLATFORMS 

1884 

NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JULY  10,  1884. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  Union,  through  its  representa- 
tives in  National  Convention  assembled,  recognizes  that  as  the 
nation  grows  older  new  issues  are  born  of  time  and  progress, 
and  old  issues  perish.  But  the  fundamental  principles  of  the 
Democracy,  approved  by  the  united  voice  of  the  people,  re- 
main, and  will  ever  remain,  as  the  best  and  only  security  for 
the  continuance  of  free  government.  The  preservation  of 
personal  rights,  the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law,  the 
reserved  rights  of  the  States,  and  the  supremacy  of  the  federal 
government  within  the  limits  of  the  Constitution,  will  ever 
form  the  true  basis  of  our  liberties,  and  can  never  be  surren- 
dered without  destroying  that  balance  of  rights  and  powers 
which  enables  a  continent  to  be  developed  in  peace,  and  social 
order  to  be  maintained  by  means  of  local  self-government. 

But  it  is  indispensable  for  the  practical  application  and  en- 
forcement of  these  fundamental  principles  that  the  govern- 
ment should  not  always  be  controlled  by  one  political  party. 
Frequent  change  of  administration  is  as  necessary  as  constant 
recurrence  to  popular  will.  Other  wise  abuses  grow,  and  the 
government,  instead  of  being  carried  on  for  the  general  wel- 
fare, becomes  an  instrumentality  for  imposing  heavy  burdeni 
on  the  many  who  are  governed,  for  the  benefit  of  the  few  who 
govern.  Public  servants  thus  become  arbitrary  rulers. 

This  is  now  the  condition  of  the  country.  Hence  a  change  is 
demanded.  The  Republican  party,  so  far  as  principle  is  con- 
cerned, is  a  reminiscence;  in  practice,  it  is  an  organization  for 
enriching  those  who  control  its  machinery.  The  frauds  and 
jobbery  which  have  been  brought  to  light  in  every  department 
of  the  government  are  sufficient  to  have  called  for  reform 
within  the  Republican  party ;  yet  those  in  authority,  made 
reckless  by  the  long  possession  of  power,  have  succumbed  to 
its  corrupting  influence,  and  have  placed  in  nomination  a 
ticket  against  which  the  independent  portion  of  the  party  are 
in  open  revolt. 

Therefore  a  change  is  demanded.  Such  a  change  was  alike 
necessary  in  1876,  but  the  will  of  the  people  was  then  defeated 
by  a  fraud  which  can  never  be  forgotten  nor  condoned.  Again, 
in  1880,  the  change  demanded  by  the  people  was  defeated  by 
the  lavish  use  of  money  contributed  by  unscrupulous  con- 
tractors and  shameless  jobbers,  who  had  bargained  for  unlaw- 
ful profits  or  for  high  office. 

The  Republican  party,  during  its  legal,  its  stolen  and  its 
bought  tenures  of  power,  has  speedily  decayed  in  moral  char- 
acter and  political  capacity. 

Its  platform  promises  are  now  a  list  of  its  past  failures. 

It  demands  the  restoration  of  our  navy.  It  has  squandered 
hundred*  of  millions  to  create  a  navy  that  does  not  *xi»t. 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       487 

It  oallfl  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens  under  which 
American  shipping  has  been  depressed.  It  imposed  and  has 
continued  those  burdens. 

It  professes  the  policy  of  reserving  the  public  lands  for  small 
holdings  by  actual  settlers.  It  has  given  away  the  people's 
heritage  till  now  a  few  railroads  and  non-resident  aliens,  in- 
dividual and  corporate,  possess  a  larger  area  than  that  of  all 
our  farms  between  the  two  seas. 

It  professes  a  preference  for  free  institutions.  It  organized 
and  tried  to  legalize  a  control  of  State  elections  by  federal 
troops. 

It  professes  a  desire  to  elevate  labor.  It  has  subjected 
American  workingmen  to  the  competition  of  convict  and  im- 
ported contract  labor. 

It  professes  gratitude  to  all  who  were  disabled  or  died  in  the 
war,  leaving  widows  and  orphans.  It  left  to  a  Democratic 
House  of  Representatives  the  first  effort  to  equalize  both 
bounties  and  pensions. 

It  proffers  a  pledge  to  correct  the  irregularities  of  our  tariff. 
It  created  and  has  continued  them.  Its  own  Tariff  Commission 
confessed  the  need  of  more  than  twenty  per  cent,  reduction. 
Its  Congress  gave  a  reduction  of  less  than  four  per  cent. 

It  professes  the  protection  of  American  manufactures.  It 
has  subjected  them  to  an  increasing  flood  of  manufactured 
goods  and  a  hopeless  competition  with  manufacturing  nations, 
not  one  of  which  taxes  raw  materials. 

It  professes  to  protect  all  American  industries.  It  has  im- 
poverished many  to  subsidize  a  few. 

It  professes  the  protection  of  American  labor.  It  has  de- 
pleted the  returns  of  American  agriculture — an  industry  fol- 
lowed by  half  our  people. 

It  professes  the  equality  of  all  tnen  before  the  law.  Attempt- 
ing to  fix  the  status  of  colored  citizens,  the  acts  of  its  Congress 
were  overset  by  the  decisions  of  its  courts. 

It  "  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the  work  of  progress 
and  reform."  Its  caught  criminals  are  permitted  to  escape 
through  contrived  delays  of  actual  connivance  in  the  prosecu- 
tion. Honey-combed  with  corruption,  outbreaking  exposures 
no  longer  shock  its  moral  sense.  Its  honest  members,  its  inde- 
pendent journals  no  longer  maintain  a  successful  contest  for 
authority  in  its  counsels,  or  a  veto  upon  bad  nominations. 

That  change  is  necessary  is  proved  by  an  existing  surplus  of 
more  than  $100,000,000,  which  has  yearly  been  collected  from  a 
suffering  people.  Unnecessary  taxation  is  unjust  taxation. 
We  denounce  the  Republican  party  for  having  failed  to  relieve 
the  people  from  crushing  war  taxes  which  have  paralyzed 
business,  crippled  industry  and  deprived  labor  of  employment 
and  of  just  reward. 

The  Democracy  pledges  itself  to  purify  the  administration 
from  corruption,  to  restore  economy,  to  revive  respect  for  law, 
and  to  reduce  taxation  to  the  lowest  limit  consistent  with  due 
regard  to  the  preservation  of  the  faith  of  the  nation  to  its 
creditors  and  pensioners. 

Knowing  full  well,  however,  that  legislation  affecting  the 
occupations  of  the  people  should  be  cautious  and  conservative 
in  method— not  in  advance  of  public  opinion,  but  responsive 


488       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

to  its  demands— the  Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  revise  the 
tariff  in  a  spirit  of  fairness  to  all  interests. 

But  in  making  reduction  in  taxes  it  is  not  proposed  to  in- 
jure any  domestic  industries,  but  rather  to  promote  their 
healthy  growth.  From  the  foundation  of  this  government 
taxes  collected  at  the  Custom  House  have  been  the  chief 
source  of  federal  revenue.  Such  they  must  continue  to  be. 
Moreover,  many  industries  have  come  to  rely  upon  legislation 
for  successful  continuance,  so  that  any  change  of  law  must  be 
at  every  step  regardful  of  the  labor  and  capital  thus  involved. 
The  process  of  reform  must  be  subject  in  the  execution  of  this 
plain  dictate  of  justice. 

All  taxation  shall  be  limited  to  the  requirements  of  economi- 
cal government.  The  necessary  reduction  in  taxation  can, 
and  must,  be  effected  without  depriving  American  labor  of 
the  ability  to  compete  successfully  with  foreign  labor,  and 
frith  out  imposing  lower  rates  of  duty  than  will  be  ample  to 
cover  any  increased  cost  of  production  which  may  exist  in 
consequence  of  the  higher  rate  of  wages  prevailing  in  this 
country. 

Sufficient  revenue  to  pay  all  the  expenses  of  the  federal 
government,  economically  administered,  including  pensions, 
interest  and  principal  of  the  public  debt,  can  be  got  under  our 
present  system  of  taxation  from  Custom  House  taxes  on  fewer 
imported  articles,  bearing  heaviest  on  articles  of  luxury,  and 
bearing  lightest  on  articles  of  necessity. 

We  therefore  denounce  the  abuses  of  the  existing  tariff,  and, 
subject  to  the  preceding  limitations,  we  demand  that  Federal 
taxation  shall  be  exclusively  for  public  purposes,  and  shall  not 
exceed  the  needs  of  the  government  economically  adminis- 
tered. 

The  system  of  direct  taxation  known  as  "  internal  revenue  " 
is  a  war  tax,  and  so  long  as  the  law  continues  the  money  de- 
rived therefrom  should  be  sacredly  devoted  to  the  relief  of  the 
people  from  the  remaining  burdens  of  the  war,  and  be  made  a 
fund  to  defray  the  expenses  of  the  care  and  comfort  of  worthy 
soldiers  disabled  in  the  line  of  duty  in  the  wars  of  the  Repub- 
lic, and  for  the  payment  of  such  pensions  as  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  grant  to  such  soldiers,  a  like  fund  for  the 
sailors  having  been  already  provided,  and  any  surplus  should 
be  paid  into  the  treasury. 

We  favor  an  American  continental  policy  based  upon  more 
intimate  commercial  and  political  relations  with  the  fifteen 
sister  Republics  of  North,  Central  and  South  America,  but  en- 
tangling alliances  with  none. 

We  believe  in  honest  money,  the  gold  and  silver  coinage  of 
the  Constitution,  and  a  circulating  medium  convertible  into 
such  money  without  loss. 

Asserting  the  equality  of  all  men  before  the  law,  we  hold 
that  it  is  the  duty  of  the  government,  in  its  dealings  with  the 
people,  to  mete  out  equal  and  exact  justice  to  all  citizens  of 
whatever  nativity,  race,  color  or  persuasion— religious  or  po- 
litical. 

We  believe  in  a  free  ballot  and  a  fair  count,  and  we  recall  to 
the  memory  of  the  people  the  noble  struggle  of  the  Democrats 
in  the  Forty-fifth  and  Forty-sixth  Congresses,  by  which  a  re- 


DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      489 

luotant  Republican  opposition  was  compelled  to  assent  to  leg- 
islation making  everywhere  illegal  the  presence  of  troops  at 
the  polls,  as  the  conclusive  proof  that  a  Democratic  adminis- 
tration will  preserve  liberty  with  order. 

The  selection  of  federal  officers  for  the  Territories  should  be 
restricted  to  citizens  previously  resident  therein. 

We  oppose  sumptuary  laws  which  vex  the  citizen  and  inter- 
fere with  individual  liberty;  we  favor  honest  civil  service  re- 
form, and  the  compensation  of  all  United  States  officers  by 
fixed  salaries;  the  separation  of  church  and  state,  and  the 
diffusion  of  free  education  by  common  schools,  so  that  every 
child  in  the  land  may  be  taught  the  rights  and  duties  of 
citizenship. 

While  we  favor  all  legislation  that  will  tend  to  the  equitable 
distribution  of  property,  to  the  prevention  of  monopoly,  and 
to  the  strict  enforcement  of  individual  rights  against  corpo- 
rate abuses,  we  hold  that  the  welfare  of  society.depends  upon  a 
scrupulous  regard  for  the  rights  of  property  as  denned  by  law. 

We  believe  that  labor  is  best  rewarded  where  it  is  freest  and 
most  enlightened.  It  should,  therefore,  be  fostered  and  cher- 
ished. We  favor  the  repeal  of  all  laws  restricting  the  fre« 
action  of  labor,  and  the  enactment  of  laws  by  which  labor 
organizations  may  be  incorporated,  and  of  all  such  legislation 
as  will  tend  to  enlighten  the  people  as  to  the  true  relations 
of  capital  and  labor. 

We  believe  that  the  public  lands  ought,  as  far  as  possible,  be 
kept  as  homesteads  for  actual  settlers ;  that  all  unearned  lands 
heretofore  improvidently  granted  to  railroad  corporations  by 
the  action  of  the  Republican  party,  should  be  restored  to  the 
public  domain,  and  that  no  more  grants  of  land  shall  be  made 
to  corporations  or  be  allowed  to  fall  iinto  tHe  ownership  of 
alien  absentees. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  propositions  which,  upon  any  pretext, 
would  convert  the  general  government  into  a  machine  for 
collecting  taxes  to  be  distributed  among  the  States  or  the  citi- 
zens thereof. 

In  reaffirming  the  declaration  of  the  Democratic  platform 
of  1856,  that  "  the  liberal  principles  embodied  by  Jefferson  in 
the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  sanctioned  by  the  Con- 
stitution, which  makes  ours  the  land  of  liberty  and  the  asylum 
of  the  oppressed  of  every  nation,  have  ever  been  cardinal 
principles  in  the  Democratic  faith,"  we  nevertheless  do  not 
sanction  the  importation  of  foreign  labor,  or  the  admission  of 
servile  races,  unfitted  by  habits,  training,  religion,  or  kindred 
for  absorption  into  the  great  body  of  our  people,  or  for  the 
citizenship  which  our  laws  confer.  American  civilization 
demands  that  against  the  immigration  or  importation  of  Mon- 
golians to  these  shores  our  gates  be  closed. 

The  Democratic  party  insists  that  it  is  the  duty  of  this  gov- 
ernment to  protect,  with  equal  fidelity  and  vigilance,  the 
rights  of  its  citizens,  native  and  naturalized,  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  to  the  end  that  this  protection  may  be  assured, 
United  States  papers  of  naturalization,  issued  by  courts  of 
competent  Jurisdiction,  must  be  respected  by  the  executive 
and  legislative  departments  of  our  own  government,  and  by 
all  foreign  powers.  


490       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


It  is  an  imperative  duty  of  this  government  to  efficiently 
protect  all  the  rights  of  persons  and  property  of  every  Ameri- 
can citizen  in  foreign  lands,  and  demand  and  enforce  full 
reparation  for  any  invasion  thereof. 

An  American  citizen  is  only  responsible  to  his  own  govern- 
ment for  any  act  done  in  his  own  country,  or  under  her  flag, 
and  can  only  be  tried  therefor  on  her  own  soil  and  according 
to  her  own  laws,  and  no  power  exists  in  this  government  to 
expatriate  an  American  citizen  to  be  tried  in  any  foreign  land 
for  any  such  act. 

This  country  has  never  had  a  well-defined  and  executed 
foreign  policy,  save  under  Democratic  administration ;  that 
policy  has  ever  been,  in  regard  to  foreign  nations,  so  long  as 
they  do  not  act  detrimental  to  the  interests  of  the  country,  or 
hurtful  to  our  citizens,  to  let  them  alone ;  that  as  the  result  of 
this  policy  we  recall  the  acquisition  of  Louisiana,  Florida,  Cal- 
ifornia, and  of  the  adjacent  Mexican  territory  by  purchase 
alone ;  and  contrast  these  grand  acquisitions  of  Democratic 
statesmanship  with  the  purchase  of  Alaska,  the  sole  fruit  of  a 
Eepublican  administration  of  nearly  a  quarter  of  a  century. 

The  federal  government  should  care  for  and  improve  the 
Mississippi  River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  Republic, 
so  as  to  secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  trans- 
portation to  tide- water. 

Under  a  long  period  of  Democratic  rule  and  policy  our  mer- 
chant marine  was  fast  overtaking  and  on  the  point  of  out- 
stripping that  of  Great  Britain. 

Under  twenty  years  of  Republican  rule  and  policy  our  com- 
merce has  been  left  to  British  bottoms,  and  almost  has  the 
American  flag  been  swept  off  the  high  seas. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  party's  British  policy,  we  demand 
for  the  people  of  the  United  States  an  American  policy. 

Under  Democratic  rule  and  policy  our  merchants  and  sail- 
ors, flying  the  stars  and  stripes  in  every  port,  successfully 
searched  out  a  market  for  the  varied  products  of  American 
industry. 

Under  a  quarter  of  a  century  of  Republican  rule  and  policy, 
despite  our  manifest  advantages  over  all  other  nations  in  high- 

Said  labor,  favorable  climates  and  teeming  soils  ;  despite  f ree- 
om  of  trade  among  all  these  United  States;  despite  their 
population  by  the  foremost  races  of  men  and  an  annual  immi- 
gration of  the  young,  thrifty  and  adventurous  of  all  nations ; 
despite  our  freedom  here  from  the  inherited  burdens  of  life 
and  industry  in  old-world  monarchies— their  costly  war 
navies,  their  vast  tax-consuming,  non-producing  standing 
armies ;  despite  their  twenty  years  of  peace — that  Republican 
rule  and  policy  have  managed  to  surrender  to  Great  Britain, 
along  with  our  commerce,  the  control  of  the  markets  of  the 
world. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  party's  British  policy,  we  demand, 
in  behalf  of  the  American  Democracy,  an  American  policy. 

Instead  of  the  Republican  party's  discredited  scheme  and 
false  pretense  of  friendship  for  American  labor,  expressed  by 
imposing  taxes,  we  demand,  in  behalf  of  the  Democracy,  free- 
dom for  American  labor  by  reducing  taxes  to  the  end  that 
Uaew  United  States  may  compete  with  unhindered  powers 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      491 

for  the  primacy  among  nations  in  all  the  arts  of  peace  and 
fruits  of  liberty. 

With  profound  regret  we  have  been  apprised  by  the  vener- 
able statesman  through  whose  person  was  struck  that  blow  at 
the  vital  principle  of  republics  (acquiesence  in  the  will  of  the 
majority),  that  ne  cannot  permit  us  again  to  place  in  his  hands 
the  leadership  of  the  Democratic  hosts,  for  the  reason  that  the 
achievement  of  reform  in  the  administration  of  the  federal 
government  is  an  undertaking  now  too  heavy  for  his  age  and 
failing  strength. 

Rejoicing  that  his  life  has  been  prolonged  until  the  general 
judgment  of  our  fellow-countrymen  is  united  in  the  wish  that 
that  wrong  were  righted  in  his  person,  for  the  Democracy  of 
the  United  States,  we  offer  to  nim  in  his  withdrawal  from 
public  cares,  not  only  our  respectful  sympathy  and  esteem, 
but  also  that  best  homage  of  freemen,  the  pledge  of  our  devo- 
tion to  the  principles  and  the  cause  now  inseparable  in  the 
history  of  this  Repiolic  from  the  labors  and  the  name  of 
Samuel  J.  Tilden. 

With  this  statement  of  the  hopes,  principles  and  purposes  of 
the  Democratic  party,  the  great  issue  of  reform  and  change  in 
administration  is  submitted  to  the  people  in  calm  confidence, 
that  the  popular  voice  will  pronounce  in  favor  of  new  men, 
and  new  and  more  favorable  conditions  for  the  growth  of  in- 
dustry, the  extension  of  trade,  the  employment  and  due  re- 
ward of  labor  and  of  capital,  and  the  general  welfare  of  the 
whole  country. 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JUKE  5,  1884. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  in  convention  assem- 
bled, renew  their  allegiance  to  the  principles  upon  which  they 
have  triumphed  in  six  successive  presidential  elections,  and 
congratulate  the  American  people  on  the  attainment  of  so 
many  results  in  legislation  and  administration  by  which  the 
Republican  party  has,  after  saving  the  Union,  done  so  much 
to  render  its  institutions  just,  equal  and  beneficent — the  safe- 
guard of  liberty  and  the  best  thought  and  highest  purposes  of 
our  citizens.  The  Republican  party  has  gained  its  strength 
by  quick  and  faithful  response  to  the  demands  of  the  people 
for  the  freedom  and  the  equality  of  all  men;  for  a  united 
nation  assuring  the  rights  of  all  citizens ;  for  the  elevation  of 
labor ;  for  an  honest  currency ;  for  purity  in  legislation,  and 
for  integrity  and  accountability  in  all  departments  of  the 
government;  and  it  accepts  anew  the  duty  of  leading  in  the 
work  of  progress  and  reform. 

We  lament  the  death  of  President  Garfield,  whose  sound 
statesmanship,  long  conspicuous  in  Congress,  gave  promise  of 
a  strong  and  successful  administration,  a  promise  fully  real- 
ized during  the  short  period  of  his  office  as  President  of  the 
United  States.  His  distinguished  success  in  war  and  in  peace 
hM  endeared  him  to  the  hearts  of  the  American  people. 


492       DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

In  the  administration  of  his  office  we  recognize  a  wise,  con- 
servative and  patriotic  policy,  under  which  the  country  has 
been  blessed  with  remarkable  prosperity,  and  we  believe  his 
eminent  services  are  entitled  to  and  will  receive  the  hearty 
approval  of  every  citizen.  It  is  the  first  duty  of  a  good  govern- 
ment to  protect  the  rights  and  promote  the  interests  of  its 
own  people ;  the  largest  diversity  of  industry  is  most  product- 
ive of  general  prosperity,  and  of  the  comfort  and  independ- 
ence of  the  people. 

We,  therefore,  demand  that  the  imposition  of  duties  on 
foreign  imports  shall  be  made  not  for  "revenue  only,"  but 
that,  in  raising  the  requisite  revenues  for  the  government, 
such  duties  shall  be  so  levied  as  to  afford  security  in  our  diver- 
sified industries  and  protection  to  the  rights  and  wages  of  the 
laborer,  to  the  end  that  active  and  intelligent  labor,  as  well  as 
capital,  may  have  its  just  reward,  and  the  laboring  man  his 
full  share  in  the  national  prosperity. 

Against  the  so-called  economical  system  of  the  Democratic 
party,  which  would  degrade  our  labor  to  the  foreign  standard, 
we  enter  ourearnes'  protest;  the  Democratic  party  has  failed 
completely  to  relieve  the  people  of  th^  burden  of  unnecessary 
taxation  by  a  wise  reduction  of  the  surplus. 

The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  correct  the  inequali- 
ties of  the  tariff  and  to  reduce  the  surplus,  not  by  the  vicious 
and  indiscriminate  process  of  horizontal  reduction,  but  by 
such  methods  as  will  relieve  the  tax-payer  without  injuring 
the  laborer  or  the  great  productive  interests  of  the  country. 

We  recognize  the  importance  of  sheep  husbandry  in  the 
United  States,  the  serious  depression  which  it  is  now  experi- 
encing and  the  danger  threatening  its  future  prosperity ;  and 
we,  therefore,  respect  the  demands  of  the  representatives  of 
this  important  agricultural  interest  for  a  readjustment  of 
duty  upon  foreign  wool  in  order  that  such  industry  shall 
have  full  and  adequate  protection. 

We  have  always  recommended  the  best  money  known  to  the 
civilized  world,  and  we  urge  that  an  effort  be  made  to  unite 
all  commercial  nations  in  the  establishment  of  the  interna- 
tional standard,  which  shall  fix  for  all  the  relative  value  of 
gold  and  silver  coinage. 

The  regulation  of  commerce  with  foreign  nations  and  be- 
tween the  States  is  one  of  the  most  important  prerogatives  of 
the  general  government,  and  the  Republican  party  distinctly 
announces  its  purposes  to  support  such  legislation  as  will  fully 
and  efficiently  carry  out  the  constitutional  power  of  Congress 
over  inter-state  commerce.  The  principle  of  the  public  regu- 
lation of  railway  corporations  is  a  wise  and  salutary  one  ror 
the  protection  of  all  classes  of  the  people,  and  we  favor  legis- 
lation that  shall  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and  excessive 
charges  for  transportation,  and  that  shall  secure  to  the  people 
and  to  the  railways  alike  the  fair  and  equal  protection  of  the 
laws. 

We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  national  bureau  of  labor, 
the  enforcement  of  the  eight  hour  law,  and  a  wise  and  judi- 
cious system  of  general  education  by  adequate  appropriation 
from  the  national  revenues  wherever  the  same  is  need. 

We  believe  that  everywhere  the  protection  to  a  citizen  of 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      493 

American  birth  must  be  secured  to  citizens  by  American 
adoption,  and  we  favor  the  settlement  of  national  differences 
by  international  arbitration. 

The  Republican  party,  having  its  birth  in  a  hatred  of  slave 
labor,  and  in  a  desire  that  all  men  may  be  free  and  equal,  is 
unalterably  opposed  to  placing  our  workiugmen  in  competi- 
tion with  any  form  of  servile  labor,  whether  at  home  or 
abroad.  In  this  spirit  we  denounce  the  importation  of  con- 
tract labor,  whether  from  Europe  or  Asia,  as  an  offense 
against  the  spirit  of  American  institutions,  and  we  pledge  our- 
selves to  sustain  the  present  law  restricting  Chinese  immigra- 
tion, and  to  provide  such  further  legislation  as  is  necessary  to 
carry  out  its  purposes. 

The  reform  of  civil  service,  auspiciously  begun  under  Re- 
publican administration,  should  be  completed  by  the  further 
extension  of  the  reform  system  already  established  by  law— to 
all  the  grades  of  the  service  to  which  it  is  applicable.  The 
spirit  and  purpose  of  the  reform  should  be  observed  in  all 
executive  appointments,  and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the 
objects  of  existing  reform  legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the 
end  that  the  dangers  to  free  institutions  which  lurk  in  the 
power  of  official  patronage  may  be  wisely  and  effectively 
avoided. 

The  public  lauds  are  a  heritage  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  and  should  be  reserved  as  far  as  possible  for  small  hold- 
ings by  actual  settlers.  We  are  opposed  t  the  acquisition  of 
large  tracts  of  these  lands  by  corporation-  or  individuals, 
especially  where  such  holdings  are  in  the  hands  oc  non-resi- 
dent aliens,  and  we  will  endeavor  to  obtain  such  legislation  as 
will  tend  to  correct  this  evil. 

We  demand  of  Congress  the  speedy  forfeiture  of  all  land 
grants  which  have  lapsed  by  reason  of  non-compliance  with 
acts  of  incorporation,  in  all  cases  where  there  has  been  no 
attempt  in  good  faith  to  perform  the  conditions  of  such 
grants. 

The  grateful  thanks  of  the  American  people  are  due  to  the 
Union  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  late  war,  and  the  Republican 
party  stands  pledged  to  suitable  pensions  to  all  who  were  dis- 
abled and  for  the  widows  and  orphans  of  those  who  died  in  the 
war.  The  Republican  party  pledges  itself  to  the  repeal  of  the 
limitation  contained  in  the  Arrears  Act  of  1879,  so  that  all 
invalid  soldiers  shall  share  alike,  and  their  pensions  shall  be- 
gin with  the  date  of  disability  or  discharge,  and  not  with  the 
date  of  application. 

The  Republican  party  favors  a  policy  which  shall  keep  us 
from  entangling  alliances  with  foreign  nations,  and  which 
shall  give  the  right  to  expect  that  foreign  nations  shall  refrain 
from  meddling  in  America,  and  the  policy  which  seeks  peace 
can  trade  with  all  powers,  but  especially  with  those  of  the 
Western  Hemisphere. 

We  demand  ^he  restoration  of  our  navy  to  its  old-time 
strength  and  efficiency,  that  it  may  in  any  sea  protect  the 
rights  of  American  citizens  and  the  interests  of  American  com- 
merce, and  we  call  upon  Congress  to  remove  the  burdens 
under  which  American  shipping  has  been  depressed,  so  that  it 
may  again  be  true  that  we  have  a  commerce  which  leave*  no 


494        DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

sea  unexplored,  and  a  navy  which  takes  no  law  from  superior 
force. 

Resolved,  That  appointments  by  the  President  to  office*  in 
the  Territories  should  be  made  from  the  bona  fide  citizens  and 
residents  of  the  Territories  wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

Resolved,  That  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  enact  such  laws 
as  shall  promptly  and  effectually  suppress  the  system  of 
polygamy  within  our  territory,  and  divorce  the  political  from 
the  ecclesiastical  power  of  the  so-called  Mormon  Church,  and 
that  the  law  so  enacted  should  be  rigidly  enforced  by  the  civil 
authorities,  if  possible,  and  by  the  military  if  need  be. 

The  people  of  the  United  States  in  their  organized  capacity 
constitute  a  nation  and  not  a  mere  confederacy  of  States. 
The  national  government  is  supreme  within  the  sphere  of  its 
national  duty,  but  the  States  have  reserved  rights  which 
should  be  faithfully  maintained ;  each  should  be  guarded  with 
jealous  care  so  that  the  harmony  of  our  system  of  government 
may  be  preserved,  and  the  Union  kept  inviolate. 

The  perpetuity  of  our  institutions  rests  upon  the  mainte- 
nance of  a  free  ballot,  an  honest  count,  and  a  correct  return. 

We  denounce  the  fraud  and  violence  practiced  by  the  Demo- 
cratic party  in  Southern  States,  by  which  the  will  of  the  voter 
is  defeated,  as  dangerous  to  the  preservation  of  free  institu- 
tions, and  we  solemnly  arraign  the  Democratic  party  as  being 
the  guilty  recipient  of  the  fruit  of  such  fraud  and  violence. 

We  extend  to  the  Republicans  of  the  South,  regardless  of 
their  former  party  affiliations,  our  cordial  sympathy,  and 
pledge  them  pur  most  earnest  efforts  to  promote  the  passage  of 
such  legislation  as  will  secure  to  every  citizen,  of  whatever 
race  and  color,  the  full  and  complete  recognition,  possession, 
and  exercise  of  all  civil  and  political  rights. 

GREENBACK    NATIONAL    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  INDIANAPOLIS,  MAY  28,  1884. 

Eight  years  ago  our  young  party  met  in  this  city  for  the  first 
time,  and  proclaimed  to  the  world  its  immortal  principles,  and 
placed  before  the  American  people  as  a  presidential  candi- 
date that  great  philanthropist  and  spotless  statesman,  Peter 
Cooper.  Since  that  convention  our  party  has  organized  all 
over  the  Union,  and  through  discussion  and  agitation  has  been 
educating  the  people  to  a  sense  of  their  rights  and  duties  to 
themselves  and  their  country.  These  labors  have  accom- 
plished wonders.  We  now  have  a  great,  harmonious  party, 
and  thousands  who  believe  in  our  principles  in  the  ranks  01 
other  parties. 

"We  point  with  pride  to  our  history."  We  forced  the 
remoneiization  of  the  silver  dollar ;  prevented  the  refunding 
of  the  public  debt  into  long-time  bonds ;  secured  the  payment 
of  the  bonds,  until  the  "  best  banking  system  the  world  ever 
saw  "  for  robbing  the  producer  now  totters  because  of  its  con- 
tracting foundation  ;  we  have  stopped  the  squandering  of  our 
public  domain  upon  corporations;  we  have|stopped  the  whole- 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       495 

sale  destruction  of  the  greenback  currency,  and  secured  a  de- 
cision of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  establishing 
forever  the  right  of  the  people  to  issue  their  own  money. 

Notwithstanding  all  this,  never  in  our  history  have  the 
banks,  land-grant  railroads,  and  other  monopolies,  been  more 
insolent  in  their  demands  for  further  privileges— still  more 
class  legislation.  In  this  emergency  the  dominant  parties  are 
arrayed  against  the  people  and  are  the  afrject  tools  of  the 
corporate  monopolies. 

In  the  last  Congress  they  repealed  over  $12,000,000  of  annual 
taxes  for  the  banks,  throwing  the  burden  upon  the  people  to 
pay  or  pay  interest  thereon. 

Both  old  parties  in  the  present  Congress  vie  with  each  other 
in  their  efforts  to  further  repeal  taxes  in  order  to  stop  the  pay- 
ment of  the  public  debt,  and  save  the  banks  whose  charters 
they  have  renewed  for  twenty  years.  Notwithstanding  the 
distress  of  business,  the  shrinkage  of  wages  and  panic,  they 
persist  in  locking  up  on  various  pretexts,  $400,000,000  of  money, 
every  dollar  of  which  the  people  pay  interest  upon  and  need, 
and  most  of  which  should  be  promptly  applied  to  pay  bonds 
now  payable. 

The  old  parties  are  united— as  they  cannot  agree  what  taxes 
to  repeal— in  efforts  to  squander  the  income  of  the  govern- 
ment upon  every  pretext  rather  than  pay  the  debt. 

A  bill  has  already  passed  the  United  States  Senate  making 
the  banks  a  present  of  over  $10,000,000  more  of  the  people's 
money  in  order  to  enable  them  to  levy  a  still  greater  burden 
of  interest- taxes. 

A  joint  effort  is  being  made  by  the  old  party  leaders  to  over- 
throw the  sovereign  constitutional  power  of  the  people  to  con- 
trol their  own  financial  affairs  and  issue  their  own  money,  in 
order  to  forever  enslave  the  masses  to  bankers  and  other  busi- 
ness. The  House  of  Representatives  has  passed  bills  reclaim- 
ing nearly  100,000,000  acres  of  lands  granted  to  and  forfeited 
by  railroad  companies.  These  bills  have  gone  to  the  Senate,  a 
body  composed  largely  of  aristocratic  millionaires  who,  ac- 
cording to  their  own  party  papers,  generally  purchase  their 
elections  in  order  to  protect  great  monopolies  which  they 
represent.  This  body  has  thus  far  defied  the  people  and  the 
House,  and  refuses  to  act  upon  these  bills  in  the  interest  of  the 
people. 

Therefore  we,  the  National  party  of  the  United  States,  in 
national  convention  assembled,  this  29th  day  of  May,  A.  D. 
1884,  declare: 

1.  That  we  hold  the  late  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on 
the  legal-tender  question  to  use  a  full  vindication  of  the  theory 
which  our  party  has  always  advocated  on  the  right  and 
authority  of  Congress  over  the  issue  of  legal-tender  notes,  and 
we  hereby  pledge  ourselves  to  uphold  said  decision  and  to  de- 
fend the  Constitution  against  alterations  or  amendments  in- 
tended to  deprive  the  people  of  any  rights  or  privileges  con- 
ferred by  that  instrument.  We  demand  the  issue  of  such 
money  in  sufficient  quantities  to  supply  the  actual  demand  of 
trade  and  commerce,  in  accordance  with  the  increase  of 
population  and  the  development  of  our  industries.  We  de- 
mand the  substitution  of  greenbacks  for  national  bank  note* 


496        DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

mnd  the  prompt  payment  of  the  public  debt.  "We  want  that 
money  which  saved  our  country  in  time  of  war,  and  which  has 
given  it  prosperity  and  happiness  in  peace.  We  condemn  the 
retirement  of  the  fractional  currency  and  the  small  denomina- 
tion of  greenbacks  ana  demand  their  restoration.  We  demand 
the  issue  of  the  hoards  of  money  now  locked  up  in  the  United 
States  Treasury,  by  applying  them  to  tne  payment  of  the  pub- 
lic debt  now  due. 

2.  We  denounce  as  dangerous  to  our  Republican  institutions, 
those  methods  and  policies  of  the  Democratic  and  Republican 
parties  which  have  sanctioned  or  permitted  the  establishment 
of  land,  railroad,  money  and  other  gigantic  corporate  mon- 
opolies; and  we  demand  such  governmental  action  as  may  be 
necessary  to  take  from  such  monopolies  the  powers  they  have 
so  corruptly  and  unjustly  usurped  and  restore  them  to  the 
people,  to  whom  they  belong. 

3.  The  public  lands  being  the  natural  inheritance  of  the 
people,  we  denounce  that  policy  which  has  granted  to  corpora- 
tions vast  tracts  of  land,  and  we  demand  that  immediate  and 
vigorous  measures  be  taken  to  reclaim  from  such  corporations, 
for  the  people's  use  and  benefit,  all  such  land  grants  as  have 
been  forfeited  by  reason  of  non-fulfilment  of  contract,  or  that 
may  have  been  wrongfully  acquired  by  corrupt  legislation, 
and  that  such  reclaimed  lands  and  other  public  domain  be 
henceforth  held  as  a  sacred  trust,  to  be  granted  only  to  actual 
settlers  in  limited  quantities;  and  we  also  demand  that  tha 
alien  ownership  of  land,  individual  or  corporate,  shall  be  pro- 
hibited. 

4.  We  demand  congressional  regulation  of  inter-state  com- 
merce.    We  denounce    "pooling,"   stock-watering   and  dis- 
crimination in  rates  and  charges,  and  demand  that  Congress 
shall  correct  these  abuses,  even  if  necessary,  by  the  C9nstruc- 
tion  of  national  railroads.    We  also  demand  the  establishment 
of  a  government  postal  telegraph  system. 

5.  All  private  property,  all  forms  of  money  and  obligations 
to  pay  money,  should  bear  their  just  proportion  of  the  public 
taxes.    We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax. 

6.  We  demand  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  labor  by 
enforcing  the  sanitary  law  in  industrial  establishments,  by  th« 
abolition  of  the  convict  labor  system,  by  a  rigid  inspection  of 
mines  and  factories,  by  a  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in 
industrial  estsblishments,  by  fostering  educational  institutions 
and  by  abolishing  child  labor. 

7.  We  condemn  all  importations  of  contracted  labor,  made 
with  a  view  of  reducing  to  starvation  wages  the  workingmen 
of  this  country,  and  demand  laws  for  its  prevention. 

8.  We  insist  upon  a  constitutional  amendment  reducing  the 
terms  of  United  States  Senators. 

9.  We  demand  such  rules  for  the  government  of  Congress  as 
shall  place  all  representatives  of  the  people  upon  an  equal  foot- 
ing, and  take  away  from  committees  a  veto  power  greater 
than  that  of  the  President. 

10.  The  question  as  to  the  amount  of  duties  to  be  levied  upon 
various  articles  of  import  has  been  agitated  and  quarreled 
over  and  has  divided  communities  for  nearly  a  hundred  years. 
It  is  not  now  and  never  will  be  settled  unless  by  the  abolition 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     497 

of  indirect  taxation.  It  is  a  convenient  issue— always  raised 
when  the  people  are  excited  over  abuses  in  their  midst.  While 
we  favor  a  wise  revision  of  the  tariff  laws,  with  a  view  to. rais- 
ing a  revenue  from  luxuries  rather  than  necessaries,  we  insist 
that  as  an  economic  question  its  importance  is  insignificant  as 
compared  with  financial  issues;  for  whereas  wo  have  suffered 
our  worst  panics  under  low  and  also  under  high  tariff,  we  have 
never  suffered  from  a  panic  nor  seen  our  factories  and  work- 
shops closed  while  the  volume  of  money  in  circulation  was 
adequate  to  the  needs  of  commerce.  Give  our  farmers  and 
manufacturers  money  as  cheap  as  you  now  give  it  to  our 
bankers,  and  they  can  pay  high  wages  to  labor,  and  compete 
with  all  the  world. 

11.  For  the  purpose  of  testing  the  sense  of  the  people  upon 
the  subject,  we  are  in  favor  of  submitting  to  a  vote  of  the 
people  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  in  favor  of  suffrage 
regardless  of  sex,  and  also  on  the  subject  of  the  liquor  traffic. 

12.  All  disabled  soldiers  of  the  late  war  should  be  equitably 
pensioned,  and  we  denounce  the  policy  of  keeping  a  small 
army  of  office-holders  whose  only  business  is  to  prevent,  on 
technical  grounds,  deserving  soldiers  from  obtaining  justice 
from  the  government  they  helped  to  save. 

13.  As  our  name  indicates,  we  are  a  National  party,  knowing 
no  East,  no  West,  no  North,  no  South.    Having  no  sectional 
prejudices,  we  can  properly  place  in  nomination  for  the  high 
offices  of  state  as  candidates,  men  from  any  section  of  the 
Union. 

14.  We  appeal  to  all  people  who  believe  in  our  principles  to 
aid  ug  by  voice,  pen  and  votes. 

NATIONAL    PKOHIBITION    PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  PITTSBURG,  PA.,  JULY  23,  1884. 

First— The  Prohibition  Home  Protection  party,  in  national 
convention  assembled,  acknowledge  Almighty  God  as  the 
rightful  sovereign  of  all  men,  from  whom  the  first  powers  of 
government  are  derived,  to  whose  laws  human  enactments 
should  conform,  and  that  peace,  prosperity  and  happiness  only 
can  come  to  the  people  when  their  laws  of  the  National  and 
State  Government  are  in  accord  with  the  divine  will. 

Second— That  the  importation,  manufacture,  supply  and  sale 
of  alcoholic  beverages,  created  and  maintained  by  the  laws  of 
the  National  and  State  Governments,  during  the  entire  history 
of  such  laws,  is  everywhere  shown  to  be  the  promoting  cause 
of  intemperance,  with  resulting  crime  and  pauperism,  making 
large  demands  upon  public  and  private  charity,  imposing  large 
and  unjust  taxation  and  public  burdens  for  penal  and  shelter- 
ing institutions  upon  thrift,  industry,  manufactures,  and  com- 
merce, endangering  the  public  peace,  desecration  of  the 
Sabbath,  corrupting  our  politics,  legislation  and  administra- 
tion of  the  laws,  shortening  lives,  impairing  health,  and 
diminishing  productive  industry,  causing  education  to  be 
neglected  and  despised,  nullifying  the  teachings  of  the  Bible, 
the  Church  and  the  school,  the  standards  and  guides  of  our 


498       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

fathers,  and  their  children  in  the  founding  and  growth  under 
God  of  our  widely-extended  country,  and  while  imperiling  th« 
perpetuity  of  our  civil  and  religious  liberty,  are  baleful  t ruiti 
by  which  we  know  that  these  laws  are  alike  contrary  to  God's 
laws  and  contravene  our  happiness,  and  we  call  upon  our  fel- 
low-citizens to  aid  in  the  repeal  of  these  laws,  and  the  legal 
suppression  of  this  baneful  liquor  traffic. 

The  fact  that  during  the  twenty-four  years  in  which  the 
Republican  party  has  controlled  the  general  government  and 
that  of  many  of  the  States  no  effort  has  been  made  to  change 
this  policy.  Territories  have  been  created  from  the  National 
domain  and  governments  for  them  established,  and  States 
from  them  admitted  into  the  Union,  in  no  instance  in  either  of 
which  has  this  traffic  been  forbidden  or  the  people  of  these 
Territories  or  States  been  permitted  to  prohibit. 

That  there  are  now  over  two  hundred  thousand  distilleries, 
breweries,  wholesale  and  retail  dealers  in  these  drinks,  hold- 
ing certificates  and  claiming  the  authority  of  the  government 
for  the  continuation  of  a  business  which  is  so  destructive  to 
the  moral  and  material  welfare  of  the  people,  together  with 
the  fact  that  they  have  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  remonstrance  and 
petition  for  the  correction  of  this  abuse  of  civil  government,  is 
conclusive  that  the  Republican  party  is  insensible  to  or  impo- 
tent for  the  redress  of  those  wrongs,  and  should  no  longer  be 
intrusted  with  the  powers  and  responsibilities  of  government; 
that  although  this  party  in  its  late  National  Convention  was 
silent  on  the  liquor  question,  not  so  its  candidates,  Messrs. 
Elaine  and  Logan.  Within  the  year  past  Mr.  Elaine  has  pub- 
licly recommended  that  the  revenues  derived  from  the  liquor 
traffic  shall  be  distributed  among  the  States,  and  Senator 
Logan  has  by  a  bill  proposed  to  devote  these  revenues  to  the 
support  of  the  schools;  thus  both  virtually  recommend  the 
perpetuation  of  the  traffic,  and  that  the  State  and  its  citizens 
shall  become  partners  in  the  liquor  crime. 

The  fact  that  the  Democratic  party  has,  in  its  national  deliv- 
erance of  party  policy,  arrayed^ itself  on  the  side  of  the  drink- 
inakers  and  sellers  by  declaring  against  the  policy  of  prohibi- 
tion of  such  traffic  under  the  false  name  of  "Sumptuary 
Laws,"  and  when  in  power  in  some  of  the  States  in  refusing 
remedial  legislation,  and  in  Congress  of  refusing  to  permit  the 
creation  of  a  Board  of  Inquiry  to  investigate  and  report  upon 
the  effects  of  this  traffic,  proves  that  the  Democratic  party 
should  not  be  intrusted  with  power  or  place. 

That  there  can  be  no  greater  peril  to  the  nation  than  the  ex- 
isting competition  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 
for  the  liquor  vote.  Experience  shows  that  any  party  not 
openly  opposed  to  the  traffic  will  engage  in  this  competition, 
will  court  the  favor  of  the  criminal  classes,  will  barter  away 
the  public  morals,  the  purity  of  the  ballot  and  every  trust  and 
object  of  good  government  for  party  success,  and  patriots  and 
good  citizens  should  find  in  this  practice  sufficient  cause  for 
immediate  withdrawal  from  all  connection  with  their  party. 

That  we  favor  reforms  in  the  administration  of  the  govern- 
mentj  in  the  abolition  of  all  sinecures,  useless  offices  and  offi- 
cers, in  the  election  of  the  post-offiqp  officers  of  the  govern- 
ment instead  of  appointment  by  the  President ;  that  compe- 


DtCTlONAR  Y  OF  AM&R*  CAN  POLITICS.      499 

tenoy,  honesty  and  sobriety  are  essential  qualifications  JOT 
holding  civil  office,  and  we  oppose  the  removal  of  such  persons 
from  mere  administrative  offices,  except  so  far  as  it  may  be 
absolutely  necessary  to  secure  effectiveness  to  the  vital  issues 
on  which  the  general  administration  of  the  government  has 
intrusted  to  a  party;  that  the  collection  of  revenues  from 
alcohol,  liquors  and  tobacco  should  be  abolished  as  the  vices  of 

for 

rovern- 
fos- 

tering  of  American  labor :  manufactures  and  industries  should 
constantly  be  held  in  view ;  that  the  public  land  should  be 
held  for  homes  for  the  pe9ple  and  not  for  gifts  to  corporations, 
or  to  be  held  in  large  bodies  for  speculation  upon  the  needs  of 
actual  settlers. 

That  all  money,  coin  and  paper,  shall  be  made,  issued  and 
regulated  by  the  general  government,  and  shall  be  a  legal 
tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private. 

That  grateful  care  and  support  should  be  given  to  our  sol- 
diers and  sailors,  their  dependent  widows  and  orphans,  dis- 
abled in  the  service  of  the  country. 

That  we  repudiate  as  un-American,  contrary  to  and  sub- 
versive of  the  principles  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence, 
from  which  our  government  has  grown  to  be  the  government 
of  fifty-five  millions  of  people  and  a  recognized  power  among 
the  nations,  that  any  person  or  people  shall  or  may  be  ex- 
cluded from  residence  or  citizenship,  with  all  others  who  may 
desire  the  benefits  which  our  institutions  confer  upon  the  op- 
pressed of  all  nations. 

That  while  there  are  important  reforms  that  are  demanded 
for  purity  of  administration  and  the  welfare  of  the  people, 
their  importance  sinks  into  insignificance  when  compared 
with  the  reform  of  the  drink  traffic,  which  annually  wastes 
$800,000,000  of  the  wealth  created  by  toil  and  thrift  and  drags 
down  thousands  of  families  from  comfort  to  poverty;  which 
fills  jails,  penitentiaries,  insane  asylums,  hospitals  and  institu- 
tions for  dependency ;  which  destroys  the  health,  saps  industry 
and  causes  loss  of  life  and  property  to  thousands  in  the  land, 
lowers  intellectual  and  physical  vigor,  dulls  the  cunning  hand 
of  the  artisan,  is  the  chief  cause  of  bankruptcy,  insolvency  and 
loss  in  trade,  and  by  its  corrupting  power  endangers  the  per- 
petuity of  free  institutions. 

That  Congress  should  exercise  its  undoubted  power,  axid 
prohibit  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating  beverages 
m  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  Territories  of  the  United 
States,  in  all  places  over  which  the  government  has  exclusive 
jurisdiction;  that  hereafter  no  State  shall  be  admitted  into 
the  Union  until  its  Constitution  shall  expressly  prohibit 
polygamy  and  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  intoxicating 
beverages. 

We  earnestly  call  the  attention  of  the  laborer  and  the  me- 
chanic, the  miner  and  manufacturer,  and  ask  investigation  of 
the  baneful  effects  upon  labor  and  industry  caused  by  the 
needless  liquor  business,  which  will  be  found  the  robber  who 
lessens  wages  and  profits,  the  destroyer  of  the  happiness  and 
family  welfare  of  the  laboring  man;  and  that  labor  and  all 


500      DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

legitimate  industry  demand  deliverance  from  taxation  and 
loss  which  this  traffic  imposes;  and  that  no  tariff  or  other 
legislation  can  so  healthily  stimulate  production,  or  increase  a 
demand  for  capital  and  labor,  or  produce  so  much  of  comfort 
and  content  as  the  suppressing  of  this  traffic  would  bring  to 
the  laboring  man,  mechanic  or  employer  of  labor  throughout 
our  land. 

That  the  activity  and  co-operation  of  the  women  of  America 
for  the  promotion  of  temperance  has,  in  all  the  history  of  the 
past,  been  a  strength  and  encouragement,  which  we  gratefully 
acknowledge  and  record.  In  the  latter  and  present  phase  of 
the  movement  for  prohibition  of  the  licensed  traffic  by  the 
abolition  of  the  drink  saloon,  the  purity  of  purpose  and 
method,  the  earnestness,  zeal,  intelligence  and  devotion  of  the 
mothers  and  daughters  of  the  Women's  Christian  Temperance 
Union  have  been  eminently  blessed  by  God.  Kansas  and  Iowa 
have  been  given  her  as  "sheafs"  of  rejoicing,  and  the  educa- 
tion and  arousing  of  the  public  mind,  and  the  demand  for  con- 
stitutional amendment  now  prevailing,  are  largely  the  fruit  of 
her  prayers  and  labors,  and  we  rejoice  to  have  our  Christian 
women  unite  with  us  in  sharing  the  labor  that  shall  bring  the 
abolition  of  traffic  to  the  polls.  She  shall  join  in  the  grand 
"  Praise  God,  from  whom  all  blessings  flow,"  when  by  law  our 
boys  and  friends  shall  be  free  from  legal  drink  and  tempta- 
tion. 

That  we  believe  in  the  civil  and  political  equality  of  the 
sexes,  and  that  the  ballot  in  the  hand  of  woman  is  a  right  for 


her  protection,  and  would  prove  a  powerful  ally  for  the  aboli- 
tion of  the  drink  saloon,  the  execution  of  law,  the  promotion 
of  reform  in  civil  affairs,  and  the  removal  of  corruption  in 
public  life ;  and  thus  believing,  we  relegate  the  practical  out- 
working of  this  reform  to  the  discretion  of  the  Prohibition 
party  in  the  several  States,  according  to  the  condition  of  pub- 
lic sentiment  in  those  States.  That,  gratefully,  we  acknowl- 
edge and  praise  God  for  the  presence  of  His  Spirit,  guiding  our 
counsels  and  granting  the  success  which  has  been  vouchsafed  in 
the  progress  of  temperance  reform ;  and  looking  to  Him  from 
whom  all  wisdom  and  help  come,  we  ask  the  voters  of  the 
United  States  to  make  the  principles  of  the  above  declaration 
a  ruling  principle  in  the  government  of  the  Nation  and  of  the 
States. 

Resolved,  That  henceforth  the  Prohibition  Home  Protection 
party  shall  be  called  by  the  name  of  the  Prohibition  party. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       501 

PARTY  PLATFORMS. 


DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN,  PROHIBITION. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  ST.  Louis,  JUNE  7,  1888. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States,  in  National  Con- 
vention  assembled,  renews  the  pledge  of  its  fidelity  to  Demo- 
cratic faith  and  reaffirms  the  platform  adopted  by  its  repre- 
sentatives in  the  convention  of  1884,  and  indorses  the  views 
expressed  by  President  Cleveland  in  his  last  annual  message  to 
Congress  as  the  correct  interpretation  of  that  platform  upon 
the  question  of  tariff  reduction  :  and  also  indorses  the  efforts 
of  our  Democratic  representatives  in  Congress  to  secure  a 
reduction  of  excessive  taxation. 

Chief  among  its  principles  of  party  faith  are  the  main- 
tenance of  an  indissoluble  union  of  free  and  indestructible 
States,  now  about  to  enter  upon  its  second  century  of  unex- 


people  the  entire  ungranted  residue  of  power ;  the  encourage- 
ment of  a  jealous  popular  vigilance  directed  to  all  who  have 
been  chosen  for  brief  terms  to  enact  and  execute  the  laws,  and 
are  charged  with  the  duty  of  preserving  peace,  insuring 
equality  and  establishing  justice. 

The  Democratic  party  welcome  an  exacting  scrutiny  of  the 
administration  of  the  Executive  power,  which  four  years  ago 
was  committed  to  its  trust  in  the  election  of  Grover  Cleveland, 
President  of  the  United  States;  and  it  challenges  the  most 
searching  inquiry  concerning  its  fidelity  and  devotion  to  the 
pledges  which  then  invited  the  suffrages  of  the  people. 

During  a  most  critical  period  of  our  financial  affairs,  result- 
ing from  overtaxation,  the  anomalous  condition  of  our  cur- 
rency and  a  public  debt  unmatured,  it  has,  by  the  adoption  of 
a  wise  and  conservative  course,  not  only  averted  disaster,  but 
greatly  promoted  the  prosperity  of  the  people. 

It  has  reversed  the  improvident  and  unwise  policy  of  the 
Republican  party  touching  the  public  domain,  and  has  re- 
claimed from  corporations  and  syndicates,  alien  and  domestic, 
and  restored  to  the  people  nearly  one  hundred  millions  of 
acres  of  valuable  land  to  be  sacredly  held  as  homesteads  for 
our  citizens. 


While  carefully  guarding  the  interest  of  the  taxpayers  and 
conforming  strictly  to  the  I 


principles  of  justice  and  equity,  it 


502       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


has  paid  out  more  for  pensions  and  bounties  to  the  soldier* 
and  sailors  of  the  Republic  than  was  ever  paid  before  during 
an  equal  period. 

By  an  intelligent  management  and  a  judicious  and  economi- 
cal expenditure  of  the  public  money  it  has  set  on  foot  the 
reconstruction  of  the  American  Navy  upon  a  system  which 
forbids  the  recurrence  of  scandal  and  insures  successful  re- 
sults. 

It  has  adopted  and  consistently  pursued  a  firm  and  prudent 
foreign  policy,  preserving  peace  with  all  nations  while  scru- 
pulously maintaining  all  the  rights  and  interests  of  our  gov- 
ernment and  people  at  home  and  abroad. 

The  exclusion  from  our  shores  of  Chinese  laborers  has  been 
effectually  secured  under  the  provisions  of  a  treaty,  the  oper- 
ation of  which  has  been  postponed  by  the  action  of  a  Republi- 


can majority  in  the  Senate. 
Honest  reform 


form  in  the  Civil  Service  has  been  inaugurated  and 
maintained  by  President  Cleveland,  and  he  has  brought  the 
public  service  to  the  highest  standard  of  efficiency,  not  only 
by  rule  and  precept,  but  by  the  example  of  his  own  untiring 
and  unselfish  administration  of  public  affairs. 

In  every  branch  and  department  of  the  government  under 
Democratic  control,  the  rights  and  welfare  of  all  the  people 
have  been  guarded  and  defended ;  every  public  interest  has 
been  protected,  and  the  equality  of  all  our  citizens  before  the 
law,  without  regard  to  race  or  section,  has  been  steadfastly 
maintained. 

Upon  its  record  thus  exhibited  and  upon  the  pledge  of  a  con- 
tinuance  to  the  people  of  the  benefits  of  good  government,  the 
National  Democracy  invokes  a  renewal  of  popular  trust  by 
the  re-election  of  a  Chief  Magistrate  who  has  been  faithful, 
able  and  prudent. 

They  invoke  an  addition  to  that  trust  by  the  transfer  also  to 
the  Democracy  of  the  entire  legislative  power. 

The  Republican  party,  controlling  the  Senate  and  resisting 
in  both  Houses  of  Congress  a  reformation  of  unjust  and  un- 
equal tax  laws,  which  have  outlasted  the  necessities  of  war 
and  are  now  undermining  the  abundance  of  a  long  peace,  deny 
to  the  people  equality  before  the  law  and  the  fairness  and  the 
justice  which  are  their  right. 

Thus  the  cry  of  American  labor  for  a  better  share  in  the  re- 
wards of  industry  is  stifled  with  false  pretences ;  enterprise  is 
fettered  and  bound  down  to  home  markets;  capital  is  dis- 
couraged with  doubt ;  and  unequal,  unjust  laws  can  neither 
beproperly  amended  nor  repealed. 

The  Democratic  party  will  continue,  with  all  the  power  con- 
fided to  it,  the  struggle  to  reform  these  laws  in  accordance 
with  the  pledges  of  its  last  platform  endorsed  at  the  ballot* 
box  by  the  suffrages  of  the  people. 

Of  all  the  industrious  freemen  of  our  land,  an  immense  ma- 
jority, including  every  tiller  of  the  soil,  gain  no  advantage 
from  excessive  tax  laws ;  but  the  price  of  nearly  everything 
they  buy  is  increased  by  the  favoritism  of  an  unequal  ajftwn 
of  tax  legislation. 

All  unnecessary  taxation  is  unjust  taxation. 


DICTION  A  R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      5Q3 

It  Is  repugnant  to  the  creed  of  Democracy  that  by  such  tax-, 
ation  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  should  bo  unjustifiably 
increased  to  all  our  people. 

Judged  by  Democratic  principles,  the  interests  of  the  peo- 
ple are  betrayed,  when,  by  unnecessary  taxation,  trusts  and 
combinations  are  permitted  and  fostered,  which,  while  unduly 
enriching  the  few  that  combine,  rob  the  body  of  our  citizens 
by  depriving  them  of  the  benefits  of  natural  competition. 
Every  Democratic  rule  of  governmental  action  is  violated 
when  through  unnecessary  taxation  a  vast  sum  of  money, 
far  beyond  the  needs  of  an  economical  administration,  is 
drawn  from  the  people  and  the  channels  of  trade  and  accu- 
mulated as  a  demoralizing  surplus  in  the  National  Treasury. 

The  money  now  lying  idle  in  the  Federal  Treasury  resulting 
from  superfluous  taxation  amounts  to  more  than  $125,000,000, 
and  the  surplus  collected  is  reaching  the  sum  of  more  than 
$60,000,000  annually. 

Debauched  by  the  immense  temptation  the  remedy  of  the 
Republican  party  is  to  meet  and  exhaust  by  extravagant  ap- 
propriations and  expenditures,  whether  constitutional  or  not, 
the  accumulations  of  extravagant  taxation. 

The  Democratic  remedy  is  to  enforce  frugality  in  public  ex- 
pense and  abolish  needless  taxation. 

Our  established  domestic  industries  and  enterprises  should 
not,  and  need  not,  be  endangered  by  a  reduction  and  correc- 
tion of  the  burdens  of  taxation.  On  the  contrary,  a  fair  and 
careful  revision  of  our  tax  laws,  with  due  allowance  for  the 
difference  between  the  wages  of  American  and  foreign  labor, 
must  promote  and  encourage  every  branch  of  such  industries 
and  enterprises  by  giving  them  assurance  of  an  extended 
market  and  steady  and  continuous  operation. 

In  the  interest  of  American  labor,  which  should  in  no  event 
be  neglected,  the  revision  of  our  tax  laws  contemplated  by 
the  Democratic  party  would  promote  the  advantage  of  such 
labor  by  cheapening  the  cost  of  the  necessaries  of  life  in  the 
home  of  every  workingman,  and  at  the  same  time  securing  to 
him  steady  and  remunerative  employment. 

Upon  this  great  issue  of  tariff  reform,  so  closely  concerning 
every  phase  of  our  national  life,  and  upon  every  question  in- 
volved in  the  problem  of  good  government,  the  Democratic 
party  submits  its  principles  and  professions  to  the  intelligent 
suffrages  of  the  American  people. 

NATIONAL  [REPUBLICAN   PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JUNE  21,  1888. 

The  Republicana  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their 
delegates  in  National  Convention,  pause  on  the  threshold  of 
their  proceedings  to  honor  the  memory  of  their  first  great 
leader,  the  immortal  champion  of  liberty  and  the  rights  of  the 
people— Abraham  Lincoln;  and  to  cover  also  with  wreaths  of 
imperishable  remembrance  and  gratitude  the  heroic  names  of 
eur  later  leaders  who  have  more  recently  been  called  away 


504         DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

from  our  councils—Grant,  Garfield,  Arthur,  Logan,  Conkling. 
May  their  memories  be  faithfully  cherished.  We  also  recall 
with  our  greetings,  and  with  prayer  for  his  recovery,  the  nam« 
of  one  of  our  living  heroes,  whose  memory  will  be  treasured  in 
the  history  both  of  Republicans  and  of  the  Republic— the 
name  of  that  noble  soldier  and  favorite  child  of  victory,  Philip 
H.  Sheridan. 

In  the  spirit  of  those  great  leaders,  and  of  our  own  devotion 
to  human  liberty,  and  with  that  hostility  to  all  forms  of  des- 
potism and  oppression,  which  is  the  fundamental  idea  of  the 
Republican"  party,  we  send  fraternal  congratulation  to  our 
fellow-Americans  of  Brazil  upon  their  great  act  of  emancipa- 
tion, which  completed  the  abolition  of  slavery  throughout  the 
two  American  continents.  We  earnestly  hope  that  we  may 
soon  congratulate  our  fellow-citizens  of  Irish  birth  upon  the 
peaceful  recovery  of  home  rule  for  Ireland. 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the  National  Con  « 
stitution  and  to  the  indissoluble  union  of  the  States ;  to  the 
autonomy  reserved  to  the  States  under  the  Constitution ;  to 
the  personal  rights  and  liberties  of  citizens  in  all  the  States 
and  Territories  in  the  Union,  and  especially  to  the  supreme 
and  sovereign  right  of  every  lawful  citizen,  rich  or  poor, 
native  or  foreign  born,  white  or  black,  to  cast  one  free  ballot 
in  public  elections,  and  to  have  that  ballot  duly  counted.  We 
hold  the  free  and  honest  popular  ballot  and  the  just  and  equal 
representation  of  all  the  people  to  be  the  foundation  of  our 
republican  government,  and  demand  effective  legislation  to 
secure  the  integrity  and  purity  of  elections,  which  are  the 
fountains  of  all  public  authority.  We  charge  that  the  present 
Administration  and  the  Democratic  majority  in  Congress  owe 
their  existence  to  the  suppression  of  the  ballot  by  a  criminal 
nullification  of  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States. 

We  are  uncomprisingly  in  favor  of  the  American  system  of 
protection;  we  protest  against  its  destruction  as  proposed  by 
the  President  and  his  party.  They  serve  the  interests  of 
Europe ;  we  will  support  the  interests  of  America.  We  accept 
the  issue  and  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  for  their  judg- 
ment. The  protective  system  must  be  maintained.  Its  aban- 
donment has  always  been  followed  by  general  disaster  to  all 
interests,  except  those  of  the  usurer  and  the  sheriff.  We 
denounce  the  Mills  Bill  as  destructive  to  the  general  business, 
the  labor  and  the  farming  interests  of  the  country,  and  we 
heartily  indorse  the  consistent  and  patriotic  action  of  the  Re- 
publican Representatives  in  Congress  in  opposing  its  passage. 

We  condemn  the  proposition  of  the  Democratic  party  to 
place  wool  on  the  free  list,  and  we  insist  that  the  duties  there- 
on shall  be  adjusted  and  maintained  so  «s  to  furnish  full  and 
adequate  protection  to  that  industry. 

The  Republican  party  would  effect  all  needed  reduction  of 
the  national  revenue  by  repealing  the  taxes  upon  tobacco 
which  are  an  annoyance  and  burden  to  agriculture,  and  the 
tax  upon  spirits  used  in  the  arts  and  for  mechanical  purposes, 
and  by  such  revision  of  the  tariff  laws  as  will  tend  to  check 
imports  of  such  articles  as  are  produced  by  our  people,  the 
production  "t  which  gives  employment  to  our  labor,  and 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICA!*  POLITICS.         505 

release  from  import  duties  those  articles  of  foreign  production 
(except  luxuries)  the  like  of  which  cannot  be  produced  at 
home.  If  there  shall  still  remain  a  larger  revenue  than  is 
requisite  for  the  wants  of  the  Government,  we  favor  the  entire 
repeal  of  internal  taxes  rather  than  the  surrender  of  any  part 
of  our  protective  system,  at  the  joint  behests  of  the  whisky 
ring  and  the  agents  of  foreign  manufacturers. 

We  declare  our  hostility  to  the  introduction  into  this  coun- 
try of  foreign  contract  labor  and  of  Chinese  labor,  alien  to  our 
civilization  and  our  Constitution,  and  we  demand  the  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  existing  laws  against  it,  and  favor  such 
immediate  legislation  as  will  exclude  such  labor  from  our 
shores. 

We  declare  our  opposition  to  all  combinations  of  capital, 
organized  in  trusts  or  otherwise,  to  control  arbitrarily  the  con- 
dition of  trade  among  our  citizens;  and  we  recommend  to 
Congress  and  the  State  Legislatures,  in  their  respective  juris- 
dictions, such  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  execution  of  all 
schemes  to  oppress  the  people  by  undue  charges  on  their  sup- 
plies, or  by  unjust  rates  for  the  transportation  of  their  pro- 
ducts to  market.  We  approve  the  legislation  by  Congress  to 
prevent  alike  unjust  burdens  and  unfair  discriminations  be- 
tween the  States. 

We  reaffirm  the  policy  of  appropriating  the  public  lands  of 
the  United  States  to  be  homesteads  for  American  citizens  and 
settlers,  not  aliens,  which  the  Republican  party  established  in 
1862,  against  the  persistent  opposition  of  the  Democrats  in 
Congress,  and  which  has  brought  our  great  Western  domain 
into  such  magnificent  development.  The  restoration  of 
unearned  railroad  land  grants  to  the  public  domain  for  the 
use  of  actual  settlers,  which  was  begun  under  the  Administra- 
tion of  President  Arthur,  should  be  continued.  We  deny  that 
the  Democratic  party  has  ever  restored  one  acre  to  the  people, 
but  declare  that  by  the  joint  action  of  the  Republicans  and 
Democrats  about  50,000,000  of  acres  of  unearned  lands  origin- 
ally granted  for  the  construction  of  railroads  have  been 
restored  to  the  public  domain,  in  pursuance  of  the  conditions 
inserted  by  the  Republican  party  in  the  original  grants.  We 
charge  the  Democratic  Administration  with  failure  to  execute 
the  laws  securing  to  settlers  title  to  their  homesteads,  and 
with  using  appropriations  made  for  that  purpose  to  harass  in- 
nocent settlers  with  spies  and  prosecutions  under  the  false 
pretense  of  exposing  frauds  and  vindicating  the  law.  ^ 

The  government  by  Congress  of  the  Territories  is  based 
upon  necessity  only,  to  the  end  that  they  may  become  States 
in  the  Union ;  therefore,  whenever  the  conditions  of  popula- 
tion, material  resources,  public  intelligence  and  morality  are 
such  as  to  insure  a  stable  local  government  therein,  the  people 
of  such  Territories  should  be  permitted,  as  a  right  inherent  in 
them,  the  right  to  form  for  themselves  constitutions  and  State 
governments,  and  be  admitted  into  the  Union.  Pending  the 
preparation  for  Statehood,  all  officers  thereof  should  be 
selected  from  the  bona  fide  residents  and  citizens  of  the  Terri- 
tory wherein  they  are  to  serve. 

South  Dakota  should  of  right  be  immediately  admitted  as  a 
State  in  the  Union,  under  the  constitution  framed  and  adopted 


506       DICTION AR  V  OF  AMERICAN'  POLITICS. 

by  her  people,  and  we  heartily  indorse  the  action  of  the  Re- 
publican Senate  in  twice  passing  bills  for  her  admission.  Tin 
refusal  of  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives,  for  par- 
Msan  purposes,  favorably  to  consider  these  bills,  is  a  willful 
violation  of  the  sacred  American  principle  of  local  self* 
government,  and  merits  the  condemnation  of  all  just  men. 
The  pending  bills  in  the  Senate  for  acts  to  enable  the  people 
of  Washington,  North  Dakota  and  Montana  Territories  to 
form  constitutions  and  establish  State  governments  should  be 
passed  without  unnecessary  delay.  The  Republican  party 
pledges  itself  to  do  all  in  its  power  to  facilitate  the  admission 
of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Wyoming,  Idaho  and  Ari- 
zona to  the  enjoyment  of  self-government  as  States,  such  of 
them  as  are  now  qualified  as  soon  as  possible,  and  the  others 
as  soon  as  they  become  so. 

The  political  power  of  the  Mormon  Church  in  the  Terri- 
tories as  exercised  in  the  past  is  a  menace  to  free  institutions, 
a  danger  no  longer  to  be  suffered.  Therefore  we  pledge  the 
Republican  party  to  appropriate  legislation  asserting  the 
sovereignity  of  the  Nation  in  all  Territories  where  the  same  is 
questioned,  and  in  furtherance  of  that  end  to  place  upon  the 
statute  books  legislation  stringent  enough  to  divorce  the 
political  from  the  ecclesiastical  power,  and  thus  stamp  out  the 
attendant  wickedness  of  polygamy. 

The  Republican  party  is  in  favor  of  the  use  of  both  gold  and 
silver  as  money,  and  condemns  the  policy  of  the  Democratic 
administration  in  its  efforts  to  demonetize  silver. 

We  demand  the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent  per 
ounce. 

In  a  Republic  like  ours,  where  the  citizen  is  the  sovereign  and 
the  official  the  servant,  where  no  power  is  exercised  except  by 
the  will  of  the  people,  it  is  important  that  the  sovereign— the 
people— should  possess  intelligence.  The  free  school  is  the 
promoter  of  that  intelligence  which  is  to  preserve  us  a  free 
nation;  therefore  the  State  or  Nation,  or  both  combined, 
should  support  free  institutions  of  learning  sufficient  to  afford 
to  every  child  growing  up  in  the  land  the  opportunity  of  a 
good  common  school  education. 

We  earnestly  recommend  that  prompt  action  be  taken  by 
Congress  in  the  enactment  of  such  legislation  as  will  best 
secure  the  rehabilitation  of  our  American  merchant  marine, 
and  we  protest  against  the  passage  by  Congress  of  a  free  ship 
bill,  as  calculated  to  work  injustice  to  labor  by  lessening  the 
wages  of  those  engaged  in  preparing  materials  as  well  as 
those  directly  employed  in  our  ship-yards.  We  demand  appro- 
priations for  the  early  rebuilding  of  our  navy ;  for  the  con- 
struction of  coast  fortifications  and  modern  ordnance  and 
other  approved  modern  means  of  defence  for  the  protection  of 
our  defenceless  harbors  and  cities;  for  the  payment  of  just 
pensions  to  our  soldiers ;  for  the  necessary  works  of  national 
importance  in  the  improvement  of  harbors  and  the  channel* 
of  internal,  coastwise  and  foreign  commerce  for  the  encour- 
agement of  the  shipping  interests  of  the  Atlantic,  Gulf  and 
Pacific  States,  as  well  as  for  the  payment  of  the  maturing 
public  debt.  This  policy  will  give  employment  to  our  labor, 
activity  to  our  various  industries,  increase  the  security  of  our 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       507 

•ountry,  promote  trade,  open  new  and  direct  markets  for  our 
produce  and  cheapen  the  cost  of  transportation.  We  affirm 
this  to  be  far  better  for  our  country  than  the  Democratic 
policy  of  loaning  the  Goverment's  money  without  interest 
io  "pet  banks." 

The  conduct  of  foreign  affairs  by  the  present  Administration 
has  been  distinguished  by  its  inefficiency  and  its  cowardice. 
Having  withdrawn  from  the  Senate  all  pending  treaties 
effected  by  Republican  Administrations  for  the  removal  of 
foreign  burdens  and  restrictions  upon  our  commerce  and  for 
its  extension  into  better  markets,  it  has  neither  effected 
nor  proposed  any  others  in  their  stead.  Professing  adher- 
ence to  the  Monroe  doctrine,  it  has  seen  with  idle  complacency 
the  extension  of  foreign  influence  in  Central  America  and  of 
foreign  trade  everywhere  among  our  neighbors.  It  has  re- 
fused  to  charter,  sanction  or  encourage  any  American 
organization  for  constructing  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  a  work  of 
vital  importance  to  the  maintenance  of  the  Monroe  doctrine, 
and  of  our  national  influence  in  Central  and  South  America; 
and  necessary  for  the  development  of  trade  with  our  Pacific 
territory,  with  South  America  and  with  the  islands  and 
further  coasts  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

We  arraign  the  present  Democratic  Administration  for  its 
weak  and  unpatriotic  treatment  of  the  fisheries  question,  and 
its  pusillanimous  surrender  of  the  essential  privileges  to  which 
our  fishing  vessels  are  entitled  in  Canadian  ports  under  the 
treaty  of  1818,  the  reciprocal  maritime  legislation  of  1830  and 
the  comity  of  nations,  and  which  Canadian  fishing  vessels  re- 
ceive in  the  ports  of  the  United  States.  We  condemn  the 
policy  of  the  present  Administration  and  the  Democratic 
majority  in  Congress  toward  our  fisheries  as  unfriendly  and 
conspicuously  unpatriotic,  and  as  tending  to  destroy  a  valu- 
able national  industry,  and  an  indispensable  resource  of 
defence  against  a  foreign  enemy. 

The  name  of  American  applies  alike  to  all  citizens  of  the 
Republic  and  imposes  upon  all  alike  the  same  obligation  of 
obedience  to  the  laws.  At  the  same  time  that  citizenship  is 
and  must  be  the  panoply  and  safeguard  of  him  who  wears  it, 
and  protect  him,  whether  high  or  Tow,  rich  or  poor,  in  all  his 
civil  rights.  It  should  and  must  afford  him  protection  at 
home,  and  follow  and  protect  him  abroad  in  whatever  land  he 
may  be  on  a  lawful  errand. 

The  men  who  abandoned  the  Republican  party  in  1884  and 
continue  to  adhere  to  the  Democratic  party  have  deserted  not 
only  the  cause  of  honest  government,  of  sound  finance,  of 
freedom,  of  purity  of  the  ballot,  but  especially  have  deserted 
the  cause  of  reform  in  the  Civil  Service.  We  will  not  fail  to 
keep  our  pledges  because  they  have  broken  theirs,  or  because 
their  candidate  has  broken  his.  We  therefore  repeat  our 
declaration  of  1884,  to  wit:  "  The  reform  of  the  Civil  Service 
auspiciously  begun  under  the  Republican  Administration 
should  be  completed  by  the  further  extension  of  the  reform 
nystem  already  established  by  law  to  all  the  grades  of  the 
service  to  which  it  is  applicable.  The  spirit  and  purpose  of 
the  reform  should  be  observed  in  all  Executive  appointments, 
and  all  laws  at  variance  with  the  object  of  existing  reform 


508       D1CTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

legislation  should  be  repealed,  to  the  end  that  the  dangers  to 
free  institutions  which  lurk  in  the  power  of  official  patronage 
may  be  wisely  and  effectually  avoided." 

The  gratitude  of  the  Nation  to  the  defenders  of  the  Union 
cannot  be  measured  by  laws.  The  legislation  of  Congress 
ihould  conform  to  the  pledge  made  by  a  loyal  people,  and  be 
*o  enlarged  and  extended  as  to  provide  against  the  possibility 
that  any  man  who  honorably  wore  the  Federal  uniform 
should  become  the  inmate  of  an  almshouse,  or  dependent 
upon  private  charity.  In  the  presence  of  an  overflowing 
Treasury  it  would  be  a  public  scandal  to  do  less  for  those 
whose  valorous  service  preserved  the  Government.  We  de- 
nounce the  hostile  spirit  of  President  Cleveland  in  his 
numerous  vetoes  of  measures  for  pension  relief,  and  the  action 
of  the  Democratic  House  of  Representatives  in  refusing  even 
a  consideration  of  general  pension  legislation. 

In  support  of  the  principles  herewith  enunciated,  we  invite 
the  co-operation  of  patriotic  men  of  all  parties,  and  especially 
of  all  workingmen,  whose  prosperity  is  seriously  threatened 
by  the  free-trade  policy  of  the  present  Administration. 

We  reaffirm  our  unswerving  devotion  to  the  personal  rights 
and  liberties  of  citizens.  The  first  concern  of  all  good  govern- 
ment is  the  virtue  and  sobriety  of  the  people  and  the  purity  of 
the  home.  The  Republican  party  cordially  sympathizes  with 
all  wise  and  well-directed  efforts  for  the  promotion  of  temper- 
ance and  morality. 

NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  INDIANAPOLIS,  MAY  31,  1888. 

The  Prohibition  party  in  National  Convention  assembled, 
acknowledging  Almighty  God  as  the  source  of  all  power  ill 
government,  does  hereby  declare : 

That  the  manufacture,  importation,  exportation,  transporta- 
tion and  sale  of  alcoholic  leverages  shall  be  made  public 
crimes  and  prohibited  and  punished  as  such. 

That  such  prohibition  must  be  secured  through  amend- 
ments  of  our  National  and  State  Constitutions,  enforced  by 
adequate  laws  adequately  supported  by  administrative 
authority,  and  to  this  end  the  organization  of  the  Prohibition 
party  is  imperatively  demanded  in  State  and  Nation. 

That  any  form  of  license,  taxation  or  regulation  of  the 
liquor  traffic  is  contrary  to  good  government ;  that  any  party 
which  supports  regulation  by  license  or  tax  enters  into  an 
alliance  with  such  traffic  ana  becomes  the  actual  foe  of  the 
State's  welfare,  and  that  we  arraign  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic parties  for  their  persistent  attitude  in  favor  of  the 
licensed  iniquity,  whereby  they  oppose  the  demand  of  the 
people  for  prohibition  and  through  open  complicity  with  the 
liquor  cause  defeat  the  enforcement  of  law. 

For  the  immediate  abolition  of  the  internal  revenue  system, 
Whereby  our  National  Government  is  deriving  support  front 
our  greatest  national  vice. 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       509 

That  an  adequate  public  revenue  being  necessary,  it  may 
properly  be  raised  by  import  duties,  but  import  duties  should 
be  so  reduced  that  no  surplus  shall  be  accumulated  in  the 
treasury,  and  the  burdens  of  taxation  should  be  removed 
from  foods,  clothing  and  other  comforts  and  necessaries  of 
life,  and  imposed  on  such  other  articles  of  import  as  will  give 

Erotection  to  the  manufacturing  employer  and  producing 
iborer  against  the  competition  of  the  world. 

That  Civil  Service  appointments  for  all  civil  offices,  chiefly 
clerical  in  their  duties,  should  be  based  upon  moral,  intel- 
lectual and  physical  qualifications,  and  not  upon  party 
service  or  party  necessity. 

The  right  of  suffrage  rests  on  no  mere  circumstance  of  race, 
color,  sex  or  nationality,  and  that  where,  from  any  cause,  it 
has  been  withheld  from  citizens  who  are  of  suitable  age  and 
mentally  and  morally  qualified  for  the  exercise  of  an  intelli- 
gent ballot,  it  should  be  restored  by  the  people  through  the 
legislatures  of  the  several  States  on  such  educational  basis  as 
they  may  deem  wise. 

For  the  abolition  of  polygamy  and  the  establishment  of  uni- 
form laws  governing  marriage  and  divorce. 

For  prohibiting  all  combinations  of  capital  to  control  and  to 
increase  the  cost  of  products  for  popular  consumption. 

For  the  preservation  and  defense  of  the  Sabbath  as  a  civil 
institution  without  oppressing  any  who  religiously  observe 
the  same  on  any  other  day  than  the  first  day  of  the  week. 

That  arbitration  is  the  Christian,  wise  and  economic  method 
of  settling  national  differences,  and  the  same  method  should 
by  judicious  legislation  be  applied  to  the  settlement  of  dis- 
putes between  large  bodies  of  employes  and  employers;  that 
the  abolition  of  the  saloon  would  remove  the  burdens,  moral, 
physical,  pecuniary  and  social,  which  now  oppress  labor  and 
rob  it  of  its  earnings,  and  would  prove  to  be  the  wise  and  suc- 
cessful way  of  promoting  labor  reform;  and  we  invite  labor 
and  capital  to  unite  with  us  for  the  accomplishment  thereof. 

That  monopoly  in  land  is  a  wrong  to  the  people,  and  public 
land  should  be  reserved  to  actual  settlers,  and  that  men  and 
women  should  receive  equal  wages  for  equal  work. 

That  our  immigration  laws  should  be  so  enforced  as  to  pre- 
vent the  introduction  into  our  country  of  all  convicts,  inmates 
of  dependent  institutions  and  others  physically  incapacitated 
for  self-support,  and  that  no  person  shall  have  the  ballot  in 
any  State  who  is  not  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 

Recognizing  and  declaring  that  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor 
traffic  has  become  the  dominant  issue  in  national  politics,  we 
invite  to  full  party  fellowship  all  those  who  9n  this  one 
dominant  issue  are  with  us  agreed  in  the  full  belief  that  this 
party  can  and  will  remove  sectional  differences,  promott 
national  unity,  and  insure  the  best  welfare  of  our  native  land. 


510      DICTION AR  ¥  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

PARTY  PLATFORMS. 


DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN,  PROHIBITION,  PEOPLE'S. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JUNE  22,  1892. 

The  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the  United 
States,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  do  reaffirm  their  alleg- 
iance to  the  principles  of  the  party  as  formulated  by  Jefferson  and 
exemplified  by  the  long  and  illustrious  line  of  nine  of  his  success- 
ors in  Democratic  leadership  from  Madison  to  Cleveland. 

We  believe  the  public  welfare  demands  that  these  principles  be 
applied  to  the  conduct  of  the  Federal  Government  through  the 
accession  to  power  of  the  party  that  advocates  them,  and  we 
solemnly  declare  that  the  need  of  a  return  to  these  fundamental 

einciples  of  a  free  popular  Government,  based  on  home  rule  and 
dividual  liberty,  was  never  more  urgent  than  now,  when  the 
tendency  to  centralize  all  power  at  the  Federal  Capitol  has  become 
a  menace  to  the  reserved  rights  of  the  States,  that  strikes  at  the 
very  roots  of  our  Government  under  the  Constitution  as  framed  by 
the  fathers  of  the  Republic. 

We  warn  the  people  of  our  common  country,  jealous  for  the 
preservation  of  their  free  institutions,  that  the  policy  of  Federal 
control  of  elections,  to  which  the  Republican  party  has  com- 
mitted itself,  is  fraught  with  the  gravest  dangers,  scarcely  less 
momentous  than  would  result  from  a  revolution  practically  es- 
tablishing monarchy  on  the  ruins  of  the  Republic.  It  strikes  at 
the  North  as  well  as  the  South  and  injures  the  colored  citizen 
even  more  than  the  white;  it  means  a  horde  of  deputy  marshals 
at  every  polling  place  armed  with  Federal  power,  returning 
boards  appointed  and  controlled  by  Federal  authority,  the  outrage 
of  the  electoral  rights  of  the  people  in  the  several  States,  the  sub- 
jugation  of  the  colored  people  to  the  control  of  the  party  in  power 
and  the  reviving  of  race  antagonisms,  now  happily  abated,  of  the 
utmost  peril  to  the  safety  and  happiness  of  all;  a  measure  de- 
liberately and  justly  described  by  a  leading  Republican  Senator  as 
"  the  most  infamous  bill  that  ever  crossed  the  threshold  of  the 
Senate." 

Such  a  policy,  if  sanctioned  by  law,  would  mean  the  dominance 
of  a  self-perpetuating  oligarchy  of  office-holders,  and  the  party 
first  intrusted  with  its  machinery  could  be  dislodged  from  power 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       5H 

only  by  an  appeal  to  the  reserved  right  of  the  people  to  resist  op 
pression,  which  is  inherent  in  all  self-governing  communities. 

Two  years  ago  this  revolutionary  policy  was  emphatically  con- 
demned by  the  people  at  the  polls;  but  in  contempt  of  that  ver- 
dict the  Republican  party  has  defiantly  declared  in  its  latest  au- 
thoritative utterance  that  its  success  in  the  coming  elections  will 
mean  the  enactment  of  the  Force  Bill  and  the  usurpation  of  des- 
potic control  over  elections  in  all  the  States. 

Believing  that  the  preservation  of  Republican  Government  in 
the  United  States  is  dependent  upon  the  defeat  of  this  policy  of 
legalized  force  and  fraud,  we  invite  the  support  of  all  citizens 
who  desire  to  see  the  Constitution  maintained  in  its  integrity  with 
the  laws  pursuant  thereto,  which  have  given  our  country  a  hun- 
dred years  of  unexampled  prosperity,  and  we  pledge  the  Demo- 
cratic party,  if  to  be  intrusted  with  power,  not  only  to  the  defeat 
of  the  Force  Bill,  but  also  to  relentless  opposition  to  the  Repub- 
lican policy  of  profligate  expenditure  which,  in  the  short  space  of 
two  years,  has  squandered  an  enormous  surplus  and  emptied  an 
overflowing  treasury,  after  piling  new  burdens  of  taxation  upon 
the  already  overtaxed  labor  of  the  country. 

We  denounce  the  Republican  protection  as  a  fraud.  The  labor 
of  the  great  majority  of  the  American  people  for  the  benefit  of 
the  few.  We  declare  it  to  be  a  fundamental  principle  of  the 
Democratic  party  that  the  Federal  Government  has  no  constitu- 
tional power  to  impose  and  collect  tariff  duties,  except  for  the 
purposes  of  revenue  only — and  we  demand  that  the  collection  of 
such  taxes  shall  be  limited  to  the  necessities  of  the  Government, 
when  honestly  and  economically  administered. 

We  denounce  the  McKinley  tariff  law,  enacted  by  the  Fifty- 
first  Congress,  as  the  culminating  atrocity  of  class  legislation;  we 
indorse  the  efforts  made  by  the  Democrats  of  the  present  Con- 
gress to  modify  its  most  oppressive  features  in  the  direction  of 
free  raw  materials  and  cheaper  manufactured  goods  that  enter 
into  general  consumption;  and  we  promise  its  repeal  as  one  of  the 
beneficient  results  that  will  follow  the  action  of  the  people  in  in- 
trusting power  to  the  Democratic  party. 

Since  the  McKinley  tariff  went  into  operation  there  have  been 
ten  reductions  of  the  wages  of  the  laboring  men  to  one  increase. 
We  deny  that  there  has  been  any  increase  of  prosperity  to  the 
country  since  that  tariff  went  into  operation,  and  we  point  to  the 
dullness  and  distress,  the  wage  reductions  and  strikes  in  the  iron 
trade,  as  the  best  possible  evidence  that  no  such  prosperity  has  re- 
sulted from  the  McKinley  act. 

We  call  the  attention  of  thoughtful  Americans  to  the  fact  that 
after  thirty  years  of  restrictive  taxes  against  the  importation  of 
foreign  wealth  in  exchange  for  our  agricultural  surplus,  the 
homes  and  farms  of  the  country  have  become  burdened  with  a 
real  estate  mortgage  debt  of  over  $2,500,000,000,  exclusive  of  all 


512      DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLi  TICS. 

other  forms  of  indebtedness,  that  in  one  of  the  chief  agricultural 
States  of  the  West,  there  appears  a  real  estate  mortgage  debt 
averaging  $165  per  capita  of  the  total  population,  and  that  similar 
conditions  and  tendencies  are  shown  to  exist  in  the  other  agricul- 
tural exporting  states. 

We  denounce  a  policy  which  fosters  no  industry  so  much  as  it 
does  that  of  the  sheriff. 

Trade  interchange  on  the  basis  of  reciprocal  advantages  of  the 
countries  participating  is  a  time  honored  doctrine  of  the  Demo- 
cratic faith,  but  we  denounce  the  sham  reciprocity  which  juggles 
with  the  people's  desire  for  enlarged  foreign  markets  and  freer 
exchanges  by  pretending  to  establish  closer  trade  relations  for  a 
country  whose  articles  of  export  are  almost  exclusively  agricul- 
tural products  with  other  countries  that  are  also  agricultural 
while  erecting  a  Custom-House  barrier  of  prohibitive  tariff  taxes 
against  the  rich  and  the  countries  of  the  world  that  stand  ready  to 
take  our  entire  surplus  of  products  and  to  exchange  therefor  com- 
modities which  are  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  among  our 
own  people. 

We  recognize  in  the  trusts  and  combinations,  which  are  designed 
to  enable  capital  to  secure  more  than  its  just  share  of  the  joint 

Eroduct  of  capital  and  labor,  a  natural  consequence  of  the  pro- 
ibitive  taxes  which  prevent  the  free  competition  which  is  the 
life  of  honest  trade;  but  we  believe  their  worst  evils  can  be 
abated  by  law,  and  we  demand  the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws 
made  to  prevent  and  control  them,  together  with  such  further 
legislation  in  restraint  of  their  abuses  as  experience  may  show  to 
be  necessary. 

The  Republican  party,  while  professing  a  policy  of  reserving 
the  public  land  for  small  holdings  by  actual  settlers,  has  given 
away  the  people's  heritage,  till  now  a  few  railroad  and  non-resi- 
dent, aliens,  individual  and  corporate,  possess  a  larger  area  than 
that  of  all  our  farms  between  the  two  seas. 

The  last  Democratic  Administration  reversed  the  improvident 
and  unwise  policy  of  the  Republican  party  touching  the  public 
domain,  and  reclaimed  from  corporations  and  syndicates,  alien 
and  domestic,  and  restored  to  the  people  nearly  one  hundred 
million  acres  of  valuable  land  to  be  sacredly  held  as  homesteads 
for  our  citizens,  and  we  pledge  ourselves  to  continue  this  policy 
until  every  acre  of  land  so  unlawfully  held  shall  be  reclaimed 
and  restored  to  the  people. 

We  denounce  the  Republican  legislation  known  as  the  Sher- 
man act  of  1890  as  a  cowardly  makeshift,  fraught  with  possibili- 
ties of  danger  in  the  future  which  should  make  all  of  its  sup- 
porters, as  well  as  its  author,  anxious  for  its  speedy  repeal. 

We  hold  to  the  use  of  both  gold  and  silver  as  the  standard 
money  of  the  country,  and  to  the  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver 
without  discriminating  against  either  metal  or  charge  for  mintage, 


DlCTtONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       513 

but  the  dollar  unit  of  coinage  of  both  metals  must  be  of  equal 
intrinsic  and  exchangeable  value  or  be  adjusted  through  inter- 
national agreement,  or  by  such  safeguards  of  legislation  as  shal  1 
insure  the  maintenance  of  the  purity  of  the  two  metals  and  the 
equal  power  of  every  dollar  at  all  times  in  the  markets  and  in  the 
payment  of  debts;  and  we  demand  that  all  paper  currency  shall 
be  kept  at  par  with  and  redeemable  in  such  coin. 

We  insist  upon  this  policy  as  especially  necessary  for  the  pro- 
tection  of  the  farmers  and  laboring  classes,  the  first  and  most  de- 
fenseless victims  of  unstable  money  and  a  fluctuating  currency. 

We  recommend  that  the  prohibitory  10  per  cent,  tax  on  State 
bank  issues  be  repealed. 

Public  office  is  a  public  trust.  We  reaffirm  the  declaration  of 
the  Democratic  National  Convention  of  1876  for  the  reform  of  the 
civil  service,  and  we  call  for  the  honest  enforcement  of  all  laws 
regulating  the  same.  The  nomination  of  a  President,  as  in  the 
recent  Republican  Convention,  by  delegations  composed  largely 
of  his  appointees,  holding  office  at  his  pleasure,  is  a  scandalous 
satire  upon  free  popular  institutions  and  a  startling  illustration  of 
the  methods  by  which  a  President  may  gratify  his  ambition. 

We  denounce  a  policy  under  which  Federal  office-holders  usurp 
control  of  party  conventions  in  the  States,  and  we  pledge  the 
Democratic  party  to  the  reform  of  these  and  all  other  abuses 
which  threaten  individual  liberty  and  local  self-government. 

The  Democratic  party  is  the  only  party  that  has  given  the  coun- 
try a  foreign  policy  consistent  and  vigorous,  compelling  respect 
abroad  and  inspiring  confidence  at  home.  While  avoiding  en- 
tangling alliances,  it  has  aimed  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with 
other  nations  and  especially  with  our  neighbors  on  the  American 
continent  whose  destiny  is  closely  linked  with  our  own,  and  we 
view  with  alarm  the  tendency  to  a  policy  of  irritation  and  bluster 
which  is  liable  at  any  time  to  confront  us  with  the  alternative  of 
humiliation  or  war. 

We  favor  the  maintenance  of  a  navy  strong  enough  for  all  pur- 
poses of  national  defense  and  to  promptly  maintain  the  honor 
and  dignity  of  the  country  abroad. 

This  country  has  always  been  the  refuge  of  the  oppressed  from 
every  land — exiles  for  conscience  sake — and  in  the  spirit  of  the 
founders  of  our  Government  we  condemn  the  oppression  practiced 
by  the  Russian  Government  upon  its  Lutheran  and  Jewish  sub- 
jects, and  we  call  upon  our  National  Government,  in  the  interest 
of  justice  and  humanity,  by  all  just  and  proper  means,  to  use  its 
prompt  and  best  efforts  to  bring  about  a  cessation  of  these  cruel 
persecutions  in  the  dominions  of  the  Czar  and  to  secure  to  the  op- 
pressed equal  rights. 

We  tender  our  profound  and  earnest  sympathy  to  those  lovers 
of  freedom  who  are  struggling  for  home  rule  and  the  great  caus« 
of  local  self-government  in  Ireland. 


514       DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

We  heartily  approve  of  all  legitimate  efforts  to  prevent  th» 
United  States  from  being  used  as  tlie  dumping  ground  for  the 
known  criminals  and  professional  paupers  of  Europe,  and  we  de- 
mand the  rigid  enforcement  of  the  laws  against  Chinese  immigra- 
tion or  the  importation  of  foreign  workmen  under  contract  to  de- 
grade American  labor  and  lessen  its  wages,  but  we  condemn  and 
denounce  any  and  all  attempts  to  restrict  the  immigration  of  the 
industrious  and  worthy  of  foreign  lands. 

This  Convention  hereby  renews  the  expression  of  appreciation 
of  the  patriotism  of  the  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  Union  in  the 
war  for  its  preservation,  and  we  favor  just  and  liberal  pensions 
for  all  disabled  Union  soldiers,  their  widows  and  dependents,  but 
we  demand  that  the  work  of  the  Pension  Office  shall  be  done  in- 
dustriously, impartially,  and  honestly. 

We  denounce  the  present  administration  of  that  office  as  in- 
competent, corrupt,  disgraceful  and  dishonest. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  Republic,  so  as  to 
secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to 
the  tidewater. 

When  any  waterway  of  the  Republic  is  of  sufficient  importance 
to  demand  the  aid  of  the  Government — that  such  aid  should  be 
extended  by  a  definite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent 
improvement  is  secured. 

For  purposes  of  national  defense  and  the  promotion  of  com- 
merce  between  the  States,  we  recognize  the  early  construction  of 
the  Nicaragua  Canal  and  its  protection  against  foreign  control  as 
of  great  importance  to  the  United  States. 

Recognizing  the  World's  Columbian  Exposition  as  a  national 
dndertaking  of  vast  importance,  in  which  the  General  Govern- 
ment has  invited  the  co-operation  of  all  the  powers  of  the  world, 
and  appreciating  the  acceptance  by  many  of  such  powers  of  the 
invitation  extended  and  the  broadest  liberal  efforts  being  made  by 
them  to  contribute  to  the  grandeur  of  the  undertaking,  we  are  of 
the  opinion  that  Congress  should  make  such  necessary  financial 
provision  as  shall  be  requisite  to  the  maintenance  of  the  national 
honor  and  public  faith. 

Popular  education  being  the  only  safe  basis  of  popular  suffer- 
age,  we  recommend  to  the  several  States  most  liberal  appropria- 
tions for  the  public  schools.  Free  common  schools  are  the  nur- 
sery of  good  government,  and  they  have  always  received  the  fos- 
tering care  of  the  Democratic  party,  which  favors  every  means  of 
increasing  intelligence.  Freedom  of  education  being  an  essential 
of  civil  and  religious  liberty  as  well  as  a  necessity  for  the  devel 
opment  of  intelligence,  must  not  be  interfered  with  under  any 
pretext  whatever. 

We  are  opposed  to  State  interference  with  parental  rights  and 
righU  of  conscience  in  the  education  of  children  as  an  infringe* 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      515 

ment  of  the  fundamental  Democratic  doctrine  that  the  largest  in- 
dividual  liberty  consistent  with  the  rights  of  others  insures  the 
highest  type  of  American  citizenship  and  the  best  government. 

We  approve  the  action  of  the  present  House  of  Representatives 
in  passing  bills  for  the  admission  into  the  Union  as  States  of 
the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona,  and  we  favor  the  early 
admission  of  all  the  Territories  having  necessary  population  and 
resources  to  admit  them  to  Statehood,  and  while  they  remain 
Territories  we  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to  administer  the 
government  of  any  Territory,  together  with  the  Districts  of  Co- 
lumbia and  Alaska,  should  be  bona  fide  residents  of  the  Territory 
or  District  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  performed. 

The  Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule  and  the  control  of 
their  own  affairs  by  the  people  of  the  vicinage. 

We  favor  legislation  by  Congress  and  State  Legislatures  to  pro- 
tect the  lives  and  limbs  of  railway  employees  and  those  of  other 
hazardous  transportation  companies,  and  denounce  the  inactivity 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  particularly  the  Republican  Senate, 
for  causing  the  defeat  of  measures  beneficial  and  protective  to  this 
class  of  wage- workers. 

We  are  in  favor  of  the  enactment  by  the  States  of  laws  for 
abolishing  the  notorious  sweating  system,  for  abolishing  contract 
convict  labor  and  for  prohibiting  the  employment  in  factories  of 
children  under  fifteen  years  of  age. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  sumptuary  laws  as  an  interference  with 
the  individual  rights  of  the  citizen. 

Upon  this  statement  of  principles  and  policies  the  Democratic 
party  asks  the  intelligent  judgment  of  the  American  people.  It 
asks  a  change  of  administration  and  a  change  of  party  in  order 
that  there  may  be  a  change  of  system  and  a  change  of  methods, 
thus  assuring  the  maintenance,  unimpaired,  of  institutions  undei 
which  the  Republic  has  grown  great  and  powerful. 


516       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  MINNEAPOLIS,  JUKE  9,  1892. 

The  representatives  of  the  Republicans  of  the  United  States, 
assembled  in  general  convention  on  the  shores  of  the  Mississ- 
ippi River,  the  everlasting  bond  of  an  indestructible  Republic, 
whose  most  glorious  chapter  of  history  is  the  record  of  the  Re- 
publician  party,  congratulate  their  countrymen  on  the  majestic 
march  of  the  nation  under  the  banners  inscribed  with  the  prin- 
ciples of  our  platform  of  1888,  vindicated  by  victory  at  the  polls 
and  prosperity  in  our  fields,  workshops  and  mines,  and  make  the 
following  declaration  of  principles. 

We  reaffirm  the  American  doctrine  of  protection.  We  call 
attention  to  its  growth  abroad.  We  maintain  that  the  prosperous 
condition  of  our  country  is  largely  due  to  the  wise  revenue  leg- 
islation of  the  Republican  Congress. 

We  believe  that  all  articles  which  cannot  be  produced  in  the 
United  States,  except  luxuries,  should  be  admitted  free  of  duty,  and 
that  on  all  imports  coming  into  competition  with  the  products  of 
American  labor  there  should  be  levied  duties  equal  to  the  differ- 
ence between  wages  abroad  and  at  home. 

We  assert  that  the  prices  of  manufactured  articles  of  general 
consumption  have  been  reduced  under  the  operations  of  the 
Tariff  act  of  1890. 

We  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  Democratic  majority  of  the 
House  of  Representatives  to  destroy  our  tariff  laws  piecemeal,  as 
is  manifested  by  their  attacks  upon  wool,  lead  and  lead  ores,  the 
chief  products  of  a  number  of  States,  and  we  ask  the  people  for 
their  judgment  thereon. 

We  point  to  the  success  of  the  Republican  policy  of  recipro- 
city, under  which  our  export  trade  has  vastly  increased,  and  new 
and  enlarged  markets  have  been  opened  for  the  products  of  our 
farms  and  workshops. 

We  remind  the  people  of  the  bitter  opposition  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  to  this  practical  business  measure,  and  claim  that, 
executed  by  a  Republcian  Administration,  our  present  laws  will 
eventually  give  us  control  of  the  trade  of  the  world. 

The  American  people,  from  tradition  and  interest,  favor  bime- 
tallism, and  the  Republican  party  demands  the  use  of  both  gold 
and  silver  as  standard  money,  with  such  restrictions  and  under 
such  provisions,  to  be  determined  by  legislation,  as  will  secure 
the  maintenance  of  the  parity  of  values  of  the  two  metals,  so 
that  the  purchasing  and  debt-paying  power  of  the  dollar,  whether 
of  silver,  gold  or  paper,  shall  be  at  all  times  equal.  The  interests 
of  the  producers  of  the  country,  its  farmers  and  its  workingnien, 
demand  that  every  dollar,  paper  or  coin,  issued  by  the  Govern- 
ment shall  be  as  good  as  any  other. 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       517 

We  commend  the  wise  and  patriotic  steps  already  taken  by  our 
Government  to  secure  an  international  conference  to  adopt  such 
measures  as  will  insure  a  parity  of  value  between  gold  and  silver 
for  use  as  money  throughout  the  world. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot  in  all  public 
elections,  and  that  such  ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as 
cast;  that  such  laws  shall  be  enacted  and  enforced  as  will  secure 
to  every  citizen,  be  he  rich  or  poor,  native  or  foreign  born,  white 
or  black,  this  sovereign  right  guaranteed  by  the  Constitution. 

The  free  and  honest  popular  ballot,  the' just  and  equal  repre- 
sentation of  all  the  people  as  well  as  their  just  and  equal  pro- 
tection  under  the  laws,  are  the  foundation  of  our  Republican  in- 
stitutions, and  the  party  will  never  relax  its  efforts  until  the 
integrity  of  the  ballot  and  the  purity  of  elections  shall  be  fully 
guaranteed  and  protected  in  every  State. 

We  denounce  the  continued  inhuman  outrages  perpetrated 
upon  American  citizens  for  political  reasons  in  certain  Southern 
States  of  the  Union. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  our  foreign  commerce,  the  restora- 
tion of  our  mercantile  marine  by  home-built  ships  and  the  crea- 
tion of  a  Navy  for  the  protection  of  our  National  interests  and 
the  honor  of  our  flag ;  the  maintenance  of  the  most  friendly  re- 
lations with  all  foreign  Powers,  entangling  alliances  with  none, 
and  the  protection  of  the  rights  of  our  fishermen. 

We  reaffirm  our  approval  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  and  Relieve 
in  the  achievement  of  the  manifest  destiny  of  the  Republic  in  its 
broadest  sense. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  more  stringent  laws  and  regulations 
for  the  restriction  of  criminal,  pauper  and  contract  immigration. 

We  favor  efficient  legislation  by  Congress  to  protect  the  life 
and  limbs  of  employees  of  transportation  companies  engaged  in 
carrying  on  inter- state  commerce,  and  recommend  legislation  by 
the  respective  States  that  will  protect  employees  engaged  in  State 
commerce,  in  mining  and  manufacturing. 

The  Republican  party  has  always  been  the  champion  of  the 
oppressed,  and  recognizes  the  dignity  of  manhood,  irrespective  of 
faith,  color  or  nationality;  it  sympathizes  with  the  cause  of  Home 
Rule  in  Ireland,  and  protests  against  the  persecution  of  the  Jews 
in  Russia. 

The  ultimate  reliance  of  free  popular  government  is  the  intelli- 
gence of  the  people  and  the  maintenance  of  freedom  among  men. 
We  therefore  declare  anew  our  devotion  to  liberty  of  thought 
and  conscience,  of  speech  and  press,  and  approve  all  agencies  and 
instrumentalities  which  contribute  to  the  education  of  the  chil- 
dren of  the  land;  but,  while  insisting  upon  the  Dullest  measure 
of  religious  liberty,  we  are  opposed  to  any  union  of  Church  and 
State. 


518      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

We  reaffirm  our  opposition,  declared  in  the  Republican  plat- 
form  of  1888,  to  all  combinations  of  capital  organized  in  trusts  or 
otherwise,  to  control  arbitrarily  the  condition  of  trade  among  our 
citizens.  We  heartily  indorse  the  action  already  taken  upon  this 
subject,  and  ask  for  such  further  legislation  as  may  be  required 
to  remedy  any  defects  in  existing  laws,  and  to  render  their 
enforcement  more  complete  and  effective. 

We  approve  the  policy  of  extending  to  towns,  villages  and 
rural  communities  the  advantages  of  the  free  delivery  service, 
now  enjoyed  by  the  larger  cities  of  the  country,  and  reaffirm  the 
declaration  contained  in  the  Republican  platform  of  1888,  pledg- 
ing the  reduction  of  letter  postage  to  one  cent,  at  the  earliest  pos- 
sible moment  consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  the  Post-Office 
Department,  and  the  highest  class  of  postal  service. 

We  commend  the  spirit  and  evidence  of  reform  in  the  Civil 
Service,  and  the  wise  and  consistent  enforcement  by  the  Repub- 
lican party  of  the  laws  regulating  the  same. 

The  construction  of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  is  of  the  highest  im- 
portance to  the  American  people,  both  as  a  measure  of  National 
defence  and  to  build  up  and  maintain  American  commerce,  and  it 
should  be  controlled  by  the  United  States  Government. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at  the 
earliest  practical  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All  the  Fed- 
eral officers  appointed  for  the  Territories  should  be  selected  from 
bona  fide  residents  thereof,  and  the  right  of  self  government 
should  be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  favor  cession,  subject  to  the  Homestead  laws,  of  the  arid 
public  lands  to  the  States  and  Territories  in  which  they  lie, 
under  such  Congressional  restrictions  as  to  disposition,  reclama- 
tion and  occupancy  by  settlers  as  will  secure  the  maximum  bene- 
fits to  the  people. 

The  World's  Columbian  Exposition  is  a  great  National  under- 
taking, and  Congress  should  promptly  enact  such  reasonable 
legislation  in  aid  thereof  as  will  insure  a  discharge  of  the  expenses 
and  obligations  incident  thereto,  and  the  attainment  of  results 
commensurate  with  the  dignity  and  progress  of  the  Nation. 

In  temperance  we  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate 
efforts  to  lessen  and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  pro- 
mote morality. 

Ever  mindful  of  the  services  and  sacrifices  of  the  men  who 
saved  the  life  of  the  Nation,  we  pledge  anew  to  the  veteran 
soldiers  of  the  Republic  a  watchful  care  and  recognition  of  their 
just  claims  upon  a  grateful  people. 

We  commend  the  able,  patriotic  and  thoroughly  American  Ad- 
ministration of  President  Harrison.  Under  it  the  country  has 
enjoyed  remarkable  prosperity,  and  the  dignity  and  honor  of  th« 
Nation,  at  home  and  abroad,  have  been  faithfully  maintained,  and 
we  offer  the  record  of  pledges  kept  as  a  guarantee  of  faithful  per- 
formance in  the  future. 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       519 
NATIONAL  PROHIBITION  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  OMAHA,  JUNE  30,  1892. 

The  Prohibition  party  in  National  Convention  assembled,  ac- 
knowledging Almighty  God  as  the  source  of  true  government  and 
his  law  as  the  standard  to  which  all  human  enactments  must  con- 
form to  secure  the  blessings  of  peace  and  prosperity,  presents  the 
following  declaration  of  principles: 

The  liquor  traffic  is  a  foe  to  civilization,  the  arch  enemy  of 
popular  government  and  a  public  nuisance.  It  is  the  citadel  of  the 
forces  that  corrupt  politics,  promote  poverty  and  crime,  degrade 
the  nation's  home  life,  thwart  the  will  of  the  people  and  deliver 
our  country  into  the  hands  of  rapacious  class  interests.  All  laws 
that,  under  the  guise  of  regulation,  legalize  and  protect  this 
traffic  or  make  the  Government  share  in  its  illgotten  gains  are 
"  vicious  in  principle  and  powerless  as  a  remedy." 

We  declare  anew  for  the  entire  suppression  of  the  manufacture, 
sale,  importation,  exportation  and  transportation  of  alcoholic 
liquors  as  a  beverage  by  Federal  and  State  legislation,  and  the  full 
powers  of  the  Government  should  be  exerted  to  secure  this  result. 
Any  party  that  fails  to  recognize  the  dominant  nature  of  this 
issue  in  American  politics  is  undeserving  of  the  support  of  the 
people. 

No  citizen  should  be  denied  the  right  to  vote  on  account  of  sex, 
and  equal  labor  should  receive  equal  wages  without  regard  to 
sex. 

The  money  of  the  country  should  be  issued  by  the  general  Gov- 
ernment only,  and  in  sufficient  quantities  to  meet  the  demands  of 
business  and  give  full  opportunity  for  the  employment  of  labor. 
To  this  end  an  increase  in  the  volume  of  money  is  demanded,  and 
no  individual  or  corporation  should  be  allowed  to  make  any  profit 
through  its  issue.  It  should  be  made  a  legal  tender  for  the  pay- 
ment of  all  debts,  public  and  private.  Its  volume  should  be  fixed 
at  a  definite  sum  per  capita  and  made  to  increase  with  our  in- 
crease in  population. 

Tariff  should  be  levied  only  as  a  defense  against  foreign  gov- 
ernments which  levy  tariff  upon  or  bar  out  our  products  from 
their  markets,  revenue  being  incidental.  The  residue  of  means 
necessary  to  an  economical  administration  of  the  Government 
should  be  raised  by  levying  a  burden  upon  what  the  people  pos- 
sess instead  of  upon  what  we  consume. 

Railroad,  telegraph  and  other  public  corporations  should  be 
controlled  by  the  Government  in  the  interest  of  the  people,  and 
no  higher  charges  allowed  than  necessary  to  give  fair  interest  on 
the  capital  actually  invested. 

Foreign  immigration  has  become  a  burder  ^pon  industry,  one 


520       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

of  the  factors  in  depressing  wages  and  causing  discontent,  there- 
fore  our  immigration  laws  should  be  revised  and  strictly  enforced. 
The  time  of  residence  for  naturalization  should  be  extended,  and 
no  naturalized  person  should  be  allowed  to  vote  until  one  year 
after  he  becomes  a  citizen. 

Non-resident  aliens  should  not  be  allowed  to  acquire  land  in 
this  country,  and  we  favor  the  limitation  of  individual  and  cor- 
porate ownership  of  land.  All  unearned  grants  of  land  to  rail- 
road companies  or  other  corporations  should  be  reclaimed. 

Years  of  inaction  and  treachery  on  the  part  of  the  Republican 
and  Democratic  parties  have  resulted  in  the  present  reign  of  mob 
law,  and  we  demand  that  every  citizen  be  protected  in  the  right 
of  trial  by  constitutional  tribunals. 

All  men  should  be  protected  by  the  law  in  their  right  to  one 
day's  rest  in  seven. 

Arbitration  is  the  wisest  and  most  economical  and  humane 
method  of  settling  National  differences. 

Speculation  in  margins,  the  cornering  of  grain,  money  and  pro- 
ducts and  the  formation  of  pools,  trusts  and  combinations  for  the 
arbitrary  advancement  of  prices  should  be  suppressed. 

We  pledge  that  the  Prohibition  party,  if  elected  to  power,  will 
ever  grant  just  pensions  to  disabled  veterans  of  the  Union  Army 
and  Navy,  their  widows  and  orphans. 

We  stand  unequivocally  for  the  American  public  schools  and 
opposed  to  any  appropriation  of  public  moneys  for  sectarian 
schools.  We  declare  that  only  by  united  support  of  such  com- 
mon schools,  taught  in  the  English  language,  can  we  hope  to 
become  and  remain  an  homogeneous  and  harmonious  people. 

We  arraign  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  as  false  to 
the  standards  reared  by  their  founders,  as  faithless  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  illustrious  leaders  of  the  past  to  whom  they  do 
homage  with  the  lips;  as  recreant  to  the  "higher  law"  which  is 
inflexible  in  political  affairs  as  in  personal  life,  and  as  no  longer 
embodying  the  aspirations  of  the  American  people  or  inviting  the 
confidence  of  enlightened  progressive  patriotism.  Their  protest 
against  the  admission  of  "moral  issues  "into  politics  is  a  con- 
fession of  their  own  moral  degeneracy. 

The  declaration  of  an  eminent  authority  that  municipal  misrule 
is  "the  one  conspicuous  failure  of  American  politics,"  follows  as 
a  natural  consequence  of  such  degeneracy,  and  is  true  alike  of 
cities  under  Republican  and  Democratic  control.  Each  accuses 
the  other  of  extravagance  in  Congressional  appropriations,  and 
both  are  alike  guilty,  each  protests  when  out  of  power  against " 
the  infraction  of  the  civil  service  laws,  and  each  when  in  power 
violates  those  laws  in  letter  and  spirit,  each  professes  fealty  to 
the  interests  of  the  toiling  masses,  but  both  covertly  truckle  to 
the  money  power  on  their  administration  of  public  affairs. 

Even  the  tariff  issues  as  represented  in  the  Democratic  Millt 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       521 

bill  and  the  Republican  McKinley-bill  is  no  longer  treated  by 
them  as  an  issue  upon  great  and  divergent  principles  of  govern- 
ment, but  is  a  mere  catering  to  different  sectional  and  class 
interests. 

The  attempt  in  many  States  to  wrest  the  Australian  ballot 
system  from  its  true  purpose,  and  to  so  deform  it  as  to  render  it 
extremely  difficult  for  new  parties  to  exercise  the  rights  of  suf- 
frage, is  an  outrage  upon  popular  government .  The  competition 
of  both  the  parties  for  the  vote  of  the  slums,  and  their  assiduous 
courting  of  the  liquor  power,  and  subserviency  to  the  money 
power,  has  resulted  in  placing  those  powers  in  the  position  of 
practical  arbiters  of  the  destiny  of  the  nation. 

We  renew  our  protest  against  these  perilous  tendencies,  and  in- 
vite all  citizens  to  join  us  in  the  upbuilding  of  a  party  that,  an 
nhown  in  five  national  campaigns,  prefers  temporary  defeat  to 
an  abandonment  of  the  claims  of  justice,  sobriety,  personal  rights 
and  the  protection  of  American  homes. 


522      DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  OMAHA,  JULY  4,  1892. 

Assembled  upon  the  one  hundred  and  sixteenth  aniversary  of 
the  Declaration  of  Independence  the  People's  party  of  America, 
in  their  first  National  Convention,  invoking  upon  their  action  the 
blessing  of  Almighty  God,  puts  forth,  in  the  name  and  on  behalf 
of  the  people  of  this  country,  the  following  preamble  and  delara- 
tion  of  principles. 

The  conditions  which  surround  us  best  justify  our  cooperation; 
we  meet  in  the  midst  of  a  nation  brought  to  the  verge  of  moral,  po- 
litical, and  material  ruin.  Corruption  dominates  the  ballot  box, 
the  Legislatures,  the  Congress,  and  touches  even  the  ermine  of 
the  bench.  The  people  are  demoralized;  most  of  the  States  have 
been  compelled  to  isolate  the  voters  at  the  polling  places  to  pre- 
vent universal  intimidation  or  bribery.  The  newspapers  are 
largely  subsidized  or  muzzled;  public  opinion  silenced;  business 
prostrated;  our  homes  covered  with  mortgages;  labor  impover- 
ished, and  the  land  concentrating  in  the  hands  of  the  capitalists. 
The  urban  workmen  are  denied  the  right  of  organization  for  self- 
protection;  imported  pauperized  labor  beats  down  their  wages;  a 
hireling  standing  army,  unrecognized  by  our  laws,  is  established 
to  shoot  them  down,  and  they  are  rapidly  degenerating  into  Euro- 
pean conditions.  The  fruits  of  the  toil  of  millions  are  boldly 
stolen  to  build  up  colossal  fortunes  for  a  few,  unprecedented  in  the 
history  of  mankind;  and  the  possessors  of  these,  in  turn,  despise 
the  republic  and  endanger  liberty.  From  the  same  prolific  womb 
of  the  governmental  injustice  we  breed  the  two  great  classes- 
tramps  and  millionaries. 

The  national  power  to  create  money  is  appropriated  to  enrich 
bondholders;  a  vast  public  debt,  payable  in  legal  tender  currency, 
has  been  funded  into  gold-bearing  bonds,  thereby  adding  millions 
to  the  burdens  of  the  people. 

Silver,  which  has  been  accepted  as  coin  since  the  dawn  of  his- 
tory, has  been  demonetized  to  add  to  the  purchasing  power  of 
gold  by  decreasing  the  value  of  all  forms  of  property  as  well  as 
human  labor,  and  the  supply  of  currency  is  purposely  abridged  to 
fatten  usurpers,  bankrupt  enterprises,  and  enslave  industry. 

A  vast  conspiracy  against  mankind  has  been  organized  on  two 
continents,  and  it  is  rapidly  taking  possession  of  the  world.  If 
not  met  and  overthrown  at  once,  it  forebodes  terrible  social  con- 
vulsions, the  destruction  of  civilization,  or  the  establishment  of 
an  absolute  despotism. 

We  have  witnessed  for  more  than  a  quarter  of  a  century  the 
struggles  of  the  two  great  political  parties  for  power  and  plunder. 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      523 

while  grievous  wrongs  have  been  inflicted  upon  the  suffering 
poor.  We  charge  that  the  controlling  influences  dominating  both 
these  parties  have  permitted  the  existing  dreadful  conditions  to 
develop  without  serious  effort  to  prevent  or  restrain  them. 
Neither  do  they  now  promise  us  any  substantial  reform.  They  have 
agreed  together  to  ignore,  in  the  coming  campaign,  every  issue 
but  one.  They  propose  to  drown  the  outcries  of  a  plundered 
people  with  the  uproar  of  a  sham  battle  over  the  tariff,  so  that 
capitalists,  corporations,  national  banks,  rings,  trusts,  watered 
Block,  the  demonetization  of  silver,  and  the  oppressions  of  th« 
usurers  may  be  all  lost  sight  of.  They  propose  to  sacrifice  our 
homes,  lives,  and  children  on  the  altar  of  Mammon;  to  destroy 
the  multitude  in  order  to  secure  corrupt  funds  from  the  million- 
aires. 

Assembled  on  the  anniversary  of  the  birthday  of  the  nation, 
and  filled  with  the  spirit  of  the  grand  generation  who  established 
our  independence,  we  seek  to  restore  the  Government  of  the  re- 
public to  the  hands  of  "the  plain  people,"  with  which  class  it 
originated. 

We  assert  our  purposes  to  be  identical  with  the  purposes  of  the 
national  Constitution — to  form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish 
justice,  insure  domestic  tranquility,  provide  for  the  common  de- 
fence, promote  the  general  welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of 
liberty  for  ourselves  and  our  posterity. 

We  declare  that  this  republic  can  only  endure  as  a  free  govern- 
ment while  built  upon  the  love  of  the  whole  people  for  each  other 
and  for  the  nation;  it  cannot  be  pinned  together  by  bayonets;  that 
the  civil  war  is  over,  and  that  every  passion  and  resentment 
which  grew  out  of  it  must  die  with  it,  and  that  we  must  be  in 
fact,  as  we  are  in  name,  the  United  Brotherhood  of  Freemen. 

Our  country  finds  itself  confronted  by  conditions  for  which 
there  is  no  precedent  in  the  history  of  the  world;  our  annual 
agricultural  productions  amount  to  billions  of  dollars  in  value, 
which  must  within  a  few  weeks  or  months  be  exchanged  for  bil- 
lions of  dollars  of  commodities  consumed  in  their  production;  the 
existing  currency  supply  is  wholly  inadequate  to  make  this  ex- 
change; the  results  are  falling  prices,  the  formation  of  combines 
and  rings,  and  the  impoverishment  of  the  producing  class.  We 
pledge  ourselves  that  if  given  power  we  will  labor  to  correct 
these  evils  by  wise  and  reasonable  legislation,  in  accordance  with 
the  terms  of  our  platform. 

We  believe  that  the  powers  of  Government — in  other  words,  of 
the  people — should  be  expended  (as  in  the  case  of  the  postal  ser- 
vice) as  rapidly  and  as  far  as  the  good  sense  of  an  intelligent 
people  and  the  teachings  of  experience  shall  justify,  to  the  end 
that  oppression,  injustice  and  poverty  shall  eventually  cease  in 
the  land. 

Whil«  our  sympathies  as  a  party  of  reform  are  naturally  upon 


524       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


the  side  of  every  proposition  winch  will  tend  to  make  men  intelli- 
gent, virtuous,  and  temperate,  we  nevertheless  regard  these  ques- 
tions— important  as  they  are — as  secondary  to  the  great  issues 
now  pressing  for  solution,  and  upon  which  not  only  our  individ- 
ual prosperity,  but  the  very  existence  of  free  institutions  depend; 
and  we  ask  all  men  to  first  help  us  to  determine  whether  we  are 
to  have  a  republic  to  administer  before  we  differ  as  to  the  condi- 
tions upon  which  it  is  to  be  administered;  believing  that  the 
forces  of  reform  this  day  organized  will  never  cease  to  move  for- 
ward until  every  wrong  is  remedied,  and  equal  rights  and  equal 
privileges  securely  established  for  all  the  men  and  women  of  this 
country. 
We  declare  therefore, 

1.  That  the  union  of  the  labor  forces  of  the  United  States  this 
day  consummated  shall  be  permanent  and  perpetual — may  its 
spirit  enter  into  all  hearts  for  the  salvation  of    the  Republic, 
and  the  uplifting  of  mankind. 

2.  Wealth  belongs  to  him  who  creates  it,  and  every  dollar 
taken  from  industry,  without  an  equivalent,  is  robbery.     "If 
any  man  will  not  work  neither  shall  he  eat."    The  interests  of 
rural  and  civic  labor  are  the  same;  their  enemies  are  identical. 

3.  We  believe  that  the  time  has  come  when  the  railroad  corpor- 
ations will  either  own  the  people  or  the  people  must  own  the 
railroads,  and  should  the  Government  enter  upon  the  work  of 
owning  and  managing  any  and  all  railroads  we  should  favor  an 
amendment  to  the  Constitution  by  which  all  persons  engaged  in 
the  Government  service  shall  be  placed  under  a  civil  service  regu- 
lation of  the  most  rigid  character,  so  as  to  prevent  the  increase  of 
the  power  of  the  National  Administration  by  the  use  of  such  addi- 
tional Government  employees. 

We  demand  a  national  currency,  safe,  sound,  and  flexible, 
issued  by  the  general  Government  only,  a  full  legal  tender  for  all 
debts,  public  and  private,  and  that  without  the  use  of  banking 
corporations,  a  just,  equitable,  and  efficient  means  of  distribution 
direct  to  the  people,  at  a  tax  not  to  exceed  two  per  cent,  per 
annum,  to  be  provided  as  set  forth  in  the  sub-Treasury  plan  of 
the  Farmers'  Alliance  or  some  better  system;  also  by  payment  in 
discharge  of  its  obligations  for  public  improvements. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  gold 
at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1. 

We  demand  that  the  amount  of  the  circulating  medium  b« 
speedily  increased  to  not  less  than  $50  per  capita. 

We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax. 

We  believe  that  the  monies  of  the  country  should  be  kept  as 
much  as  possible  in  the  hands  of  the  people,  and  hence  we  de- 
mand that  all  national  and  State  revenues  shall  be  limited  to  the 
necessary  expenses,  economically  and  honestly  administered. 

We  demand  that  postal  savings  bunks  be  established  by  the 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       525 

Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  earnings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 

Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and  a  public  neces- 
sity, the  Government  should  own  and  operate  the  railroads  in  the 
interest  of  the  people. 

The  telegraph  and  telephone,  like  the  Post  Office  system,  being 
a  necessity  for  the  transmission  of  news,  should  be  owned  and 
operated  by  the  Government  in  the  interest  of  the  people. 

The  land,  including  all  the  natural  sources  of  wealth,  is  the 
heritage  of  all  the  people,  and  should  not  be  monopolized  for 
speculative  purposes,  and  alien  ownership  of  xand  should  be  pro- 
hibited. All  lands  now  held  by  railroads  and  other  corporations 
in  excess  of  their  actual  needs,  and  all  lands  now  owned  by  aliens 
should  be  reclaimed  by  the  Government  and  held  for  actual  set- 
tlers only. 


526      DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITIC*. 


PARTY  PLATFORMS. 

i^Qa. 

DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN,  PROHIBITION,  PEOPLE'S  AND  SILVER. 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JULY  9,  1896. 

We,  the  Democrats  of  the  United  States  in  National  Convention 
assembled,  do  reaffirm  our  allegiance  to  those  great  essential  prin- 
ciples of  justice  and  liberty  upon  which  our  institutions  are 
founded,  and  which  the  Democratic  party  has  advocated  from 
Jefferson's  time  to  our  own — freedom  of  speech,  freedom  of  the 
press,  freedom  of  conscience,  the  preservation  of  personal  rights, 
the  equality  of  all  citizens  before  the  law,  and  the  faithful  ob- 
servance of  constitutional  limitations. 

During  all  these  years  the  Democratic  party  has  resisted  the 
tendency  of  selfish  interests  to  the  centralization  of  governmental 
power,  and  steadfastly  maintained  the  integrity  of  the  dual  scheme 
of  government  established  by  the  founders  of  this  republic  of  re- 
publics. Under  its  guidance  and  teachings  the  great  principle  of 
local  self-government  has  found  its  best  expression  in  the  main- 
teuance  of  the  rights  of  the  States  and  in  its  assertion  of  the  neces- 
sity of  confining  the  general  Government  to  the  exercise  of  powers 
granted  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  guarantees  to  every  citi- 
zen the  rights  of  civil  and  religious  liberty.  The  Democratic 
party  has  always  been  the  exponent  of  political  liberty  and  relig- 
ious freedom,  and  it  renews  its  obligations  and  reaffirms  its  devo- 
tion to  these  fundamental  principles  of  the  Constitution. 

Recognizing  that  the  money  question  is  paramount  to  all  others 
at  this  time,  we  invite  attention  to  the  fact  that  the  Constitution 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       527 

names  silver  and  gold  together  as  the  money  metals  of  the  United 
States,  and  that  the  first  coinage  law  passed  by  Congress  under 
the  Constitution  made  the  silver  dollar  the'  money  unit,  and  ad- 
mitted gold  to  free  coinage  at  a  ratio  based  upon  the  silver  dollar  unit. 

We  declare  that  the  act  of  1873  demonetizing  silver  without  the 
knowledge  or  approval  of  the  American  people  has  resulted  in  the 
appreciation  of  gold,  and  a  corresponding  fall  in  the  prices  of 
commodities  produced  by  the  people  ;  a  heavy  increase  in  the 
burden  of  taxation  and  of  all  debts,  public  and  private,  the  en- 
richment of  the  money-lending  class  at  home  and  abroad,  the 
prostration  of  industry,  and  impoverishment  of  the  people. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  monometallism,  which  has 
locked  fast  the  prosperity  of  an  industrial  people  in  the  paralysis 
of  hard  times.  Gold  monometallism  is  a  British  policy,  and  its 
adoption  has  brought  other  nations  into  financial  servitude  to 
London.  It  is  not  only  un-American,  but  anti-American,  and  it 
can  be  fastened  on  the  United  States  only  by  the  stifling  of  that 
spirit  and  love  of  liberty  which  proclaimed  our  political  independ- 
ence in  1776  and  won  it  in  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 

We  demand  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  waiting  for  the 
aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation.  We  demand  that  the  standard 
silver  dollar  shall  be  a  full  legal  tender,  equally  with  gold  for  all 
debts,  public  and  private,  and  we  favor  such  legislation  as  will 
prevent  for  the  future  the  demonetization  of  any  kind  of  legal- 
tender  money  by  private  contract. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  policy  and  practice  of  surrendering  to 
the  holders  of  the  obligations  of  the  United  States  the  option  re- 
served by  law  to  the  Government  of  redeeming  such  obligations  in 
either  silver  coin  or  gold  coin. 

We  are  opposed  to  the  issuing  of  interest-bearing  bonds  of  the 
United  States  in  time  of  peace,  and  condemn  the  trafficking  with 
banking  syndicates,  which,  in  exchange  for  bonds  and  at  an  enor- 
mous profit  to  themselves,  supply  the  Federal  Treasury  with  gold 
to  maintain  the  policy  of  gold  monometallism. 

Congress  alone  has  the  power  to  coin  and  issue  money,  and 
President  Jackson  declared  that  this  power  could  not  be  delegated 
to  corporations  or  individuals.  We  therefore  denounce  the  issu- 
ance of  notes  intended  to  circulate  as  money  by  national  banks  as 
in  derogation  of  the  Constitution,  and  we  demand  that  all  paper 
which  is  made  a  legal  tender  for  public  and  private  debts  or  which 
is  receivable  for  duties  to  the  United  States  shall  be  issued  by  the 
Government  of  the  United  States  and  shall  be  redeemable  in  coin. 

We  hold  that  tariff  duties  should  be  levied  for  purposes  of  rev- 
enue, such  duties  to  be  so  adjusted  as  to  operate  equally  through- 
out the  country  and  not  discriminate  between  class  or  section,  and 
that  taxation  should  be  limited  by  the  needs  of  the  Gorsrnrnent 
honestly  and  economically  administered. 

We  denounce  as  disturbing  to  business  the  Republican  threat 


528       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

to  restore  the  McKinley  law,  which  has  twice  been  condemned  by 
the  people  in  national  elections,  and  which,  enacted  under  the 
false  plea  of  protection  to  home  industry,  proved  a  prolific  breeder 
of  trusts  and  monopolies,  enriched  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the 
many,  restricted  trade,  and  deprived  the  producers  of  the  great 
American  staples  of  access  to  their  natural  markets. 

Until  the  money  question  is  settled  we  are  opposed  to  any  agi- 
tation for  further  changes  in  our  tariff  laws,  except  such  as  are 
necessary  to  meet  the  deficit  in  revenue  caused  by  the  adverse 
decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  on  the  income  tax.  But  for  this 
decision  by  the  Supreme  Court  there  would  be  no  deficit  in  the 
revenue  under  the  law  passed  by  a  Democratic  Congress  in  strict 
pursuance  of  the  uniform  decisions  of  that  court  for  nearly  one 
hundred  years,  that  court  having  in  that  decision  sustained  con- 
stitutional objections  to  its  enactment  which  had  previously  been 
overruled  by  the  ablest  judges  who  have  ever  sat  on  that  bench. 
We  declare  that  it  is  the  duty  of  Congress  to  use  all  the  constitu- 
tional power  which  remains  after  that  decision,  or  which  may 
come  from  its  reversal  by  the  court  as  it  may  hereafter  be  consti- 
tuted, so  that  the  burdens  of  taxation  may  be  equally  and  impar- 
tially laid,  to  the  end  that  wealth  may  bear  its  due  proportion  of 
the  expenses  of  the  Government. 

We  hold  that  the  most  efficient  way  of  protecting  American 
labor  is  to  prevent  the  importation  of  foreign  pauper  labor  to 
compete  with  it  in  the  home  market,  and  that  the  value  of  the 
home  market  to  our  American  farmers  and  artisans  is  greatly  re- 
duced by  a  vicious  monetary  system  which  depresses  the  prices  of 
their  products  below  the  cost  of  production,  and  thus  deprives 
them  of  the  means  of  purchasing  the  products  of  our  home  manu- 
factories, and,  as  labor  creates  the  wealth  of  the  country,  we  de- 
mand the  passage  of  such  laws  as  may  be  necessary  to  protect  it 
in  all  its  rights. 

We  are  in  favor  of  the  arbitration  of  differences  between  em- 
ployers engaged  in  inter-State  commerce  and  their  employees,  and 
recommend  such  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  carry  out  this  prin- 
ciple. 

The  absorption  of  wealth  by  the  few,  the  consolidation  of  our 
leading  railroad  systems,  and  the  formation  of  trusts  and  pools 
require  a  stricter  control  by  the  Federal  Government  of  those 
arteries  of  commerce.  We  demand  the  enlargement  of  the  pow- 
ers of  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission  and  such  restrictions 
and  guarantees  in  the  control  of  railroads  as  will  protect  the  peo- 
ple from  robbery  and  oppression. 

We  denounce  the  profligate  waste  of  the  money  wrung  from 
the  people  by  oppressive  taxation  and  the  lavish  appropriations  of 
recent  Republican  Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high  while 
the  labor  that  pays  them  is  unemployed,  and  the  products  of  the 
people's  toil  are  depressed  in  price  till  they  no  longer  repay  the 
cost  of  production. 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        529 

We  demand  a  return  to  that  simplicity  and  economy  which  befits 
a  democratic  government  and  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  useless 
offices,  the  salaries  of  which  drain  the  substance  of  the  people. 

We  denounce  arbitrary  interference  by  Federal  authorities  in 
local  affairs  as  a  violation  of  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  a  crime  against  free  institutions,  and  we  especially  object  to 
government  by  injunction  as  a  new  and  highly  dangerous  form  of 
oppression,  by  which  Federal  judges,  in  contempt  of  the  laws  of 
the  States  and  rights  of  citizens,  become  at  once  legislators,  judges, 
and  executioners  ;  and  we  approve  the  bill  passed  at  the  last  ses- 
sion of  the  United  States  Senate,  and  now  pending  in  the  House 
of  Representatives,  relative  to  contempts  in  Federal  courts  and 
providing  for  trials  by  jury  in  certain  cases  of  contempt. 

No  discrimination  should  be  indulged  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  in  favor  of  any  of  its  debtors.  We  approve  of  the 
refusal  of  the  Fifty-third  Congress  to  pass  the  Pacific  Railroad 
Funding  bill,  and  denounce  the  efforts  of  the  present  Republican 
Congress  to  enact  a  similar  measure. 

Recognizing  the  just  claims  of  deserving  Union  soldiers,  we 
heartily  endorse  the  rule  of  the  present  Commissioner  of  Pensions, 
that  no  name  shall  be  arbitrarily  dropped  from  the  pension  roll  ; 
and  the  fact  of  enlistment  and  service  should  be  deemed  conclusive 
evidence  against  disease  and  disability  before  enlistment. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Ari- 
zona, and  Oklahoma  into  the  Union  as  States,  and  we  favor  the 
early  admission  of  all  the  Territories  having  the  necessary  popu- 
lation and  resources  to  entitle  them  to  Statehood,  and  while  they 
remain  Territories,  we  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to  admin- 
ister the  government  of  any  Territory,  together  with  the  District 
of  Columbia  and  Alaska,  should  be  bonafide  residents  of  the  Ter- 
ritory or  district  in  which  the  duties  are  to  be  performed.  The 
Democratic  party  believes  in  home  rule,  and  that  all  public  lands 
of  the  United  States  should  be  appropriated  to  the  establishment 
of  free  homes  for  American  citizens. 

We  recommend  that  the  Territory  of  Alaska  be  granted  a  dele- 
gate in  Congress,  and  that  the  general  land  and  timber  laws  of 
the  United  States  be  extended  to  said  Territory. 

The  Monroe  doctrine  as  originally  declared,  and  as  interpreted 
by  succeeding  Presidents,  is  a  permanent  part  of  the  foreign  pol- 
icy of  the  United  States,  and  must  at  all  times  be  maintained. 

We  extend  our  sympathy  to  the  people  of  Cuba  in  their  heroic 
struggle  for  liberty  and  independence. 

We  are  opposed" to  life  tenure  in  the  public  service.  We  favor 
appointments  based  upon  merit,  fixed  terms  of  office,  and  such  an 
administration  of  the  civil  service  laws  as  will  afford  equal  oppor- 
tunities to  all  citizens  of  ascertained  fitness. 

We  declare  it  to  be  the  unwritten  law  of  this  republic,  estab- 
lished by  custom  and  usage  of  one  hundred  years,  and  sanctioned 
by  the  examples  of  the  greatest  and  wisest  of  those  who  founded 


530        DICTION 'A R  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

and  have  maintained  our  Government,  that  no  man  should  be  eli* 
gible  for  a  third  term  of  the  Presidential  office. 

The  Federal  Government  should  care  for  and  improve  the  Mis- 
sissippi River  and  other  great  waterways  of  the  republic,  so  as  to 
secure  for  the  interior  States  easy  and  cheap  transportation  to  tide- 
water. When  any  waterway  of  the  republic  is  of  sufficient  im- 
portance to  demand  aid  of  the  Government,  such  aid  should  be 
extended  upon  a  definite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent 
improvement  is  secured. 

Confiding  in  the  justice  of  our  cause  and  the  necessity  of  its 
success  at  the  polls,  we  submit  the  foregoing  declarations  of  prin- 
ciples and  purposes  to  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American 
people.  We  invite  the  support  of  all  citizens  who  approve  them 
and  who  desire  to  have  them  made  effective  through  legislation 
for  the  relief  of  the  people  and  the  restoration  of  the  country's 
prosperity. 


NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  ST.  Louis,  JUNE  18,  1896. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  assembled  by  their 
representatives  in  national  convention,  appealing  for  the  popular 
and  historical  justification  of  their  claims  to  the  matchless 
achievements  of  thirty  years  of  Republican  rule,  earnestly  and 
confidently  address  themselves  to  the  awakened  intelligence,  ex- 
perience, and  conscience  of  their  countrymen  in  the  following 
declaration  of  facts  and  principles: 

For  the  first  time  since  the  civil  war  the  American  people  have 
witnessed  the  calamitous  consequences  of  full  and  unrestricted 
Democratic  control  of  the  Government.  It  has  been  a  record  of 
unparalleled  incapacity,  dishonor,  and  disaster.  In  administra- 
tive management  it  has  ruthlessly  sacrificed  indispensable 
revenue,  entailed  an  unceasing  deficit,  eked  out  ordinary  current 
expenses  with  borrowed  money,  piled  up  the  public  debt  by 
$262,000,000  in  time  of  peace,  forced  an  adverse  balance  of  trade, 
kept  a  perpetual  menace  hanging  over  the  redemption  fund, 
pawned  American  credit  to  an  alien  syndicate,  and  reversed  all 
the  measures  and  results  of  successful  Republican  rule.  In  the 
broad  effect  of  its  policy  it  has  precipitated  panic,  blighted 
industry  and  trade  with  prolonged  depression,  closed  factories, 
reduced  work  and  wages,  halted  enterprise,  and  crippled  American 
production  while  stimulating  foreign  production  for  the  Ameri- 
can market.  Every  consideration  of  public  safety  and  individual 
interest  demands  that  the  Government  shall  be  rescued  from  the 
hands  of  those  who  have  shown  themselves  incapable  of  con- 
ducting it  without  disaster  at  houieaad  dishonor  abroad,  and  shall 


DIG  TIONA  RY  OF  A  M ERIC  A  N  POLI  TICS.       531 

be  restored  to  the  party  which  for  thirty  years  administered  it 
with  unequaled  success  and  prosperity. 

We  renew  and  emphasize  our  allegiance  to  the  policy  of  pro- 
tection as  the  bulwark  of  American  industrial  independence  and 
the  foundation  of  American  development  and  prosperity.  This 
true  American  policy  taxes  foreign  products  and  encourages  home 
industry;  it  puts  the  burden  of  revenue  on  foreign  goods;  it 
secures  the  American  market  for  the  American  producer;  it  up- 
holds the  American  standard  of  wages  for  the  American  working- 
man;  it  puts  the  factory  by  the  side  of  the  farm  and  makes  the 
American  farmer  less  dependent  on  foreign  demand  and  price;  it 
diffuses  general  thrift  and  founds  the  strength  of  all  on  the 
strength  of  each.  In  its  reasonable  application  it  is  just,  fair, 
and  impartial,  equally  opposed  to  foreign  control  and  domestic 
monopoly,  to  sectional  discrimination  and  individual  favoritism. 

We  denounce  the  present  Democratic  tariff  as  sectional,  in- 
jurious to  the  public  credit,  and  destructive  to  business  enterprise. 
We  demand  such  an  equitable  tariff  on  foreign  imports  which 
come  into  competition  with  American  products  as  will  not  only 
furnish  adequate  revenue  for  the  necessary  expenses  of  the 
Government,  but  will  protect  American  labor  from  degradation 
to  the  wage  level  of  other  lands.  We  are  not  pledged  to  any 
particular  schedules.  The  question  of  rates  is  a  practical  question, 
to  be  governed  by  the  conditions  of  the  time  and  of  production;  the 
ruling  and  uncompromising  principle  is  the  protection  and  develop- 
ment of  American  labor  and  industry.  The  country  demands  a 
right  settlement,  and  then  it  wants  rest. 

We  believe  that  the  repeal  of  the  reciprocity  arrangements 
negotiated  by  the  last  Republican  administration  was  a  national 
calamity,  and  we  demand  their  renewal  and  extension  on  such 
terms  as  will  equalize  our  trade  with  other  nations,  remove  the 
restrictions  which  now  obstruct  the  sale  of  American  products  in 
the  ports  of  other  countries,  and  secure  enlarged  markets  for  the 
products  of  our  farms,  forests,  and  factories. 

Protection  and  reciprocity  are  twin  measures  of  Republican 
policy  and  go  hand  in  hand.  Democratic  rule  has  recklessly 
struck  down  both,  and  both  must  be  re-established;  protection 
for  what  we  produce;  free  admission  for  the  necessaries  of  life 
which  we  do  not  produce;  reciprocal  agreements  of  mutual  in- 
terest  which  gain  open  markets  for  us  in  return  for  our  open  mar- 
ket to  others.  Protection  builds  up  domestic  industry  and  trade 
and  secures  our  own  market  for  ourselves;  reciprocity  builds  up 
foreign  trade  and  finds  an  outlet  for  our  surplus. 

We  condemn  the  present  administration  for  not  keeping  faith 
with  the  sugar  producers  of  this  country.  The  Republican 
party  favors  such  protection  as  will  lead  to  the  production 
on  American  soil  of  all  the  sugar  which  the  American  people  use, 
and  for  which  they  pay  other  countries  more  than  $100,000,000 
annually. 


532       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


1 


To  all  our  products — to  those  of  the  mine  and  the  field  as  well 
as  those  of  the  shop  and  factory — to  hemp,  to  wool,  the  product 
of  the  great  industry  of  sheep  husbandry,  as  well  as  to  the  fin- 
ished woolens  of  the  mill — we  promise  the  most  ample  protection. 

We  favor  restoring  the  early  American  policy  of  discriminating 
duties  for  the  upbuilding  of  our  merchant  marine  and  the  protec- 
tion of  our  shipping  in  the  foreign  carrying  trade,  so  that  Amer- 
ican ships — the  product  of  American  labor,  employed  in  American 
shipyards,  sailing  under  the  Stars  and  Stripes,  and  manned,  offi- 
cered, and  owned  by  Americans — may  regain  the  carrying  of  our 
foreign  commerce. 

The  Republican  party  is  unreservedly  for  sound  money.  It 
caused  the  enactment  of  the  law  providing  for  the  resumption  of 
specie  payments  in  1879;  since  then  every  dollar  has  been  as  good 
as  gold. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  every  measure  calculated  to  de- 
base our  currency  or  impair  the  credit  of  our  country.  We  are 
therefore  opposed  to  the  free  coinage  of  silver  except  by  interna- 
tional agreement  with  the  leading  commercial  nations  of  the 
world,  which  we  pledge  ourselves  to  promote,  and  until  such 
agreement  can  be  obtained  the  existing  gold  standard  must  be 
preserved.  All  our  silver  and  paper  currency  must  be  maintained 
at  parity  with  gold,  and  we  favor  all  measures  designed  to  main- 
tain inviolate  the  obligations  of  the  United  States,  and  all  our 
money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  at  the  present  standard,  the  stand- 
ard of  the  most  enlightened  nations  of  the  earth. 

The  veterans  of  the  Union  armies  deserve  and  should  receive 
fair  treatment  and  generous  recognition.  Whenever  practicable 
they  should  be  given  the  preference  in  the  matter  of  employment, 
and  they  are  entitled  to  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  are  best 
calculated  to  secure  the  fulfillment  of  the  pledges  made  to  them 
in  the  dark  days  of  the  country's  peril.  We  denounce  the  prac- 
tice in  the  Pension  Bureau,  so  recklessly  and  unjustly  carried  on 
by  the  present  administration,  of  reducing  pensions  and  arbitrarily 
dropping  names  from  the  rolls,  as  deserving  tbe  severest  condem- 
nation of  the  American  people. 

Our  foreign  policy  should  be  at  all  times  firm,  vigorous,  anO 
dignified,  and  all  our  interests  in  the  western  hemisphere  carefully 
watched  and  guarded.  The  Hawaiian  Islands  should  be  con- 
trolled by  the  United  States,  and  no  foreign  power  should  be 
permitted  to  interfere  with  them;  the  Nicaragua  Canal  should  be 
built,  owned,  and  operated  by  the  United  States;  and  by  the  pur- 
chase of  the  Danish  Islands  we  should  secure  a  proper  and  much- 
needed  naval  station  in  the  West  Indies. 

The  massacres  in  Armenia  have  aroused  the  deep  sympathy  and 
just  indignation  of  the  American  people,  and  we  believe  that  the 
United  States  should  exercise  all  the  influence  it  can  properly 
exert  to  bring  those  atrocities  to  an  end.  In  Turkey,  American 
residents  have  been  exposed  ^  tLe  gravest  dangers  and  American 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       533 

property  destroyed.  There  and  everywhere  American  citizens 
and  American  property  must  be  absolutely  protected  at  all  hazards 
and  at  any  cost. 

We  reassert  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  its  full  extent,  and  we  re- 
affirm the  right  of  the  United  States  to  give  the  doctrine  effect  by 
responding  to  the  appeals  of  any  American  State  for  friendly  in- 
tervention in  case  of  European  encroachment.  We  have  not 
interfered  and  shall  not  interfere  with  the  existing  possessions  of 
any  European  power  in  this  hemisphere,  but  those  possessions 
must  not,  on  any  pretext,  be  extended.  We  hopefully  look  for- 
ward to  the  eventual  withdrawal  of  the  European  powers  from 
this  hemisphere;  to  the  ultimate  union  of  all  the  English-speaking 
part  of  the  continent  by  the  free  consent  of  its  inhabitants. 

From  the  hour  of  achieving  their  own  independence,  the  people 
of  the  United  States  have  regarded  with  sympathy  the  struggles 
of  other  American  peoples  to  free  themselves  from  European  dom- 
ination. We  watch  with  deep  and  abiding  interest  the  heroic 
battle  of  the  Cuban  patriots  against  cruelty  and  oppression,  and 
our  best  hopes  go  out  for  the  full  success  of  their  determined  con- 
test for  liberty. 

The  government  of  Spain,  having  lost  control  of  Cuba,  and 
being  unable  to  protect  the  property  or  lives  of  resident  American 
citizens,  or  to  comply  with  its  treaty  obligations,  we  believe  that 
the  Government  of  the  United  States  should  actively  use  its  influ- 
ence and  good  offices  to  restore  peace  and  give  independence  to 
the  island. 

The  peace  and  security  of  the  republic  and  the  maintenance  of 
its  rightful  influence  among  the  nations  of  the  earth  demand  a 
naval  power  commensurate  with  its  position  and  responsibility. 
We  therefore  favor  the  continued  enlargement  of  the  navy  and  a 
complete  system  of  harbor  and  seacoast  defenses. 

For  the  protection  of  the  equality  of  our  American  citizenship 
and  of  the  wages  of  our  workingmen  against  the  fatal  competition 
of  low-priced  labor,  we  demand  that  the  immigration  laws  be  so 
thoroughly  enforced  and  so  extended  as  to  exclude  from  entrance 
to  the  United  States  those  who  can  neither  read  nor  write. 

The  Civil  Service  law  was  placed  on  the  statute-book  by  the 
Republican  party,  which  has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew 
our  repeated  declarations  that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly 
enforced  and  extended  wherever  practicable. 

We  demand  that  every  citizen  of  the  United  States  shall  be 
allowed  to  cast  one  free  and  unrestricted  ballot,  and  that  such 
ballot  shall  be  counted  and  returned  as  cast. 

We  proclaim  our  unqualified  condemnation  of  the  uncivilized 
and  barbarous  practices,  well  known  as  lynching  or  killing  of 
human  beings  suspected  or  charged  with  crime  without  process 
of  law. 

W«  favor  the  creation  of  *  national  boaid  of  arbitration  to  settle 


534       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

and  adjust  differences  which  may  arise  between  employers  and 
employed  engaged  in  interstate  commerce. 

We  believe  in  an  immediate  return  to  the  free-homestead  policy 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  urge  the  passage  by  Congress  of  the 
satisfactory  Free-Homestead  measure  which  has  already  passed 
the  House  and  is  now  pending  in  the  Senate. 

We  favor  the  admission  of  the  remaining  Territories  at  the 
ea-rJiest  practicable  date,  having  due  regard  to  the  interests  of  the 
people  of  the  Territories  and  of  the  United  States.  All  the  Fed- 
eral officers  appointed  for  the  Territories  should  be  selected  from 
bonafide  residents  thereof,  and  the  right  of  self-government  should 
be  accorded  as  far  as  practicable. 

We  believe  the  citizens  of  Alaska  should  have  representation  in 
the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  to  the  end  that  needful  legis- 
lation may  be  intelligently  enacted. 

We  sympathize  with  all  wise  and  legitimate  efforts  to  lessen 
and  prevent  the  evils  of  intemperance  and  promote  morality. 

The  Republican  party  is  mindful  of  the  rights  and  interests  of 
women.  Protection  of  American  industries  includes  equal  oppor- 
tunities, equal  pay  for  equal  work,  and  protection  to  the  home. 
We  favor  the  admission  of  women  to  wider  spheres  of  usefulness, 
and  welcome  their  cooperation  in  rescuing  the  country  from  Dem- 
ocratic and  Populistic  mismanagement  and  misrule. 

Such  are  the  principles  and  policies  of  the  Republican  party. 
By  these  principles  we  will  abide  and  these  policies  we  will  put 
into  execution.  We  ask  for  them  the  considerate  judgment  of  the 
American  people.  Confident  alike  in  the  history  of  our  great  party 
and  in  the  justice  of  our  cause,  we  present  our  platform  and  our 
candidates  in  the  full  assurance  that  the  election  will  bring  vic- 
tory to  the  Republican  party  and  prosperity  to  the  people  of  the 
United  States. 


THE  PEOPLE'S  PARTY  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  ST.  Louis,  JULY  24,  1896. 

The  People's  party,  assembled  in  national  convention,  reaffirms 
its  allegiance  to  the  principles  declared  by  the  founders  of  the 
Republic,  and  also  to  the  fundamental  principles  of  just  govern- 
ment as  enunciated  in  the  platform  of  the  party  in  1892.  We 
recognize  that  through  the  connivance  of  the  present  and  pre- 
ceding administrations  the  country  has  reached  a  crisis  in  its 
national  life,  as  predicted  in  our  declaration  four  years  ago,  and 
that  prompt  and  patriotic  action  is  the  supreme  duty  of  the  hour. 
We  realize  that  while  we  have  political  independence,  our  finan- 
cial and  industrial  independence  is  yet  to  be  attained  by  restoring 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

to  our  country  the  constitutional  control  and  exercise  of  the  func- 
tions necessary  to  a  people's  government,  which  functions  have 
been  basely  surrendered  by  our  public  servants  to  corporate  mo- 
nopolies. The  influence  of  European  money  changers  has  been 
more  potent  in  shaping  legislation  than  the  voice  of  the  American 
people.  Executive  power  and  patronage  have  been  used  to  cor- 
rupt our  legislatures  and  defeat  the  will  of  the  people,  and  plu- 
tocracy has  thereby  been  enthroned  upon  the  ruins  of  democracy. 
To  restore  the  government  intended  by  the  fathers,  and  for  the 
welfare  and  prosperity  of  this  and  future  generations,  we  demand 
the  establishment  of  an  economic  and  financial  system  which  shall 
make  us  masters  of  our  own  affairs  and  independent  of  European 
control,  by  the  adoption  of  the  following  declaration  of  principles: 

FINANCE. 

1.  We  demand  a  national  money,  safe  and  sound,  issued  by  the 
General  Government  only,  without  the   intervention  of  banks  of 
issue,  to  be  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts,  public  and  private;  a 
just,  equitable  and  efficient  means  of  distribution   direct  to  the 
people,  and  through  the  lawful  disbursements  of  the  Government. 

2.  We  demand  the  free  and  unrestricted  coinage  of  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without  waiting  for  the 
consent  of  foreign  nations. 

3.  We  demand  the  volume  of  circulating  medium  be  speedily 
increased  to  an  amount  sufficient  to  meet  the  demands  of  the  busi- 
ness and  population  of  this  country,  and  so  restore  the  just  level 
of  prices  of  labor  and  production. 

4.  We  denounce  the  sale  of  bonds  and  the  increase  of  the  public 
interest-bearing  debt  made  by  the  present  administration  as  un- 
necessary and  without  authority  of  law,  and  that  no  more  bonds 
be  issued  except  by  specific  act  of  Congress. 

5.  We  demand  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  the  demonetiza- 
tion of  the  lawful  money  of  the  United  States  by  private  contract. 

6.  We  demand  that  the  Government,  in  payment  of  its  obliga- 
tions, shall  use  its  option  as  to  the  kind  of  lawful  money  in  which 
they  are  to  be  paid,  and  we  denounce  the  present  and  preceding 
administrations  for  surrendering  this  option  to  the  holders  of 
Government  obligations. 

7.  We  demand  a  graduated  income  tax,  to  the  end  that  aggre- 
gated wealth  shall   bear  its  just  proportion  of  taxation,  and  we 
regard  the  recent  decision  of  the  Supreme  Court  relative  to  the 
income  tax  law  as  a  misinterpretation  of  the  Constitution  and  an 
invasion  of  the  rightful  powers  of  Congress  over  the  subject  of 
taxation. 

8.  We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by  the 
Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 


536       DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

TRANSPORTATION. 

1.  Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and   a  public 
aecessity,  the  Government  should  own  and   operate  the  railroads 
in  the  interest  of  the  people  and  on  a  non-partisan  basis,  to  the 
end   that  all  may  be  accorded  the   same  treatment   in  transporta- 
tion, and  that  the  tyranny  and  political   power  now  exercised  by 
the  great  railroad   corporations,  which  result  in  the  impairment, 
if  not  the  destruction,  of  the  political  rights  and  personal  liberties 
of  the  citizen,  may  be  destroyed.     Such  ownership  is  to  be  accom- 
plished gradually  in   a    manner  consistent   with   sound   public 
policy. 

2.  The  interest  of  the  United   States  in  the  public  highways, 
built  with  public  moneys  and  the  proceeds  of  extensive  grants  of 
land  to  the  Pacific  railroads,  should  never  be  alienated,  mortgaged, 
or  sold,  but  guarded  and   protected    for  the   general  welfare   as 
provided  by  the  laws  organizing  such  railroads.     The  foreclosure 
of  existing  liens  of  the  United   States  on   these  roads   should  at 
once  follow  default  in  the  payment  thereof  of  the  debt  of  compa- 
nies, and  at  the  foreclosure  sales  of  said   roads   the  Government 
shall   purchase  the  same,  if  it  becomes   necessary,  to  protect  its 
interests  therein;  or  if  they  can   be   purchased  at  a  reasonable 
price,  and  the  Government  shall  operate   said  railroads  as  public 
highways   for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  people,  and  not  in  the 
interest  of  the  few,  under  suitable  provisions  for  protection  of  life 
and  property,  giving  to  all  transportation  interests  equal  privi- 
leges and  equal  rates  for  fares  and  freight. 

3.  We  denounce  the  present  infamous  schemes  for  refunding 
these  debts  and  demand  that  the  laws  now  applicable  thereto  be 
executed   and  administered  according  to  their  true  intent  and 
spirit. 

4.  The  telegraph,  like  the  post  office  system,  being  a  necessity 
for  the  transmission  of  news,  should  be  owned  and  operated  by 
the  Government  in  the  interest  of  the  peopla 


LAND. 

1.  The  true  policy  demands  that  the  national  and  State  legisla 
tion  shall   be  such  as  will   ultimately  enable  every  prudent  an  J 
industrious  citizen  to  secure  a  home;  and  therefore  the  land  shouii 
not  be  monopolized  for  speculative  purposes.     All  lands  now  Ii3ld 
by  railroads  and  other  corporations  in  excess  of  their  actual  needs 
should  by  lawful  means  be  reclaimed  by  the  Government  and  held 
for  actual  settlement  by  settlers  only,  and  private  land  monopoly 
as  well  as  alien  ownership  should  be  prohibited. 

2.  We  condemn   the  frauds  by  which   the  land  grants  to  the 
Pacific  railroad  companies  have,  through  the  connivance  of  thu 
Interior  Department,  robbed  multitudes  of  actual  bona  fide  settlers 
of  thai*  bomes  and  miners  of  their  claims;  and  we  demand  legis 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        537 

latiou  by  Congress  which  will  enforce  the  exemption  of  mineral 
lands  from  such  grants  after  as  well  as  before  patent. 

3.  We  demand  that  bona  fide  settlers  on  all  public  lands  be 
granted  free  homes,  as  provided  in  the  national  homestead  law, 
and  that  no  exception  be  made  in  the  case  of  Indian  reservations 
when  open  for  settlement,  and  that  all  lands  not  now  patented 
come  under  this  demand. 

DIRECT    LEGISLATION. 

We  favor  a  system  of  direct  legislation  through  the  initiative 
and  referendum,  under  proper  constitutional  safeguards. 

GENERAL  PROPOSITIONS. 

1.  We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President,  and 
United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

2.  We  tender  to  the  patriotic  people  of  Cuba  our  deepest  sym- 
pathy in  their  heroic  struggle  for  political  freedom  and  independ- 
ence, and  we  believe  the  time   has  come  when  the  United  States, 
the  great  Republic  of  the  world,  should   racognize  that  Cuba  is, 
and  of  right  ought  to  be,  a  free  and  independent  State. 

3.  We  favor  home  rule  in  the  Territories  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  the  early  admission  of  the  Territories  as  States. 

4.  All  public  salaries  should  be  made  to  correspond  to  the  price 
of  labor  and  its  products. 

5.  In  times  of  great  industrial  depression  idle  labor  should  be 
employed  on  public  works  as  far  as  practicable. 

6.  The  arbitrary  course  of  the  courts  in  assuming  to  imprison 
citizens  for  indirect  contempt  and  ruling  that  by  injunction  should 
be  prevented  by  proper  legislation. 

7.  We  favor  just  pensions  for  our  disabled  Union  soldiers. 

8.  Believing  that  the  election  franchise  and  untrammeled  ballot 
are  essential  to  a  government  of,  for,  and  by  the  people,  the  Peo- 
ple's party  condemns  the  wholesale  system  of  disfranchisement 
adopted  in  some  of  the  States  as  unrepublican  and  undemocratic, 
and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  duty  of  the  several  State  legislatures 
to  take  such  action  as  will  secure  a  full,  free,  and  fair  ballot,  and 
an  honest  count. 

9.  While  the  foregoing  propositions  constitute  the  platform 
upon  which  our  party  stands,  and  for  the  vindication  of  which  its 
organization  will  be  maintained,  we  recognize  that  the  great  and 
pressing  issue  of  the  pending  campaign,  upon  which  the  present 
Presidential  election  will  turn,  is  the  financial  question,  and  upon 
this  great  and  specific  issue  between  the  parties  we  cordially  in- 
vite the  aid  and  cooperation   of  all   organizations   and   citizens 
agreeing  with  us  upon  this  vital  question. 


538       DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


THE  NATIONAL  SILVER  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  ST.  Louis,  JULY  24,  1896. 

The  National  Silver  party,  in  convention  assembled,  hereby 
adopts  the  following  declaration  of  principles: 

1.  The  paramount  issue  at  this  time  in  the  United  States  is  in- 
disputably the  money  question.  It  is  between  the  gold  standard, 
gold  bonds  and  bank  currency  on  the  one  side,  and  the  bimetallic 
standard,  no  bonds  and  Government  currency  on  the  other. 

On  this  issue  we  declare  ourselves  to  be  in  favor  of  a  dis- 
tinctively American  financial  system.  We  are  unalterably  opposed 
to  the  single  gold  standard,  and  demand  the  immediate  return  to 
the  constitutional  standard  of  gold  and  silver  by  the  restoration 
by  this  Government,  independently  of  any  foreign  power,  of  the 
unrestricted  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  into  standard  money 
at  the  ratio  of  16  to  1,  and  upon  terms  of  exact  equality,  as  they 
existed  prior  to  1873,  the  silver  coin  to  be  a  full  legal  tender 
equally  with  gold  for  all  debts  and  dues,  public  and  private;  and 
we  favor  such  legislation  as  will  prevent  for  the  future  the  de- 
monetization of  any  kind  of  legal-tender  money  by  private  con- 
tract. 

We  hold  that  the  power  to  control  and  regulate  a  paper  cur- 
rency is  inseparable  from  the  power  to  coin  money,  and  hence 
that  all  currency  intended  to  circulate  as  money  should  be  issued 
and  its  volume  controlled  by  the  general  Government  only,  and 
should  be  legal  tender. 

We  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  issue  by  the  United  States 
of  interest -bearing  bonds  in  time  of  peace,  and  we  denounce  as  a 
blunder  worse  than  a  crime  the  present  treasury  policy,  concurred 
in  by  a  Republican  House,  of  plunging  the  country  in  debt  by 
hundreds  of  millions  in  the  vain  attempt  to  maintain  the  gold 
standard  by  borrowing  gold;  and  we  demand  the  payment  of  all 
coin  obligations  of  the  United  States,  as  provided  by  existing  laws, 
in  either  gold  or  silver  coin,  at  the  option  of  the  Government,  and 
not  at  the  option  of  the  creditor. 

The  demonetization  of  silver  in  1873  enormously  increased  the 
demand  for  gold,  enhancing  its  purchasing  power  and  lowering  all 
prices  measured  by  that  standard;  and  since  that  unjust  and  inde- 
fensible act,  the  prices  of  American  products  have  fallen  upon  an 
average  nearly  50  per  cent.,  carrying  down  with  them  proportion- 
ately the  money  value  of  all  other  forms  of  property.  Such  fall 
of  prices  has  destroyed  the  profits  of  legitimate  industry,  injuring 
the  producer  for  the  benefit  of  the  non-producer,  increasing  the 
burden  of  the  debtor,  swelling  the  gains  of  the  creditor,  paralyzing 


DICTION AR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       539 

the  productive  energies  of  the  American  people,  relegating  to  idle- 
ness vast  numbers  of  willing  workers,  sending  the  shadows  of 
despair  into  the  home  of  the  honest  toiler,  filling  the  land  with 
tramps  and  paupers,  and  building  up  colossal  fortunes  at  the 
money  centers.  In  the  effort  to  maintain  the  gold  standard,  the 
country  has  within  the  last  two  years,  in  a  time  of  profound  peace 
and  plenty,  been  loaded  down  with  $262,000,000  of  additional  in- 
terest-bearing debt  under  such  circumstances  as  to  allow  a  syndi- 
cate of  native  and  foreign  bankers  to  realize  a  net  profit  of  millions 
on  a  single  deal.  It  stands  confessed  that  the  gold  standard  can 
only  be  upheld  by  so  depleting  our  paper  currency  as  to  force  the 
prices  of  our  products  below  the  European  and  even  below  the 
Asiatic  level  to  enable  us  to  sell  in  foreign  markets,  thus  aggra- 
vating the  very  evils  of  which  our  people  so  bitterly  complain, 
degrading  American  labor  and  striking  at  the  foundations  of  our 
civilization  itself.  The  advocates  of  the  gold  standard  persistently 
claim  that  the  cause  of  our  distress  is  overproduction — that  we 
have  produced  so  much  that  it  Las  made  us  poor — which  implies 
that  the  true  remedy  is  to  close  the  factory,  abandon  the  farm  and 
throw  a  multitude  of  people  out  of  employment,  a  doctrine  that 
leaves  us  unnerved  and  disheartened  and  absolutely  without  hope 
for  the  future. 

We  affirm  it  to  be  unquestioned  that  there  can  be  no  such 
economic  paradox  as  overproduction  and  at  the  same  time  tens  of 
thousands  of  our  fellow-citizens  remaining  half  clothed  and  half 
fed,  and  who  are  piteously  clamoring  for  the  common  necessities 
of  life. 

2.  That  over  and  above  all  other  questions  of  policy  we  are  in 
favor  of  restoring  to  the  people  of  the  United  States  the  time- 
honored  money  of  the  Constitution — gold  and  silver,  not  one,  but 
both — the  money  of  Washington,  and  Hamilton,  and  Jefferson, 
and  Monroe,  and  Jackson,  and  Lincoln,  to  the  end  that  the  Ameri- 
can people  may  receive  honest  pay  for  an  honest  product;  that  the 
American  debtor  may  pay  his  just  obligations  in  an  honest  standard 
and  not  in  a  standard  that  has  appreciated  100  per  cent,  above  all 
the  great  staples  of  our  country;  and  to  the  end  further  that  silver 
standard  countries  may  be  deprived  of  the  unjust  advantage  they 
now  enjoy  in  the  difference  in  exchange  between  gold  and  silver — 
an  advantage  which  tariff  legislation  alone  cannot  overcome. 

We  therefore  confidently  appeal  to  the  people  of  the  United 
States  to  leave  in  abeyance  for  the  moment  all  other  questions, 
however  important  and  even  momentous  they  may  appear,  to 
sunder,  if  need  be,  all  former  party  ties  and  affiliations  and  unite 
in  one  supreme  effort  to  free  themselves  and  their  children  from 
the  domination  of  the  money  power — a  power  more  destructive 
than  any  which  has  ever  been  fastened  upon  the  civilized  men  of 
any  race  or  in  any  age.  And  upon  the  consummation  of  our  desires 
and  efforts  we  invoke  the  gracious  favor  of  divine  providence. 

Inasmuch  as  the  patriotic  majority  of  the  Chicago  convention 


540       DICT10NAR  Y  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

embodied  in  the  financial  plank  of  its  platform  the  principles 
enunciated  in  the  platform  of  the  American  Bimetallic  party,  pro- 
mulgated at  Washington,  D.  C.,  Jan.  22,  1896,  and  herein  'reiter- 
ated, which  is  not  only  the  paramount,  but  the  only  real  issue  in 
the  pending  campaign,  we  therefore,  recognizing  that  their  nomi- 
nees embody  these  patriotic  principles,  recommend  that  this  con- 
vention  nominate  William  J.  Bryan  of  Nebraska  for  President  and 
Arthur  Sewall  of  Maine  for  Vice- President. 


THE  NATIONAL  PKOHIBITION  PLATFOKM. 
ADOPTED  AT  PITTSBURG,  PA.,  MAY  28, 1896. 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  de- 
clares its  firm  convictions  that  the  manufacture,  exportation,  im- 
portation and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages  has  produced  such 
social,  commercial,  industrial  and  political  wrongs,  and  is  now  so 
threatening  the  perpetuity  of  all  our  social  and  political  institu- 
tions, that  the  suppression  of  the  same  by  a  national  party, 
organized  therefor,  is  the  greatest  object  to  be  accomplished  by 
the  voters  of  our  country;  is  of  such  importance  that  it,  of  right, 
ought  to  control  the  political  action  of  all  our  patriotic  citizens 
until  such  suppression  is  accomplished.  The  urgency  of  this 
cause  demands  the  union  without  further  delay  of  all  citizens 
who  desire  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic.  Therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  we  favor  the  legal  prohibition  by  State  and 
national  legislation  of  the  manufacture,  importation,  exportation, 
interstate  transportation  and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages. 

That  we  declare  our  purpose  to  organize  and  unite  all  the 
friends  of  prohibition  into  our  party,  and  in  order  to  accomplish 
this  end  we  deem  it  but  right  to  leave  every  Prohibitionist  the 
freedom  of  his  own  convictions  upon  all  other  political  questions, 
and  trust  our  representatives  to  take  such  action  upon  other 
political  questions  as  the  changes  occasioned  by  prohibition  and 
the  welfare  of  the  whole  people  shall  demand. 


THE  NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 
(GOLD  WING.) 


ADOPTED  AT  INDIANAPOLIS,  SEPT.  3,  1896. 

This  convention  has  assembled  to  uphold  the  principles  upon 
which  depend  the  honor  and  welfare  of  the  American  people,  in 
order  that  Democrats  throughout  the  Union  may  uflite  their  patri 
otic  efforts  to  avert  disaster  from  their  country  and  ruin  from  the5' 
party. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       541 

The  Democratic  party  is  pledged  to  equal  and  exact  justice  to 
all  men  of  every  creed  and  condition;  to  the  largest  freedom  of 
the  individual  consistent  with  good  government;  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Federal  Government  in  its  constitutional  vigor,  and  to 
the  support  of  the  States  in  all  their  just  rights;  to  economy  in 
the  public  expenditures;  to  the  maintenance  of  the  public  faith 
and  sound  money;  and  it  is  opposed  to  paternalism  and  all  class 
legislation. 

The  declarations  of  the  Chicago  convention  attack  individual 
freedom,  the  right  of  private  contract,  the  independence  of  the 
judiciary,  and  the  authority  of  the  President  to  enforce  Federal 
laws.  They  advocate  a  reckless  attempt  to  increase  the  price  of 
silver  by  legislation,  to  the  debasement  of  our  monetary  standard, 
and  threaten  unlimited  issues  of  paper  money  by  the  Government. 
They  abandon  for  Republican  allies  the  Democratic  cause  of  tariff 
reform  to  court  the  favor  of  protectionists  to  their  fiscal  heresy. 

In  view  of  these  and  other  grave  departures  from  Democratic 
principles,  we  cannot  support  the  candidates  of  that  convention, 
nor  be  bound  by  its  acts.  The  Democratic  party  has  survived 
many  defeats,  but  could  not  survive  a  victory  won  in  behalf  of 
the  doctrine  and  policy  proclaimed  in  its  name  at  Chicago. 

The  conditions,  however,  which  make  possible  such  utterances 
from  a  national  convention  are  the  direct  result  of  class  legislation 
by  the  Republican  party.  It  still  proclaims,  as  it  has  for  years, 
the  power  and  duty  of  government  to  raise  and  maintain  prices 
by  law,  and  it  proposes  no  remedy  for  existing  evils  except  op- 
pressive and  unjust  taxation. 

The  National  Democracy  here  convened  therefore  renews  its 
declaration  of  faith  in  Democratic  principles,  especially  as  applies 
to  the  conditions  of  the  times.  Taxation — tariff,  excise,  or  direct 
— is  rightfully  imposed  only  for  public  purposes,  and  not  for  pri- 
vate gain.  Its  amount  is  justly  measured  by  public  expenditures, 
which  should  be  limited  by  scrupulous  economy.  The  sum  de- 
rived by  the  treasury  from  tariff  and  excise  levies  is  affected  by 
the  state  of  trade  and  volume  of  consumption.  The  amount  re- 
quired by  the  treasury  is  determined  by  the  appropriations  made 
by  Congress.  The  demand  of  the  Republican  party  for  an  increase 
in  tariff  taxation  has  its  pretext  in  the  deficiency  of  revenue, 
which  has  its  causes  in  the  stagnation  of  trade  and*  reduced  con- 
sumption, due  entirely  to  the  loss  of  confidence  that  has  followed 
the  Populist  threat  of  free  coinage  and  depreciation  of  our  money 
and  the  Republican  practice  of  extravagant  appropriations  beyond 
the  needs  of  good  government.  We  arraign  and  condemn  the 
Populistic  conventions  of  Chicago  and  St.  Louis  for  their  coopera- 
tion with  the  Republican  party  in  creating  these  conditions  which 
are  pleaded  in  justification  of  a  heavy  increase  of  the  burdens  of 
the  people  by  a  further  resort  to  protection. 

We  therefore  denounce  protection  and  its  ally,  free  coinage  of 
gilver,  as  schemes  for  the  personal  profit  of  a  few  at  the  expense 


542        DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

of  the  masses,  and  oppose  tbe  two  parties  which  stand  for  these 
schemes  as  hostile  to  the  people  of  the  Republic  whose  food  and 
shelter,  comfort  and  prosperity  are  attacked  by  higher  taxes  and 
depreciated  money.  In  fine,  we  reaffirm  the  historic  Democratic 
doctrine  of  tariff  for  revenue  only. 

We  demand  that  henceforth  modern  and  liberal  policies  toward 
American  shipping  shall  take  the  place  of  our  imitation  of  the 
restricted  statutes  of  the  eighteenth  century,  which  have  been 
abandoned  by  every  maritime  power  but  the  United  States,  and 
which,  to  the  nation's  humiliation,  have  driven  American  capital 
and  enterprise  to  the  use  of  alien  flags  and  alien  crews,  have  made 
the  Stars  and  Stripes  an  almost  unknown  emblem  in  foreign  ports, 
and  have  virtually  extinguished  the  race  of  American  seamen. 
We  oppose  the  pretense  that  discriminating  duties  will  promote 
shipping;  that  scheme  is  an  invitation  to  commercial  warfare 
upon  the  United  States,  un-American  in  the  light  of  our  great 
commercial  treaties,  offering  no  gain  whatever  to  American  ship- 
ping, while  greatly  increasing  ocean  freights  on  our  agricultural 
and  manufactured  products. 

The  experience  of  mankind  has  shown  that  by  reason  of  its 
native  qualities  gold  is  the  necessary  money  of  large  affairs  of 
commerce  and  business,  while  silver  is  conveniently  adapted  to 
minor  transactions,  and  the  most  beneficial  use  of  both  together 
can  be  insured  only  by  the  adoption  of  the  former  as  a  standard  of 
monetary  measure  and  the  maintenance  of  silver  at  a  parity  with 
gold  by  its  limited  coinage  under  suitable  safeguards  of  law. 
Thus  the  largest  possible  enjoyment  of  both  metals  is  gained 
with  a  value  universally  accepted  throughout  the  world,  which 
constitutes  the  only  practical  bimetallic  currency,  assuming  the 
most  stable  standard,  and  especially  the  best  and  safest  way  for 
all  who  earn  their  livelihood  by  labor  or  the  produce  of  hus- 
bandry. They  cannot  suffer  when  paid  in  the  best  money  known 
to  man,  but  are  the  peculiar  and  most  defenseless  victims  of  a  de- 
based and  fluctuating  currency,  which  offers  continual  profits  to 
the  money  changer  at  their  cost. 

Realizing  these  truths,  demonstrated  by  long  public  incon- 
venience and  loss,  the  Democratic  party,  in  the  interests  of  the 
masses  and  of  equal  justice  to  all,  practically  established  by  legis- 
lation in  1834  and  1853  the  gold  standard  of  monetary  measure- 
ment and  likewise  entirely  diverted  the  Government  from  banking 
and  currency  issues. 

To  this  long-established  Democratic  policy  we  adhere,  and  insist 
upon  the  maintenance  of  the  gold  standard  and  to  the  parity  there 
with  of  every  dollar  issued  by  the  Government,  and  we  are  firmly 
opposed  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and  to  the  com- 
pulsory purchase  of  silver  bullion. 

But  we  denounce  also  the  further  maintenance  of  the  present 
costly  patchwork  system  of  national  paper  as  a  constant  source  of 
injury  and  peril.  We  assert  the  necessity  of  such  intelligent  cur- 


DICTIONAR  Y  OF  AMERICA^  POLITICS.       543 

rency  reform  as  will  confine  the  Government  to  its  legitimate 
functions,  completely  separated  from  the  banking  business,  and 
afford  to  all  sections  of  our  country  a  uniform,  safe  and  elastic 
bank  currency  under  governmental  supervision,  measured  in 
volume  by  the  needs  of  business. 

The  fidelity,  patriotism  and  courage  with  which  President  Cleve- 
land has  fulfilled  his  great  public  trust,  the  high  character  of  his 
administration,  its  wisdom  and  energy  in  the  maintenance  of  civil 
order  and  the  enforcement  of  the  laws,  its  equal  regard  for  the 
rights  of  every  class  and  every  section,  its  firm  and  dignifying 
conduct  of  foreign  affairs,  and  its  sturdy  persistence  in  upholding 
the  credit  and  honor  of  the  nation,  are  fully  recognized  by  the 
Democratic  party,  and  will  secure  to  him  a  place  in  history  beside 
the  fathers  of  the  Republic. 

We  also  commend  the  Administration  for  the  great  progress 
made  in  the  reform  of  the  public  service,  and  we  indorse  its  effort 
to  extend  the  merit  system  still  further.  We  demand  that  no 
backward  step  be  taken,  but  that  the  reform  be  supported  and 
advanced  until  the  undemocratic  spoils  system  of  appointments 
shall  be  eradicated. 

We  demand  strict  economy  in  the  appropriations  and  in  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  Government. 

We  favor  arbitration  for  the  settlement  of  international  dis- 
putes. 

We  favor  a  liberal  policy  of  pensions  to  deserving  soldiers  and 
sailors  of  the  United  States. 

The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  was  wisely  established 
by  the  frainers  of  our  Constitution  as  one  of  the  three  coordinate 
branches  of  the  Government.  Its  independence  and  authority  to 
interpret  the  law  of  the  land  without  fear  or  favor  must  be  main- 
tained. 

We  condemn  all  efforts  to  degrade  that  tribunal  or  impair  the 
confidence  and  respect  which  it  has  deservedly  held. 

The  Democratic  party  ever  has  maintained  and  ever  will  main- 
tain the  supremacy  of  the  law,  the  independence  of  its  judicial 
administration,  the  inviolability  of  contract  and  the  obligations  of 
all  good  citizens  to  resist  every  illegal  trust,  combination  or 
attempt  against  the  just  rights  of  property  and  the  good  order  of 
society,  in  which  are  bound  up  the  peace  and  happiness  of  our 
people. 

Believing  these  principles  to  be  essential  to  the  well  being  of 
the  Republic,  we  submit  them  to  the  consideration  of  the  Ameri- 
can people. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


PARTY  PLATFORMS. 

1900. 

•emocratic,  Republican,  Populist,  Middle  of  the  Road 
Populists,  Prohibition,  Socialist,  Social  Demo- 
cratic, Socialistic  Labor. 


NATIONAL   DEMOCRATIC    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  KANSAS  CITY,  JULY  5,   1900. 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democratic  party  of  the 
United  States,  assembled  in  National  Convention  on  the  anni- 
versary of  the  adoption  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  do 
reaffirm  our  faith  in  that  immortal  proclamation  of  the  in- 
alienable rights  of  man  and  our  allegiance  to  the  Constitution 
framed  in  harmony  therewith  by  the  fathers  of  the  Republic. 
We  hold  with  the  United  States  Supreme  Court  that  the  Decla- 
ration of  Independence  is  the  spirit  of  our  Government,  of  which 
the  Constitution  is  the  form  and  letter.  We  declare  again  that 
all  governments  instituted  among  men  derive  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed ;  that  any  government  not 
based  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed  is  a  tyranny,  and  that 
to  impose  upon  any  people  a  government  of  force  is  to  substi- 
tute the  methods  of  imperialism  for  those  of  a  republic.  We 
hold  that  the  Constitution  follows  the  flag  and  denounce  that 
doctrine  that  an  Executive  or  Congress,  deriving  their  exist- 
ence and  their  powers  from  the  Constitution,  can  exercise  law- 
ful authority  beyond  it,  or  in  violation  of  it.  We  assert  that  no 
nation  can  long  endure  half  republic  and  half  empire,  and  we 
warn  the  American  people  that  imperialism  abroad  will  lead 
quickly  and  inevitably  to  despotism  at  home. 

Believing  in  these  fundamental  principles,  we  denounce  the 
Porto  Rico  law  enacted  by  a  Republican  Congress  against  the 
protest  and  opposition  of  the  Democratic  minority  as  a  bold 
and  open  violation  of  the  nation's  organic  law  and  a  flagrant 
breach  of  the  national  good  faith.  It  imposes  upon  the  'people 
of  Porto  Rico  a  government  without  their  consent  and  taxa- 
tion without  representation.  It  dishonors  the  American  people 
by  repudiating  a  solemn  pledge  made  in  their  behalf  by  the 
Commanding  General  of  our  Army,  which  the  Porto  Ricans  wel- 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS.  545 

corned  to  a  peaceful  and  unresisted  occupation  of  their  land. 
Ir  doomed  to  poverty  and  distress  a  people  whose  helplessness  ap- 
peals with  peculiar  force  to  our  justice  and  magnanimity. 

In  this,  the  first  act  of  its  imperialistic  programme,  the  Re- 
publican party  seeks  to  commit  the  United  States  to  a  colonial 
policy  inconsistent  with  republican  institutions  and  condemned 
by  the  Supreme  Court  in  numerous  decisions. 

We  demand  the  prompt  and  honest  fulfilment  of  our  pledge 
to  the  Cuban  people  and  the  world,  that  the  United  States  has 
no  disposition  nor  intention  to  exercise  sovereignty,  jurisdiction 
or  control  over  the  Island  of  Cuba  except  for  its  pacification. 
The  war  ended  nearly  two  years  ago,  profound  peace  reigns 
over  all  the  island  and  still  the  administration  keeps  the  gov- 
ernment of  the  island  from  its  people,  while  Republican  carpet- 
bag officials  plunder  its  revenues  and  exploit  the  colonial  theory 
to  the  disgrace  of  the  American  people. 

We  condemn  and  denounce  the  Philippine  policy  of  the  pres- 
ent Administration.  It  has  embroiled  the  Republic  in  an  un- 
necessary war,  sacrificed  the  lives  of  many  of  its  noblest  sons 
and  placed  the  United  States,  previously  known  and  applauded 
throughout  the  world  as  the  champion  of  freedom,  in  the  false 
and  un-American  position  of  crushing  with  military  force  the 
efforts  of  our  former  allies  to  achieve  liberty  and  self-govern- 
ment. The  Filipinos  cannot  be  citizens  without  endangering 
our  civilization ;  they  cannot  be  subjects  without  imperilling 
our  form  of  government,  and  as  we  are  not  willing  to  surrender 
our  civilization  or  to  convert  the  Republic  into  an  empire,  we 
favor  an  immediate  declaration  of  the  nation's  purpose  to  give 
to  the  Filipinos :  First,  a  stable  form  of  government ;  second, 
independence,  and,  third,  protection  from  outside  interference 
such  as  has  been  given  for  nearly  a  century  to  the  republics  of 
Central  and  South  America. 

The  greedy  commercialism  which  dictated  the  Philippine 
policy  of  the  Republican  Administration  attempts  to  justify  it 
with  the  plea  that  it  will  pay ;  but  even  this  sordid  and  unworthy 
plea  fails  when  brought  to  the  test  of  facts.  The  war  of 
"criminal  aggression"  against  the  Filipinos,  entailing  an  annual 
expense  of  many  millions,  has  already  cost  more  than  any  pos- 
sible profit  that  could  accrue  from  the  entire  Philippine  trade 
for  years  to  come.  Furthermore,  when  trade  is  extended  at  the 
expense  of  liberty,  the  price  is  always  too  high. 

We  are  not  opposed  to  territorial  expansion  when  it  takes  in 
desirable  territory  which  can  be  erected  into  States  in  the 
Union,  and  whose  people  are  willing  and  fit  to  become  American 
citizens.  We  favor  trade  expansion  by  every  peaceful  and 
legitimate  means.  But  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  the  seiz- 
ing or  purchasing  of  distant  islands  to  be  governed  outside  the 
Constitution  and  whose  people  can  never  become  citizens. 

We  are  in  favor  of  extending  the  Republic's  influence  among 
the  nations,  but  believe  that  influence  should  be  extended,  not 
by  force  and  violence,  but  through  the  persuasive  power  of  a 
high  and  honorable  example. 

The  importance  of  other  questions  now  pending  before  the 
American  people  is  in  no  wise  diminished  and  the  Democratic 


546  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


party  takes  no  backward  step  from  its  positions  on  them,  but 
the  burning  issue  of  imperialism  growing  out  of  the  Spanish  war 
involves  the  very  existence  of  the  Republic  and  the  destruction 
of  our  free  institutions.  We  regard  it  as  the  paramount  issue  of 
the  campaign. 

The  declaration  in  the  Republican  platform  adopted  at  the 
Philadelphia  Convention  held  in  June,  1900,  that  the  Repub- 
licans steadfastly  adhered  to  the  policy  announced  in  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine,  is  manifestly  insincere  and  deceptive.  This  pro- 
fession is  contradicted  by  the  avowed  policy  of  that  party  in  op- 
position to  the  spirit  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  to  acquire  and 
hold  sovereignty  over  large  areas  of  territory  and  large  numbers 
of  people  in  the  Eastern  hemisphere.  We  insist  on  the  strict 
maintenance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine  in  all  its  integrity,  both  in 
letter  and  spirit,  as  necessary  to  prevent  the  extension  of  Euro- 
pean authority  on  this  continent  and  as  essential  to  our  suprem- 
acy in  American  affairs.  At  the  same  time  we  declare  that  no 
American  people  shall  ever  be  held  by  force  in  unwilling  sub- 
jection to  European  authority. 

We  oppose  militarism.  It  means  conquest  abroad  and  intimi- 
dation and  oppression  at  home.  It  means  the  strong  arm  which 
has  ever  been  fatal  to  free  institutions.  It  is  what  millions  of 
our  citizens  have  fled  from  in  Europe.  It  will  impose  upon  our 
peace-loving  people  a  large  standing  army,  and  unnecessary 
burden  of  taxation  and  a  constant  menace  to  their  liberties.  A 
small  standing  army  and  a  well  disciplined  State  militia  are 
amply  sufficient  in  time  of  peace.  The  Republic  has  no  place 
for  a  vast  military  service  and  conscription.  When  the  nation 
is  in  danger  the  volunteer  soldier  is  his  country's  best  defender. 
The  National  Guard  of  the  United  States  should  ever  be  cher- 
ished in  the  patriotic  hearts  of  a  free  people.  Such  organizations 
are  ever  an  element  of  strength  and  safety.  For  the  first  time 
in  our  history  and  coeval  with  the  Philippine  conquest  has  there 
been  a  wholesale  departure  from  our  time-honored  and  approved 
system  of  volunteer  organizations.  We  denounce  it  as  un- 
American,  undemocratic  and  unrepublican,  and  as  a  subversion 
of  the  ancient  and  fixed  principles  of  a  free  people. 

Private  monopolies  are  indefensible  and  intolerable.  They 
destroy  competition,  control  the  price  of  all  material,  and  of  the 
finished  product,  thus  robbing  both  producer  and  consumer ;  less- 
en the  employment  of  labor,  and  arbitrarily  fix  the  terms  and 
conditions  thereof,  and  deprive  individual  energy  and  small  capi- 
tal of  their  opportunity  for  betterment.  They  are  the  most  ef- 
ficient agent  yet  devised  for  appropriating  the  fruits  of  indus- 
try to  the  benefit  of  the  few  at  the  expense  of  the  many,  and  un- 
less their  unsatiate  greed  is  checked  all  wealth  will  be  aggre- 
gated in  a  few  hands  and  the  Republic  destroyed.  The  dishonest 
paltering  with  the  trust  evil  by  the  Republican  party  in  state 
and  national  platforms  is  conclusive  proof  of  the  truth  of  the 
charge  that  trusts  are  the  legitimate  product  of  Republican 
policies,  and  that  they  are  fostered  by  Republican  laws  and  that 
they  are  protected  by  the  Republican  Administration  in  return 
for  campaign  subscriptions  and  political  support. 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party  to  an  unceasing  warfare,  in 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS.  547 

nation,  state  and  city,  against  private  monopoly  in  every  form. 
Existing  laws  against  trusts  must  be  enforced  and  more  strin- 
gent ones  must  be  enacted  providing  for  publicity  as  to  the  affairs 
of  corporations  engaged  in  interstate  commerce,  and  requiring 
all  corporations  to  show  before  doing  business  outside  of  the 
state  of  their  origin  that  they  have  no  water  in  their  stock,  and 
that  they  have  not  attempted  and  are  not  attempting,  to  monopo- 
lize any  branch  of  business  or  the  production  of  any  articles  of 
merchandise,  and  the  whole  constitutional  power  of  Congress 
over  interstate  commerce,  the  mails  and  all  modes  of  interstate 
communication  shall  be  exercised  by  the  enactment  of  compre- 
hensive laws  upon  the  subject  of  trusts.  Tariff  laws  should  be 
amended  by  putting  the  products  of  trusts  upon  the  free  list  to 
prevent  monopoly  under  the  plea  of  protection.  The  failure  of 
the  present  Republican  Administration,  with  an  absolute  con- 
trol over  all  the  branches  of  the  National  Government,  to  enact 
any  legislation  designed  to  prevent  or  even  curtail  the  absorbing 
power  of  trusts  and  illegal  combinations,  or  to  enforce  the  anti- 
trust laws  already  on  the  statute  books,  prove  the  insincerity  of 
the  high-sounding  phrases  of  the  Republican  platform.  Cor- 
porations should  be  protected  in  all  their  rights  and  their  legiti- 
mate interests  should  oe  respected,  but  any  attempt  by  corpora- 
tions to  interfere  with  the  public  affairs  of  the  people  or  to  con- 
trol the  sovereignty  which  creates  them  should  be  forbidden 
under  such  penalties  as  will  make  such  attempts  impossible. 

We  condemn  the  Dingley  Tariff  law  as  a  trust-breeding  meas- 
ure, skilfully  devised  to  give  the  few  favors  which  they  do  not 
deserve  and  to  place  upon  the  many  burdens  which  they  should 
not  bear. 

We  favor  such  an  enlargement  of  the  scope  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  law  as  will  enable  the  commission  to  protect  indi- 
viduals and  communities  from  discriminations  and  the  public 
from  unjust  and  unfair  transportation  rates. 

We  reaffirm  and  endorse  the  principles  of  the  National  Demo- 
cratic platform  adopted  at  Chicago  in  1896,  and  we  reiterate 
the  demand  of  that  platform  for  an  American  financial  system, 
made  by  the  American  people  for  themselves,  which  shall  restore 
and  maintain  a  bimetallic  price  level,  and  as  part  of  such  sys- 
tem the  immediate  restoration  of  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage 
of  silver  and  gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1,  without 
waiting  for  the  aid  or  consent  of  any  other  nation. 

We  denounce  the  Currency  bill  enacted  at  the  last  session 
of  Congress  as  a  step  forward  in  the  Republican  policy  which 
aims  to  discredit  the  sovereign  right  of  the  National  Govern- 
ment to  issue  all  money,  whether  coin  or  paper,  and  to  bestow 
upon  national  banks  the  power  to  issue  and  control  the  volume 
of  paper  money  for  their  own  benefit.  A  permanent  national 
bank  currency,  secured  by  Government  bonds,  must  have  a 
permanent  debt  to  rest  upon,  and  if  the  bank  currency  is  to  in- 
crease with  population  and  business  the  debt  must  also  increase. 
The  Republican  currency  statement  is,  therefore,  a  statement 
for  fastening  upon  the  taxpayers  a  perpetual  and  growing  debt 
for  the  benefit  of  the  banks.  We  are  opposed  to  this  private 
corporation  paper  circulated  as  money,  but  without  legal  tender 


548    DICTIONARY   OF   AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

qualities,  and  demand  the  retirement  of  the  national  bank  notes 
as  fast  as  Government  paper  or  silver  certificates  can  be  sub- 
stituted for  them. 

We  favor  an  amendment  to  the  Federal  constitution  providing 
for  the  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  the  direct  vote  of 
the  people,  and  we  favor  direct  legislation,  wherever  prac- 
ticable. 

We  are  opposed  to  government  by  injunction,  and  we  de- 
nounce the  black  list  and  favor  arbitration  as  a  means  of  set- 
tling disputes  between  corporations  and  their  employees. 

In  the  interest  of  American  labor  and  the  upbuilding  of  the 
workingrnan,  as  the  cornerstone  of  the  prosperity  of  our  coun- 
try, we  recommend  that  Congress  create  a  Department  of  Labor, 
in  charge  of  a  secretary,  with  a  seat  in  the  cabinet,  believing 
that  the  elevation  of  the  American  laborer  will  bring  with  it 
increased  production  and  increased  prosperity  to  our  country 
at  home  and  to  our  commerce  abroad. 

We  are  proud  of  the  courage  and  fidelity  of  the  American 
soldiers  and  sailors  in  all  our  wars ;  we  favor  liberal  pensions 
to  them  and  their  dependents,  and  we  reiterate  the  position  taken 
in  the  Chicago  platform  in  1890,  that  the  fact  of  enlistment  and 
service  shall  be  deemed  conclusive  evidence  against  disease  and 
disability  before  enlistment. 

We  favor  the  immediate  construction,  ownership  and  control 
of  the  Nicaragua  Canal  by  the  United  States,  and  we  denounce 
the  insincerity  of  the  plank  in  the  Republican  national  plat- 
form for  an  isthmian  canal  in  the  fact  of  the  failure  of  the  Re- 
publican majority  to  pass  the  bill  pending  in  Congress. 

We  condemn  the  Hay-Pauncefote  treaty  as  a  surrender  of 
American  rights  and  interests,  not  to  be  tolerated  by  the  Amer- 
ican people. 

We  denounce  the  failure  of  the  Republican  party  to  carry 
out  its  pledges  to  grant  Statehood  to  the  Territories  of  Arizona, 
New  Mexico  and  Oklahoma,  and  we  promise  the  people  of  those 
three  Territories  immediate  Statehood  and  home  rule  during 
their  condition  as  Territories,  and  we  favor  home  rule  and  a 
territorial  form  of  government  for  Alaska  and  Porto  Rico. 

We  favor  an  intelligent  system  of  improving  the  arid  lands 
of  the  West,  storing  the  waters  for  the  purposes  of  irrigation, 
and  the  holding  of  such  lands  for  actual  settlers. 

We  favor  the  continuance  and  strict  enforcement  of  the 
Chinese  Exclusion  law  and  its  application  to  the  same  classes 
of  all  Asiatic  races. 

Jefferson  said :  "Peace,  commerce  and  honest  friendship  with 
all  nations,  entangling  alliances  with  none."  We  approve  this 
wholesome  doctrine,  and  earnestly  protest  against  the  Repub- 
lican departure  which  has  involved  us  in  so-called  war  politics, 
including  the  diplomacy  of  Europe  and  the  intrigue  and  land 
grabbing  of  Asia,  and  we  especially  condemn  the  ill-concealed 
Republican  alliance  with  England,  which  must  mean  discrimina- 
tion against  other  friendly  nations,  and  which  has  already  stifled 
the  nation's  voice  while  liberty  is  being  strangled  in  Africa. 

Believing  in  the  principles  of  self-government  and  rejecting 
as  did  our  forefathers  the  claim  of  monarchy,  we  view  with  in- 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.  549 

dignation  the  purpose  of  England  to  overwhelm  with  force  the 
South  African  Republics.  Speaking,  as  we  l»-li« -YP,  tor  the  en- 
tire American  nation,  except  its  Republican  officeholders,  and 
for  all  free  men  everywhere,  we  extend  our  sympathies  to  the 
heroic  burghers  in  their  unequal  struggle  to  maintain  their  lib- 
erty and  independence. 

We  denounce  the  lavish  appropriations  of  recent  Republican 
Congresses,  which  have  kept  taxes  high,  and  which  threaten  the 
perpetuation  of  the  oppressive  war  levies.  We  oppose  the  ac- 
cumulation of  a  surplus  to  be  squandered  in  such  barefaced 
frauds  upon  the  taxpayers  as  the  Shipping  Subsidy  bill,  which 
under  the  false  pretence  of  prospering  American  shipbuilding, 
would  put  unearned  millions  in  the  pockets  of  favorite  con- 
tributors to  the  Republican  campaign  fund.  We  favor  the  re- 
duction and  speedy  repeal  of  the  war  taxes  and  a  return  to  the 
time-honored  Democratic  policy  of  strict  economy  in  Govern- 
mental expenditures. 

Believing  that  our  most  cherished  institutions  are  in  great 
peril,  that  the  very  existence  of  our  constitutional  republic  is 
at  stake,  and  that  the  decision  now  to  be  rendered  will  deter- 
mine whether  or  not  our  children  are  to  enjoy  those  blessed 
privileges  of  free  government  which  have  made  the  United  States 
great,  prosperous  and  honored,  we  earnestly  ask  for  the  fore- 
going declaration  of  principles  the  hearty  support  of  the  lib- 
erty-loving American  people,  regardless  of  previous  party  af- 
filiations. 


NATIONAL   REPUBLICAN    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  PHILADELPHIA,  JUNE  20,  1900. 

The  Republicans  of  the  United  States,  through  their  chosen 
representatives,  met  in  National  Convention,  looking  back  upon 
an  unsurpassed  record  of  achievement,  and  looking  forward  into 
a  great  field  of  duty  and  opportunity,  and  appealing  to  the  judg- 
ment of  their  countrymen,  make  these  declarations : 

The  expectation  in  which  the  American  people,  turning  from 
the  Democratic  party,  intrusted  power  four  years  ago  to  a  Re- 
publican Chief  Magistrate  and  a  Republican  Congress,  has  been 
met  and  satisfied.  When  the  people  then  assembled  at  the  polls, 
after  a  term  of  Democratic  legislation  and  administration,  busi- 
ness was  dead,  industry  paralyzed,  and  the  national  credit  dis- 
astrously impaired.  The  country's  capital  was  hidden  away, 
and  its  labor  distressed  and  unemployed.  The  Democrats  had 
no  other  plan  with  which  to  improve  the  ruinous  conditions 
which  they  had  themselves  produced,  than  to  coin  silver  at  the 
ratio  of  10  to  1.  The  Republican  party,  denouncing  this  plan  as 
sure  to  produce  conditions  even  worse  than  those  from  which  re- 
lief was  sought,  promised  to  restore  prosperity  by  means  of  two 
legislative  measures — a  protective  tariff  and  a  law  making  gold 
the  standard  of  value. 

The  people  by  great  majorities  issued  to  the  Republican  party 
a  commission  to  enact  these  laws.  This  commission  has  been 


550  DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

executed,  and  the  Republican  promise  has  been  redeemed.  Pros- 
perity more  general  and  more  abundant  than  we  have  ever 
known  has  followed  these  enactments.  There  is  no  longer  con- 
troversy as  to  the  value  of  any  government  obligation.  Every 
American  dollar  is  a  gold  dollar,  or  its  assured  equivalent,  and 
American  credit  stands  higher  than  that  of  any  nation.  Capital 
is  fully  employed,  and  labor  everywhere  is  profitably  occupied. 
No  single  fact  can  more  strikingly  tell  the  story  of  what  Re- 
publican government  means  to  the  country  than  this — that  while 
during  the  whole  period  of  one  hundred  and  seven  years,  from 
1790  to  1897,  there  was  an  excess  of  exports  over  imports  of 
only  $383,028,497,  there  has  been  in  the  short  three  years  of 
the  present  Republican  Administration  an  excess  of  exports 
over  imports  in  the  enormous  sum  of  $1,483,537,094. 

And  while  the  American  people,  sustained  by  this  Republican 
legislation,  have  been  achieving  these  splendid  triumphs  in  their 
business  and  commerce,  they  have  conducted,  and  in  victory 
concluded,  a  war  for  liberty  and  human  rights.  No  thought  of 
national  aggrandizement  tarnished  the  high  purpose  with  which 
American  standards  were  unfurled.  It  was  a  war  unsought 
and  patiently  resisted,  but  when  it  came  the  American  Govern- 
ment was  ready.  Its  fleets  were  cleared  for  action ;  its  armies 
were  in  the  field,  and  the  quick  and  signal  triumph  of  its  forces 
on  land  and  sea  bore  equal  tribute  to  the  courage  of  American 
soldiers  and  sailors,  and  to  the  skill  and  foresight  of  Repub- 
lican statesmanship.  To  ten  millions  of  the  human  race  there 
was  given  "a  new  birth  of  freedom,"  and  to  the  American  peo- 
ple a  new  and  noble  responsibility. 

We  indorse  the  Administration  of  William  McKinley.  Its 
acts  have  been  established  in  wisdom  and  in  patriotism,  and  at 
home  and  abroad  it  has  distinctly  elevated  and  extended  the  in- 
fluence of  the  American  nation.  Walking  untried  paths  and 
facing  unforeseen  responsibilities,  President  McKinley  has  been 
in  every  situation  the  true  American  patriot  and  the  upright 
statesman,  clear  in  vision,  strong  in  judgment,  firm  in  action, 
always  inspiring  and  deserving  the  confidence  of  his  country- 
men. 

In  asking  the  American  people  to  indorse  this  Republican 
record  and  to  renew  their  commission  to  the  Republican  party, 
we  remind  them  of  the  fact  that  the  menace  to  their  prosperity 
has  always  resided  in  Democratic  principles,  and  no  less  in  the 
general  incapacity  of  the  Democratic  party  to  conduct  public 
affairs.  The  prime  essential  of  business  prosperity  is  public  con- 
fidence in  the  good  sense  of  the  Government  and  in  its  ability 
to  deal  intelligently  with  each  new  problem  of  administration 
and  legislation.  That  confidence  the  Democratic  party  has 
never  earned.  It  is  hopelessly  inadequate,  and  the  country's 
prosperity  when  Democratic  success  at  the  polls  is  announced 
halts  and  ceases  in  mere  anticipation  of  Democratic  blunders 
and  failures. 

We  renew  our  allegiance  to  the  principle  of  the  gold  stand- 
ard, and  declare  our  confidence  in  the  wisdom  of  the  legislation 
of  the  Fifty-sixth  Congress,  by  which  the  parity  of  all  our 
money  and  the  stability  of  our  currency  upon  a  gold  basis  have 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.  551 

been  secured.  We  recognize  that  interest  rates  are  potent  fac- 
tors in  production  and  business  activity,  and  for  the  purpose 
of  further  equalizing  and  of  further  lowering  the  rates  of  in- 
terest we  favor  such  monetary  legislation  as  will  enable  the 
varying  needs  of  the  season  and  of  all  sections  to  be  promptly 
met,  in  order  that  trade  may  be  evenly  sustained,  labor  steadily 
employed  and  commerce  enlarged.  The  volume  of  money  in 
circulation  was  never  so  great  per  capita  as  it  is  to-day.  We 
declare  our  steadfast  opposition  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coin- 
age of  silver.  No  measure  to  that  end  could  be  considered 
which  was  without  the  support  of  the  leading  commercial  coun- 
tries of  the  world.  However  firmly  Republican  legislation  may 
seem  to  have  secured  the  country  against  the  peril  of  base  and 
discredited  currency,  the  election  of  a  Democratic  President 
could  not  fail  to  impair  the  country's  credit  and  to  bring  once 
more  into  question  the  intention  of  the  American  people  to 
maintain  upon  the  gold  standard  the  parity  of  their  money 
circulation.  The  Democratic  party  must  be  convinced  that  the 
American  people  will  never  tolerate  the  Chicago  platform. 

We  recognize  the  necessity  and  propriety  of  the  honest  co- 
operation of  capital  to  meet  new  business  conditions,  and  espe- 
cially to  extend  our  rapidly  increasing  foreign  trade,  but  we 
condemn  all  conspiracies  and  combinations  intended  to  restrict 
business,  to  create  monopolies,  to  limit  production  or  to  control 
prices,  and  favor  such  legislation  as  will  effectively  restrain  and 
prevent  all  such  abuses,  protect  and  promote  competition  and 
secure  the  rights  of  producers,  laborers  and  all  who  are  en- 
gaged in  industry  and  commerce. 

We  renew  our  faith  in  the  policy  of  protection  to  American 
labor.  In  that  policy  our  industries  have  been  established, 
diversified  and  maintained.  By  protecting  the  home  market 
competition  has  been  stimulated  and  production  cheapened.  Op- 
portunity for  the  inventive  genius  of  our  people  has  been  se- 
cured and  wages  in  every  department  of  labor  maintained  at 
high  rates,  higher  now  than  ever  before,  and  always  dis- 
tinguishing our  working  people  in  their  better  conditions  of  life 
from  those  of  any  competing  country.  Enjoying  the  blessings 
of  the  American  common  school,  secure  in  the  right  of  self- 
gevernment  and  protected  in  the  occupancy  of  their  own  mar- 
kets, their  constantly  increasing  knowledge  and  skill  have  en- 
abled them  finally  to  enter  the  markets  of  the  world. 

We  favor  the  associated  policy  of  reciprocity,  so  directed  as 
to  open  our  markets  on  favorable  terms  for  what  we  do  not 
ourselves  produce,  in  return  for  free  foreign  markets. 

In  the  further  interest  of  American  workmen,  we  favor  a 
more  effective  restriction  of  the  immigration  of  cheap  labor 
from  foreign  lands,  the  extension  of  opportunities  of  educa- 
tion for  working  children,  the  raising  of  the  age  limit  for  child 
labor,  the  protection  of  free  labor  as  against  contract  convict 
labor,  and  an  effective  system  of  labor  insurance. 

Our  present  dependence  upon  foreign  shipping  for  nine-tenths 
of  our  foreign  carrying  is  a  great  loss  to  the  industry  of  this 
country.  It  is  also  a  serious  danger  to  our  trade,  for  its  sudden 
withdrawal  in  the  event  of  European  war  would  seriously 


552  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS, 


cripple  our  expanding  foreign  commerce.  The  national  defence 
and  naval  efficiency  of  this  country,  moreover,  supply  a  compelling 
reason  for  legislation  which  will  enable  us  to  recover  our  former 
place  among  the  trade  carrying  fleets  of  the  world. 

The  nation  owes  a  debt  of  profound  gratitude  to  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  who  have  fought  its  battles,  and  it  is  the  Govern- 
ment's duty  to  provide  for  the  survivors  and  for  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  the  country's  wars. 
The  pension  laws,  founded  in  this  just  sentiment,  should  be 
liberal,  and  should  be  liberally  administered,  and  preference 
should  be  given  wherever  practicable  with  respect  to  employ- 
ment in  the  public  service  to  soldiers  and  sailors  and  to  their 
widows  and  orphans. 

We  commend  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  main- 
taining the  efficiency  of  the  Civil  Service.  The  Administration 
has  acted  wisely  in  its  efforts  to  secure  for  public  service  in 
Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  Hawaii  and  the  Philippine  Islands  only  those 
whose  fitness  has  been  determined  by  training  and  experience. 
We  believe  that  employment  in  the  public  service  in  these  ter- 
ritories should  be  confined  as  far  as  practicable  to  their  in- 
habitants. 

It  was  the  plain  purpose  of  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the 
Constitution  to  prevent  discrimination  on  account  of  race  or 
color  in  regulating  the  elective  franchise.  Devices  of  State  gov- 
ernments, whether  by  statutory  or  constitutional  enactment,  to 
avoid  the  purpose  of  this  amendment  are  revolutionary  and 
should  be  condemned. 

Public  movements  looking  to  a  permanent  improvement  of 
the  roads  and  highways  of  the  country  meet  with  our  cordial 
approval,  and  we  recommend  this  subject  to  the  earnest  consid- 
eration of  the  people  and  of  the  Legislatures  of  the  several 
States. 

We  favor  the  extension  of  the  rural  free  delivery  service 
wherever  its  extension  may  be  justified. 

In  further  pursuance  of  the  constant  policy  of  the  Repub- 
lican party  to  provide  free  homes  on  the  public  domain,  we 
recommend  adequate  National  legislation  to  reclaim  the  arid 
lands  of  the  United  States,  reserving  control  of  the  distribution 
of  water  for  irrigation  to  the  respective  States  and  Territories. 

We  favor  home  rule  for  and  the  early  admission  to  Statehood 
of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico,  Arizona  and  Oklahoma. 

The  Dingley  act,  amended  to  provide  sufficient  revenue  for 
the  conduct  of  the  war,  has  so  well  performed  its  work  that  it 
has  been  possible  to  reduce  the  war  debt  in  the  sum  of  $40,- 
000,000.  So  ample  are  the  Government's  revenues  and  so  great 
is  the  public  confidence  in  the  integrity  of  its  obligations  that 
its  newly  funded  two  per  cent,  bonds  sell  at  a  premium.  The 
country  is  now  justified  in  expecting,  and  it  will  be  the  policy 
of  the  Republican  party  to  bring  about,  a  reduction  of  the  war 
taxes. 

We  favor  the  construction,  ownership,  control  and  protection 
of  an  isthmian  canal  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States. 
New  markets  are  necessary  for  the  increasing  surplus  of  our 
farm  products.  Every  effort  should  be  made  to  open  and  obtain 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS.  553 

new  markets,  especially  in  the  Orient,  and  the  Administration 
is  warmly  to  be  commended  for  its  successful  effort  to  commit 
all  trading  and  colonizing  nations  to  the  policy  of  the  open  door 
in  China.  In  the  interest  of  our  expanding  commerce  we  recom- 
mend that  Congress  create  a  department  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustries in  the  charge  of  a  secretary,  with  a  seat  in  the  Cabinet. 
The  United  States  consular  system  should  be  reorganized  un- 
der the  supervision  of  this  new  department,  upon  such  a  basis 
of  appointment  and  tenure  as  will  render  it  still  more  service- 
able to  the  nation's  increasing  trade. 

The  American  Government  must  protect  the  person  and  prop- 
erty of  every  citizen  wherever  they  are  wrongfully  violated  or 
placed  in  peril. 

We  congratulate  the  women  of  America  upon  their  splendid 
record  of  public  service  in  the  volunteer  aid  association,  and 
as  nurses  in  camp  and  hospital  during  the  recent  campaigns  of 
our  armies  in  the  Eastern  and  Western  Indies,  and  we  ap- 
preciate their  faithful  co-operation  in  all  works  of  education 
and  industry. 

President  McKinley  has  conducted  the  foreign  affairs  of  the 
United  States  with  distinguished  credit  to  the  American  people. 
In  releasing  us  from  the  vexatious  conditions  of  a  European 
alliance  for  the  government  of  Samoa,  his  course  is  especially 
to  be  commended.  By  securing  to  our  undivided  control  the 
most  important  island  of  the  Samoan  group  and  the  best  harbor 
in  the  Southern  Pacific,  every  American  interest  has  been  safe- 
guarded. 

We  approve  the  annexation  of  the  Hawaiian  Islands  to  the 
United  States. 

We  commend  the  part  taken  by  our  Government  in  the  Peace 
Conference  at  The  Hague.  We  assert  our  steadfast  adherence 
to  the  policy  announced  in  the  Monroe  Doctrine.  The  provisions 
of  The  Hague  Convention  were  wisely  regarded  when  Presi- 
dent McKinley  tendered  his  friendly  offices  in  the  interest  of 
peace  between  Great  Britain  and  the  South  African  Re- 
publics. While  the  American  Government  must  continue  the 
policy  prescribed  by  Washington,  affirmed  by  every  succeeding 
President,  and  imposed  upon  us  by  The  Hague  Treaty  of  non- 
intervention in  European  controversies,  the  American  people 
earnestly  hope  that  a  way  may  soon  be  found,  honorably  alike 
to  both  contending  parties,  to  terminate  the  strife  between 
them. 

In  accepting  the  Treaty  of  Paris  the  just  responsibility  of 
our  victories  in  the  Spanish  war  the  President  and  the  Senate 
won  the  undoubted  approval  of  the  American  people.  No  other 
course  was  possible  than  to  destroy  Spain's  sovereignty  through- 
out the  West  Indies  and  in  the  Philippine  Islands.  That  course 
created  our  responsibility  before  the  world,  and  with  the  un- 
organized population  whom  our  intervention  had  freed  from 
Spain,  to  provide  for  the  maintenance  of  law  and  order,  and  for 
the  establishment  of  good  government  and  for  the  performance 
of  international  obligations.  Our  authority  could  not  be  less 
than  our  responsibility,  and  wherever  sovereign  rights  were  ex- 
tended it  became  the  high  duty  of  the  Government  to  maintain 


554   DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


its  authority,  to  put  down  armed  insurrection  and  to  confer  the 
blessings  of  liberty  and  civilization  upon  all  the  rescued  peoples. 
The  largest  measure  of  self-government  consistent  with  their 
welfare  and  our  duties  shall  be  secured  to  them  by  law. 

To  Cuba  independence  and  self-government  were  assured  in 
the  same  voice  by  which  war  was  declared,  and  to  the  letter  this 
pledge  shall  be  performed. 

The  Republican  party  upon  its  history,  and  upon  this  decla- 
ration of  its  principles  and  policies,  confidently  invokes  the  con- 
siderate and  approving  judgment  of  the  American  people. 


NATIONAL    POPULIST    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  Sioux  FALLS,  S.  D.,  MAY  10,  1900. 

The  People's  party  of  the  United  States  in  convention  as- 
sembled, congratulating  its  supporters  upon  the  wide  extension 
of  its  principles  in  all  directions,  does  hereby  reaffirm  its  ad- 
herence to  the  fundamental  principles  proclaimed  in  its  two 
prior  platforms  and  calls  upon  all  who  desire  to  avert  the  sub- 
version of  free  institutions  by  corporate  and  imperialistic  power 
to  unite  with  it  in  bringing  the  Government  back  to  the  ideals 
of  Washington,  Jefferson.  Jackson  and  Lincoln.  It  extends  to  its 
allies  in  the  struggle  for  financial  and  economic  freedom  assur- 
ances of  its  loyalty  to  the  principles  which  animate  the  allied 
forces  and  the  promise  of  honest  and  hearty  co-operation  in 
every  effort  for  their  success.  To  the  people  of  the  United 
States  we  offer  the  following  platform  as  the  expression  of  our 
unalterable  convictions : 

Resolved.  That  we  denounce  the  act  of  March  14,  1900,  as 
the  culmination  of  a  long  series  of  conspiracies  to  deprive  the 
people  of  their  constitutional  rights  over  the  money  of  the  na- 
tion and  delegate  to  a  gigantic  money  trust  the  control  of  the 
purse  and  pence  of  the  people.  We  denounce  this  act : 

First — For  making  all  money  obligations,  domestic  and  foreign, 
payable  in  gold  coin  or  its  equivalent,  thus  enormously  increas- 
ing the  burdens  of  the  debtors  and  enriching  the  creditors. 

Second — For  refunding  "coin"  bonds,  not  to  mature  for  years, 
into  long-time  gold  bonds  so  as  to  make  their  payment  improb- 
able and  our  debt  perpetual. 

Third — For  taking  from  the  Treasury  over  fifty  millions  of 
dollars  in  a  time  of  war,  and  presenting  it  as  a  premium  to 
bondholders  to  accomplish  the  refunding  of  bonds  not  due. 

Fourth — For  doubling  the  capital  of  bankers  by  returning  to 
them  the  face  value  of  their  bonds  in  current  money  notes,  so 
that  they  may  draw  one  interest  from  the  Government  and  an- 
other from  the  people. 

Fifth — For  allowing  banks  to  expand  and  contract  their  cir- 
culation at  pleasure,  thus  controlling  prices  of  all  products. 

Sixth — For  authorizing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  issue 
new  gold  bonds  to  an  unlimited  amount  whenever  he  deems  it 
necessary  to  replenish  the  gold  hoard,  thus  enabling  usurers  to 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.  ;V,r, 

secure  more  bonds  and  more  bank  currency  by  drawing  gold 
from  the  Treasury,  thereby  creating  an  "endless  chain"  for  p. -r- 
petually  adding  to  a  perpetual  debt. 

Seventh — For  striking  down  the  greenback  in  order  to  force 
the  people  to  borrow  three  hundred  and  forty-six  millions  of 
dollars  more  from  the  banks,  at  an  annual  cost  of  over  twenty 
million  of  dollars. 

While  barring  out  the  money  of  the  Constitution  this  law  opens 
the  printing  mints  of  the  Treasury  to  the  free  coinage  of  bank 
paper  money,  to  enrich  the  few  and  impoverate  the  many. 

We  pledge  anew  the  People's  party  never  to  cease  the  agita- 
tion until  this  eighth  financial  conspiracy  is  blotted  from  the 
statute  books,  the  Lincoln  greenback  restored,  the  bonds  all  paid 
and  all  corporation  money  forever  retired. 

We  reaffirm  the  demand  for  the  reopening  of  the  mints  of  the 
United  States  to  the  free  and  unlimited  coinage  of  silver  and 
gold  at  the  present  legal  ratio  of  16  to  1,  the  immediate  in- 
crease in  the  volume  of  silver  coins  and  certificates  thus  created 
to  be  substituted,  dollar  for  dollar,  for  the  bank  notes  issued  b.v 
private  corporations  under  special  privilege  granted  by  the  law 
of  March  14, 1900,  and  prior  National  Banking  laws,  the  remain- 
ing portion  of  the  bank  notes  to  be  replaced  with  full  legal 
tender  Government  paper  money  and  its  volume  so  controlled 
as  to  maintain  at  all  times  a  stable  money  market  and  a  stable 
price  level. 

We  demand  a  graduated  income  and  inheritance  tax  to  the 
end  that  aggregated  wealth  shall  bear  its  just  proportion  of 
taxation. 

We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be  established  by  the 
Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the  savings  of  the  people  and 
to  facilitate  exchange. 

With  Thomas  Jefferson  we  declare  the  land,  including  all 
natural  sources  of  wealth,  the  inalienable  heritage  of  the  people. 
The  Government  should  so  act  as  to  secure  homes  for  the  peo- 
ple and  prevent  land  monopoly.  The  original  homestead  policy 
should  be  enforced  and  future  settlers  upon  the  public  domain 
should  be  entitled  to  a  free  homestead,  while  all  who  have  paid 
an  acreage  price  to  the  Government  under  existing  laws  should 
have  their  homestead  rights  restored. 

Transportation  being  a  means  of  exchange  and  a  public  neces- 
sity, the  Government  should  own  and  operate  the  railways  in 
the  interest  of  the  people  and  on  a  non-partisan  basis,  to  the 
end  that  all  may  be  accorded  the  same  treatment  in  transporta- 
tion and  that  the  extortion,  tyranny  and  political  power  now 
exercised  by  the  great  railroad  corporations,  which  result  in  the 
impairment,  if  not  the  destruction,  of  the  political  rights  and 
personal  liberties  of  the  citizen,  may  be  destroyed.  Such  owner- 
ship is  to  be  accomplished  in  a  manner  consistent  with  sound 
public  policy. 

Trusts,  the  overshadowing  evil  of  the  age,  are  the  result  and 
culmination  of  the  private  ownership  and  control  of  the  three 
great  instruments  of  commerce — money,  transportation  and  th<- 
means  of  transmission  of  information,  which  instruments  of 
commerce  are  public  functions  and  which  our  forefathers  de- 


556  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS. 

clared  in  the  Constitution  should  be  controlled  by  the  people 
through  their  Congress  for  the  public  welfare.  The  one  remedy 
for  the  trusts  is  that  the  ownership  and  control  be  assumed  and 
exercised  by  the  people. 

We  further  demand  that  all  tariffs  on  goods  controlled  by  a 
trust  shall  be  abolished. 

To  cope  with  the  trust  evil,  the  people  must  act  directly  with- 
out the  intervention  of  representatives  who  may  be  controlled 
or  influenced.  We  therefore  demand  direct  legislation,  giving 
the  people  law  making  and  veto  power  under  the  initiative  and 
referendum.  A  majority  of  the  people  can  never  be  corruptly 
influenced. 

Applauding  the  valor  of  our  Army  and  Navy  in  the  Spanish 
war,  we  denounce  the  conduct  of  the  Administration  in  chang- 
ing a  war  for  humanity  into  a  war  of  conquest.  The  action  of 
the  Administration  in  the  Philippines  is  in  conflict  with  all  the 
precedents  of  our  national  life,  at  war  with  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  Constitution  and  the  plain  precepts  of  hu- 
manity. Murder  and  arson  have  been  our  response  to  the  ap- 
peals of  the  people  who  asked  only  to  establish  a  free  govern- 
ment in  their  own  lands.  We  demand  the  stoppage  of  this  wai 
of  extermination  by  the  assurance  to  the  Philippines  of  inde- 
pendence and  protection  under  a  stable  government  of  their  own 
creation. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence,  the  Constitution  and  the 
American  Flag  are  one  and  inseparable.  The  Island  of  Porto 
Rico  is  a  part  of  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and  by  levy- 
ing special  and  extraordinary  customs  duties  on  the  commerce 
of  that  island  the  Administration  has  violated  the  Constitution, 
abandoned  the  fundamental  principles  of  American  liberty,  and 
striven  to  give  the  lie  to  the  contention  of  our  forefathers  that 
there  should  be  no  taxation  without  representation. 

Out  of  the  imperialism  which  would  force  an  undesired 
domination  on  our  part  over  the  Philippines  springs  the  un- 
American  cry  for  a  large  standing  army.  Nothing  in  the  char- 
acter or  purposes  of  our  people  justifies  us  in  ignoring  the  plain 
lesson  of  history  and  putting  our  liberties  in  jeopardy  by  as- 
suming the  burden  of  militarism  which  is  crushing  the  people 
of  the  Old  World.  We  denounce  the  Administration  for  its 
sinister  efforts  to  substitute  a  standing  army  for  the  citizen 
soldiery,  which  is  the  best  safeguard  of  the  Republic. 

We  extend  to  the  brave  boys  of  South  Africa  our  sympathy 
and  moral  support  in  their  patriotic  struggle  for  the  rights  of 
self-government,  and  we  are  unalterably  opposed  to  any  alliance, 
open  or  covert,  between  the  United  States  and  any  other  nation 
that  will  tend  to  the  destruction  of  human  liberty. 

A  further  manifestation  of  imperialism  is  to  be  found  in  the 
mining  district  of  Idaho.  In  the  Cceur  d'Alenes  soldiers  have 
been  used  to  overawe  miners  striving  for  a  greater  measure  of 
industrial  independence.  And  we  denounce  the  State  Govern- 
ment of  Idaho  and  the  Federal  Administration  for  thus  employ- 
ing the  military  arm  of  the  Government  to  abridge  and  suppress 
the  civil  rights  of  the  people,  and  to  enforce  an  infamous  permit 
system  which  denies  to  laborers  their  inherent  liberty  and  com- 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.   557 

pels  them  to  forswear  their  manhood  and  their  right  before  be- 
ing permitted  to  seek  employment. 

The  importation  of  Japanese  and  other  laborers  under  con- 
tract to  serve  monopolistic  corporations  is  a  notorious  and 
flagrant  violation  of  the  immigration  laws.  We  demand  that 
the  Federal  Government  shall  take  cognizance  of  this  menacing 
evil  and  repress  it  under  existing  laws.  We  further  pledge  our- 
selves to  strive  for  the  enactment  of  more  stringent  laws  for 
the  exclusion  of  Mongolian  and  Malayan  immigration. 

We  indorse  municipal  ownership  of  public  utilities,  and  de- 
clare that  the  advantages  which  have  accrued  to  the  public  under 
that  system  will  be  multiplied  one  hundred  fold  by  its  extension 
to  natural  interstate  monopolies. 

We  denounce  the  practice  of  issuing  injunctions  in  cases  of 
disputes  between  employers  and  employees,  making  criminal 
acts  by  organizations  which  are  not  criminal  when  performed 
by  individuals,  and  demand  legislatior  to  restrain  the  evil. 

We  demand  that  United  States  Senators  and  all  other  of- 
ficials as  far  as  practicable  be  elected  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

Believing  that  the  elective  franchise  and  untrammelled  ballot 
are  essential  to  a  government  of,  for  and  by  the  people,  the 
People's  party  condemns  the  wholesale  system  of  disfranchise- 
ment  by  coercion  and  intimidation  adopted  in  some  States  as 
unrepublican  and  undemocratic,  and  we  declare  it  to  be  the  duty 
of  the  several  State  Legislatures  to  take  such  action  as  will 
secure  a  full,  free  and  fair  ballot  and  an  honest  count. 

We  favor  home  rule  in  the  Territories  and  the  District  of 
Columbia  and  the  early  admission  of  the  Territories  as  States. 

We  denounce  the  expensive  red  tape  system,  political  favor- 
itism, cruel  and  unnecessary  delay  and  criminal  invasion  of  the 
statutes  in  the  management  of  the  pension  offices  and  demand 
the  simple  and  honest  execution  of  the  law  and  fulfillment  by 
the  nation  of  its  pledges  to  secure  pensions  to  all  its  honorably 
discharged  veterans. 


MIDDLE  OF  THE  ROAD  POPULIST  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  CINCINNATI,  MAY  10,  1900. 

"The  People's  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in  na- 
tional convention  this  10th  day  of  May.  1900,  affirming  our  un- 
shaken belief  in  the  cardinal  tenets  of  the  People's  party  as  set 
forth  in  the  Omaha  platform,  and  pledging  ourselves  anew  to 
continued  advocacy  of  those  grand  principles  of  human  lib- 
erty until  right  shall  triumph  over  might  and  love  over  greed, 
do  adopt  and  proclaim  this  declaration  of  faith. 

"We  demand  the  initiative  and  referendum  and  the  impera- 
tive mandate  for  such  existing  changes  of  fundamental  and 
statute  law  that  will  enable  the  people  in  tln-ir  sovereign  ca- 
pacity to  propose  and  compel  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  tln-.x 
(It-sire;  to  reject  such  as  they  deem  injurious  to  their  int. 
and  to  recall  unfaithful  public  servants. 


558  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


"We  demand  the  public  ownership  and  operation  of  those 
means  of  communication,  transportation  and  production  which 
the  people  may  elect,  such  as  railroads,  telegraph  and  telephone 
lines,  coal  mines,  etc.  The  land,  including  all  natural  sources 
of  wealth,  is  a  heritage  of  the  people  and  should  not  be  monopo- 
lized for  speculative  purposes,  and  alien  ownership  of  land 
should  be  prohibited.  All  land  now  held  by  railroads  and  other 
corporations  in  excess  of  their  actual  needs  and  lands  now 
owned  by  aliens  should  be  reclaimed  by  the  Government  and 
held  for  actual  settlers  only. 

"A  scientific  and  absolute  paper  money,  based  upon  the  entire 
wealth  and  population  of  the  nation,  not  redeemable  in  any 
specific  commodity,  but  made  a  full  legal  tender  for  all  debts 
and  receivable  for  all  taxes  and  public  dues  and  issued  by  the 
Government  only,  without  the  intervention  of  banks  and  in  suf- 
ficient quantity  to  meet  the  demands  of  commerce,  is  the  best 
currency  that  can  be  devised  ;  but  until  such  a  financial  system 
is  secured,  which  we  shall  press  for  adoption,  we  favor  the  free 
and  unlimited  coinage  of  both  gold  and  silver  at  the  legal  ratic 
of  16  to  1. 

"We  demand  the  levy  and  collection  of  a  graduated  tax  on  in- 
comes and  inheritances  and  a  constitutional  amendment  to  se- 
cure the  same  if  necessary. 

"We  demand  the  election  of  President,  Vice-President,  Fed- 
eral Judges  and  United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  th€ 
people." 

ANTI-TRUST  ADDITION   TO   THE  PLATFORM. 

No  sooner  had  the  platform  been  read  than  a  dozen  delegates 
jumped  up  with  amendments.  Many  protests  were  made  against 
loading  down  the  platform,  and  finally,  after  much  wrangling 
the  following  addition  was  made  to  the  platform  on  the  recom- 
mendation of  Secretary  Jo  Parker,  of  Kentucky : 

We  are  opposed  to  trusts  and  declare  that  the  contention  be- 
tween the  two  old  parties  on  the  monopoly  question  is  a  sham 
battle  and  that  no  solution  of  this  mighty  problem  can  be  had 
without  the  adoption  of  the  principles  of  public  ownership  of 
utility. 

NATIONAL    PROHIBITION    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  JUNE  27,  1900. 

The  National  Prohibition  party,  in  convention  represented 
at  Chicago,  June  27  and  28,  1900,  acknowledge  Almighty  God 
as  the  supreme  source  of  all  just  government,  realizing  that  this 
Republic  was  founded  upon  Christian  principles  and  can  endure 
only  as  it  embodies  justice  and  righteousness,  and  asserting  that 
all  authority  should  seek  the  best  good  of  all  the  governed,  to 
this  end  wisely  prohibiting  what  is  wrong  and  permitting  only 
what  is  right,  hereby  records  and  proclaims : 

We  accept  and  assert  the  definition  given  by  Edmund  Burkf 
that  "A  party  is  a  body  of  men  joined  together  for  the  purpose 
of  promoting  by  their  joint  endeavor  the  national  interest  upou 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.  559 

some  particular  principle  on  which  they  are  all  agreed."  We 
declare  that  there  is  no  principle  now  advocated  by  any  other 
party  which  could  be  manifested  in  government  with  such  benefi- 
cent moral  and  material  results  as  the  principle  of  prohibi- 
tion, applied  to  the  beverage  liquor  traffic ;  that  national  inter- 
est could  be  promoted  in  no  other  way  so  surely  and  widely  ns 
by  its  assertion,  through  a  national  policy  and  the  co-operation 
therein  of  every  State,  forbidding  the  manufacture,  sale,  im- 
portation, exportation,  and  transportation  of  intoxicating  liquors 
for  beverage  purposes ;  that  we  stand  for  this  as  the  only  prin- 
ciple, proposed  by  any  party  anywhere,  for  the  settlement  of  a 
question  greater  and  graver  than  any  other  before  the  Amer- 
ican people,  and  involving  more  profoundly  than  any  other  their 
moral,  future  and  financial  welfare,  and  that  all  the  patriotic 
citizens  of  this  country,  agreed  upon  this  principle,  however 
much  disagreement  there  may  be  upon  minor  considerations  and 
issues,  should  stand  together  at  the  ballot  box,  from  this  time 
forward,  until  prohibition  is  the  established  law  of  the  United 
States,  with  a  party  in  power  to  enforce  it  and  to  insure  its 
moral  and  material  benefits. 

We  insist  that  such  a  party,  agreed  upon  this  principle  and 
policy,  having  sober  leadership,  without  any  obligation  for  suc- 
cess to  the  saloon  vote  and  to  those  demoralizing  political  com- 
binations of  men  and  money  now  allied  therewith  and  suppliant 
thereto,  could  successfully  cope  with  all  other  and  lesser  prob- 
lems of  government,  in  legislative  halls  and  in  the  legislative 
chair,  and  that  it  is  useless  for  any  party  to  make  declarations 
in  its  platform  as  to  any  questions  concerning  which  there  may 
be  serious  differences  of  opinion  in  its  own  membership  and  as  to 
which,  because  of  such  differences,  the  party  could  legislate  only 
on  a  basis  of  mutual  concessions  when  coming  into  power. 

We  submit  that  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  are 
alike  insincere  in  their  assumed  policy  to  trusts  and  monopolies. 
They  dare  not  and  do  not  attack  the  most  dangerous  of  them 
all,  the  liquor  power.  So  long  as  the  saloon  debauches  the  citi- 
zens and  breeds  the  purchasable  voter,  money  will  continue  to 
buy  its  way  to  power.  Break  down  this  traffic,  elevate  man- 
hood, and  a  sober  citizenship  will  find  a  way  to  control  danger- 
ous combinations  of  capital. 

We  purpose  as  a  first  step  in  the  financial  problems  of  the 
Nation  to  save  more  than  a  billion  of  dollars  every  year  now 
annually  expended  to  support  the  liquor  traffic  and  to  demoral- 
ize our  people.  When  that  is  accomplished,  conditions  will  have 
so  improved  that  with  a  clearer  atmosphere  the  country  can 
address  itself  to  the  questions  as  to  the  kind  and  quantity  of 
currency  needed. 

We  reaffirm  as  true,  indisputably,  the  declaration  of  William 
Windom,  when  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  in  the  Cabinet  <u 
President  Arthur,  that  "considered  socially,  financially,  political- 
ly, or  morally,  the  licensed  liquor  traffic  is  or  ought  to  be  the 
overwhelming  issue  in  American  politics,"  and  that  "the  de- 
struction of  this  iniquity  stands  next  on  the  calendar  of  the 
world's  progress."  We  hold  that  the  existence  of  our  party 
presents  this  issue  squarely  to  the  American  people,  and  lays 


560  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS. 


upon  them  the  responsibility  of  choice  between  liquor  parties, 
dominated  by  distillers  and  brewers,  with  their  policy  of  saloon 
perpetuation,  breeding  waste,  wickedness,  woe,  pauperism,  taxa- 
tion, corruption,  and  crime,  and  our  one  party  of  patriotic  and 
moral  principle,  with  a  policy  which  defends  it  from  domination 
by  corrupt  bosses,  and  which  insures  it  forever  against  the 
blighting  control  of  saloon  politics. 

We  face  with  sorrow,  shame  and  fear  the  awful  fact  that  this 
liquor  traffic  has  a  grip  on  our  Government,  municipal,  State 
and  National,  through  the  revenue  system  and  saloon  sover- 
eignty, which  no  other  party  dares  to  dispute ;  a  grip  which 
dominates  the  party  now  in  power,  from  caucus  to  Congress, 
from  policeman  to  President,  from  the  rumshop  to  the  White 
House,  a  grip  which  compels  the  Chief  Executive  to  consent 
that  law  shall  be  nullified  in  behalf  of  the  brewer,  that  the  can- 
teen shall  curse  our  army  and  spread  intemperance  across  the 
seas,  and  that  our  flag  shall  wave  as  the  symbol  of  partnership, 
at  home  and  abroad,  between,  this  Government  and  the  men  who 
defy  and  defile  it  for  their  own  profit  and  gain. 

We  charge  on  President  McKinley,  who  was  elected  to  his 
high  office  by  appeals  to  Christian  sentiment  and  patriotism 
almost  unprecedented  and  by  a  combination  of  moral  influences 
never  before  seen  in  this  country,  that  by  his  conspicuous  ex- 
ample as  a  wine  drinker  at  public  banquets,  and  as  a  wine-serv- 
ing host  at  the  White  House,  he  has  done  more  to  encourage 
the  liquor  business,  to  demoralize  the  temperance  habits  of  young 
men,  and  to  bring  Christian  practices  and  requirements  into  dis- 
repute than  any  other  President  this  Republic  has  had. 

We  further  charge  upon  President  McKinley  responsibility 
for  the  army  canteen,  with  all  its  dire  brood  of  disease,  immo- 
rality, sin  and  death  in  this  country,  in  Cuba,  in  Porto  Rico  and 
the  Philippines,  and  we  insist  that  by  his  attitude  concerning 
the  canteen  and  his  apparent  contempt  for  the  vast  number  of 
petitions  and  petitioners  protesting  against  it  he  has  outraged 
and  insulted  the  moral  sentiment  of  this  country  in  such  a  man- 
ner and  to  such  a  degree  as  calls  for  its  righteous  uprising,  and 
his  indignant  and  effective  rebuke. 

We  challenge  denial  of  the  fact  that  our  Executive,  as  Com- 
mander in  Chief  of  the  military  forces  of  the  United  States  at 
any  time  prior  to  or  since  March  2,  1899,  could  have  closed  every 
army  saloon,  called  a  canteen,  by  executive  order,  as  President 
Hayes  before  him,  and  should  have  closed  them,  for  the  same 
reasons  which  actuated  President  Hayes.  We  assert  that  the 
act  of  Congress,  passed  March  2,  1899,  forbidding  the  sale  of 
liquors  "in  any  post,  exchange  or  canteen"  by  any  "officer  or 

Erivate  soldier,"  or  by  "any  other  person,  on  any  premises  used 
or  military  purposes  by  the  United  States,"  was  and  is  ex- 
plicitly an  act  of  prohibition,  as  much  so  as  the  language  can 
frame ;  we  declare  our  solemn  belief  that  the  Attorney  General, 
in  his  interpretation  of  that  law,  and  that  the  Secretary  of  W0r, 
in  his  acceptance  of  that  interpretation  and  his  refusal  to  en- 
force the  law,  were  and  are  guilty  of  treasonable  nullification 
thereof,  and  that  President  McKinley,  through  his  assent  to  and 
indorsement  of  such  interpretation  and  refusal  on  the  part  of 


DICTIONARY   OF   AMERICAN   POLITICS.  fiKl 

the  officials  appointed  by  and  responsible  to  him,  shares  re- 
sponsibility in  their  guilt,  and  we  record  our  conviction  that  a 
new  and  serious  peril  confronts  our  country,  in  the  fact  that  its 
President,  at  the  behest  of  the  beer  power,  dares,  and  does 
abrogate  a  law  of  Congress,  through  subordinates  removable  at 
will  by  him,  and  whose  acts  become  his,  and  thus  virtually  con- 
fesses that  laws  are  to  be  administered,  or  to  be  nullified,  in  the 
interest  of  a  law-defying  business,  by  an  Administration  under 
mortgage  to  such  business  for  support. 

We  deplore  the  fact  that  an  Administration  of  this  Republic 
claiming  the  right  and  power  to  carry  our  flag  across  the  seas 
and  to  conquer  and  annex  new  territory,  should  admit  its  lack 
of  power  to  prohibit  the  American  saloon  on  subjugated  soil,  or 
should  openly  confess  itself  subject  to  liquor  sovereignty  under 
that  flag.  We  are  humiliated,  exasperated  and  grieved  by  the 
evidence  plainly  abundant  that  the  Administration's  policy  of 
expansion  is  bearing  so  rapidly  its  fruits  of  drunkenness,  in- 
sanity and  crime,  under  the  hothouse  sun  of  the  tropics,  and 
when  the  President  of  the  first  Philippine  Commission  says : 
"It  was  unfortunate  that  we  introduced  and  established  the 
saloon  there,  to  corrupt  the  natives  and  to  exhibit  the  vices  of 
our  race."  We  charge  the  inhumanity  and  unchristianity  of 
this  act  upon  the  Administration  of  McKinley  and  upon  the 
party  which  elected  him  and  would  perpetuate  the  same. 

We  declare  that  the  only  policy  which  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  can  of  right  adopt  as  to  the  liquor  traffic  under 
the  National  Constitution,  upon  any  territory  under  the  military 
or  civil  control  of  that  Government,  is  the  policy  of  prohibition, 
and  that  the  revenue  policy  which  makes  our  Government  a 
partner  with  distillers  and  brewers  and  barkeepers  is  a  disgrace 
to  our  civilization,  an  outrage  upon  humanity  and  a  crime 
against  God. 

The  fact  being  plain  and  undeniable  that  the  Democratic  party 
stands  for  license,  the  saloon  and  the  canteen,  while  the  Repub- 
lican party,  in  policy  and  administration,  stands  for  the  can- 
teen, the  saloon  and  revenue  therefrom,  we  declare  ourselves 
justified  in  expecting  that  Christian  voters  everywhere  shall 
cease  their  complicity  with  the  liquor  curse  by  refusing  to  uphold 
a  liquor  party,  and  shall  unite  themselves  with  the  only  party 
which  upholds  the  prohibition  policy,  and  which  for  nearly  thirty 
years  has  been  the  faithful  defender  of  the  church,  the  State, 
the  home  and  the  school  against  the  saloon,  its  expanders  and 
perpetuators,  their  actual  and  persistent  foe. 

We  declare  that  there  are  but  two  real  parties  to-day  con- 
cerning  the  liquor  traffic — perpetuationists  and  prohibitionists — 
and  that  patriotism,  Christianity  and  every  interest  of  genuine 
republicanism  and  of  pure  democracy,  besides  the  loyalty  to  the 
demands  of  our  common  humanity,  require  the  speedy  union,  in 
one  solid  phalanx  at  the  ballot  box,  of  all  who  oppose  the  liquor 
traffic  perpetuation  and  who  covet  endurance  for  this  Republic. 


562   DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


SOCIALISTS. 


In  July,  1899,  dissensions  occurred  in  the  ranks  of  the  So- 
cialist Labor  party,  which  resulted  in  the  formation  of  two  fac- 
tions. Both  factions  claimed  the  right  to  use  tb~  original  name 
of  the  party  and  the  question  was  tried  in  the  courts.  The  re- 
sult was  a  decision  in  favor  of  the  faction  which  split  off  from 
the  main  body.  This  faction  was  lead  by  Daniel  De  Leon.  Until 
the  decision  of  the  court  was  pronounced  the  main  body  of  the 
party  continued  to  be  known  as  the  Socialist  Labor  party,  while 
the  dissevered  faction  was  called  the  De  Leon  Socialists,  after 
its  leader. 

On  January  27,  1900,  the  main  body,  now  without  a  name, 
held  a  Convention  in  Rochester,  N.  Y.,  and  decided  to  amalga- 
mate with  the  Socialist  Democratic  party.  When  the  latter 
body  met  in  Indiana  on  March  7,  1900,  to  adopt  a  national 
platform  and  place  its  candidates  in  nomination,  it  accepted  the 
proposition  for  amalgamation.  The  two  bodies  are  now,  there- 
fore, united  under  the  name  of  Social  Democratic  party,  leaving 
to  the  split-off  the  name  of  the  Socialist  Labor  party. 


NATIONAL  SOCIAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  INDIANAPOLIS,  MARCH  9,  1500. 

The  Social  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States,  in  conven- 
v,!on  assembled,  reaffirms  its  allegiance  to  the  revolutionary  prin- 
ciples of  International  Socialism  and  declares  the  supreme  po- 
litical issue  in  America  to-day  to  be  the  contest  between  the 
working  class  and  the  capitalist  class  for  the  possession  of  the 
powers  of  government.  The  party  affirms  its  steadfast  purpose 
to  use  those  powers,  once  achieved,  to  destroy  wage  slavery, 
abolish  the  institution  of  private  property  in  the  means  of  pro- 
duction and  establish  the  Co-operative  Commonwealth. 

In  the  United  States,  as  in  all  other  civilized  countries,  the 
natural  order  of  economic  development  has  separated  society 
into  two  antagonistic  classes — the  capitalists,  a  comparatively 
small  class,  the  possessors  of  all  the  modern  means  of  produc- 
tion and  distribution  (land,  mines,  machinery  and  means  of 
transportation  and  communication),  and  the  large  and  ever  in- 
creasing class  of  wage  workers  possessing  no  means  of  produc- 
tion. 

This  economic  supremacy  has  secured  to  the  dominant  class 
the  full  control  of  the  government,  the  pulpit,  the  schools  and 
the  public  press;  it  has  thus  made  the  capitalist  class  the  ar- 
biter of  the  workers,  whom  it  is  reducing  to  a  condition  of  de- 
pendence, economically  exploited  and  oppressed,  intellectually 
and  physically  crippled  and  degraded,  and  their  political  equality 
rendered  a  bitter  mockery. 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS.  563 

The  contest  between  these  two  classes  grows  ever  sharper. 
Hand  in  hand  with  the  growth  of  monopolies  goes  the  annihila- 
tion of  small  industries  and  of  the  middle  class  depending  upon 
them  ;  ever  larger  grows  the  multitude  of  destitute  wage  workers 
and  of  the  unemployed,  and  ever  fiercer  the  struggle  between  the 
class  of  the  exploiter  and  the  exploited,  the  capitalists  and  the 
wage  workers. 

The  evil  effects  of  capitalist  production  are  intensified  by  the 
recurring  industrial  crises  which  render  the  existence  of  the 
greater  part  of  the  population  still  more  precarious  and  uncer- 
tain. 

These  facts  amply  prove  that  the  modern  means  of  production 
have  outgrown  the  existing  social  order  based  on  production  for 
profit. 

Human  energy  and  natural  resources  are  wasted  for  individual 
gain. 

Ignorance  is  fostered  that  wage  slavery  may  be  perpetuated. 
Science  and  invention  are  perverted  to  the  exploitation  of  men 
and  women,  and  children. 

The  lives  and  liberties  of  the  working  class  are  recklessly 
sacrificed  for  profit. 

Wars  are  fomented  between  nations ;  indiscriminate  slaughter 
is  encouraged ;  the  destruction  of  whole  races  is  sanctioned,  in 
order  that  the  capitalist  class  may  extend  its  commercial  do- 
minion abroad  and  enhance  its  supremacy  at  home. 

The  introduction  of  a  new  and  higher  order  of  society  is  the 
historic  mission  of  the  working  class.  All  other  classes,  despite 
their  apparent  or  actual  conflicts,  are  interested  in  upholding 
the  system  of  private  ownership  in  the  means  of  production. 
The  Democratic,  Republican  and  all  other  parties  which  do  not 
stand  for  the  complete  overthrow  of  the  capitalist  system  of 
production  are  alike  the  tools  of  the  capitalist  class.  Their 
policies  are  injurious  to  the  interest  of  the  working  class,  which 
can  be  served  only  by  the  abolition  of  the  profit  system. 

The  workers  can  most  effectively  act  as  a  class  in  their  strug- 
gle against  the  collective  power  of  the  capitalist  class  only  by 
constituting  themselves  into  a  political  party,  distinct  and  op- 
posed to  all  parties  formed  by  the  propertied  classes. 

We,  therefore,  call  upon  the  wage  workers  of  the  United 
States,  without  distinction  of  color,  race,  sex  or  creed,  and  upon 
all  citizens  in  sympathy  with  the  historic  mission  of  the  working 
class,  to  organize  under  the  banner  of  the  Social  Democratic 
party,  as  a  party  truly  representing  the  interests  of  the  toiling 
masses  and  uncompromisingly  waging  war  upon  the  exploiting 
class,  until  the  system  of  wage  slavery  shall  be  abolished  and  the 
Co-operative  Commonwealth  shall  be  set  up.  Pending  the  ac- 
complishment of  this  our  ultimate  purpose,  we  pledge  every 
effort  of  the  Social  Democratic  party  for  the  immediate  im- 
provement of  the  condition  of  labor  and  for  the  securing  of  its 
progressive  demands. 

As  steps  in  that  direction,  we  make  the  following  demands : 

First — Revision  of  our  Federal  Constitution,  in  order  to  re- 
move the  obstacles  to  complete  control  of  government  by  the 
people  irrespective  of  sex. 


564  DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN   POLITICS. 

Second — The  public  ownership  of  all  industries  controlled  by 
monopolies,  trusts  and  combines. 

Third — The  public  ownership  of  all  railroads,  telegraphs  and 
telephones ;  all  means  of  transportation  and  communication ;  all 
water  works,  gas  and  electric  plants,  and  other  public  utilities. 

Fourth — The  public  ownership  of  all  gold,  silver,  copper,  lead, 
iron,  coal  and  other  mines,  and  all  oil  and  gas  wells. 

Fifth — The  reduction  of  the  hours  of  labor  in  proportion  to 
the  increasing  facilities  of  production. 

Sixth — The  inauguration  of  a  system  of  public  works  and  im- 
provements for  the  employment  of  the  unemployed,  the  public 
credit  to  be  utilized  for  that  purpose. 

Seventh — Useful  inventions  to  be  free,  the  inventors  to  be  re- 
munerated by  the  public. 

Eighth — Labor  legislation  to  be  national,  instead  of  local,  and 
international  when  possible. 

Ninth — National  insurance  of  working  people  against  acci- 
dents, lack  of  employment  and  want  in  old  age. 

Tenth — Equal  civic  and  political  rights  for  men  and  women, 
and  the  abolition  of  all  laws  discriminating  against  women. 

Eleventh — The  adoption  of  the  initiative  and  referendum, 
proportional  representation,  and  the  right  of  recall  of  repre- 
sentatives by  the  voters. 

Twelfth — Abolition  of  war  and  the  introduction  of  interna- 
tional arbitration. 


NATIONAL    SOCIALIST    LABOR    PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  NEW  YORK,  JUNE  3,  1900. 

The  Socialist  Labor  party  of  the  United  States,  in  conven- 
tion assembled,  reasserts  the  inalienable  right  of  all  men  to  life, 
liberty  and  pursuit  of  happiness. 

With  the  founders  of  the  American  republic  we  hold  that  the 
purpose  of  government  is  to  secure  every  citizen  in  the  enjoy- 
ment of  this  right ;  but  in  the  light  of  our  social  conditions  we 
hold,  furthermore,  that  no  such  right  can  be  exercised  under  a 
system  of  economic  inequality,  essentially  destructive  of  life, 
of  liberty  and  of  happiness. 

With  the  founders  of  this  republic  we  hold  that  the  true 
theory  of  politics  is  that  the  machinery  of  government  must  be 
owned  and  controlled  by  the  whole  people ;  but  in  the  light  of 
our  industrial  development  we  hold,  furthermore,  that  the  true 
theory  of  economics  is  that  the  machinery  of  production  must 
likewise  belong  to  the  people  in  common. 

To  the  obvious  fact  that  our  despotic  system  of  economics  is 
the  direct  opposite  of  our  democratic  system  of  politics,  can 
plainly  be  traced  the  existence  of  a  privileged  class,  the  cor- 
ruption of  government  by  that  class,  the  alienation  of  public 
property,  public  franchises  and  public  functions  to  that  class, 
and  the  abject  dependence  of  the  mightiest  of  nations  upon  that 
class. 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.   565 

Again,  through  the  perversion  of  democracy  to  the  ends  of 
plutocracy,  labor  is  robbed  of  the  wealth  which  it  alone  pro- 
duces, is  denied  the  means  of  self-employment,  and,  by  compul- 
sory idleness  in  wage  slavery,  is  even  deprived  of  the  necessaries 
of  life. 

Human  power  and  natural  forces  are  thus  wasted,  that  the 
plutocracy  may  rule. 

Ignorance  and  misery,  with  all  their  concomitant  evils,  are 
perpetuated,  that  the  people  may  be  kept  in  bondage. 

Science  and  invention  are  diverted  from  their  humane  purpose 
to  the  enslavement  of  women  and  children. 

Against  such  a  system  the  Socialist  Labor  party  once  more 
enters  its  protest.  Once  more  it  reiterates  its  fundamental 
declaration  that  private  property  in  the  natural  sources  of  pro- 
duction, and  in  the  instruments  of  labor  is  the  obvious  cause  of 
all  economic  servitude  and  political  dependence. 

The  time  is  fast  coming  when,  in  the  natural  course  of  social 
evolution,  this  system,  through  the  destructive  action  of  its 
failures  and  crises  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  constructive  ten- 
dencies of  its  trusts  and  other  capitalistic  combinations  on  the 
other  hand,  shall  have  worked  out  its  own  downfall. 

We,  therefore,  call  upon  the  wage-workers  of  the  United 
States,  and  upon  all  other  honest  citizens,  to  organize  under  the 
banner  of  the  Socialist  Labor  party  into  a  class-conscious  body, 
aware  of  its  rights,  and  determined  to  conquer  them  by  taking 
possession  of  the  public  powers ;  so  that,  held  together  by  an 
indomitable  spirit  of  solidarity  under  the  most  trying  conditions 
of  the  present  class  struggle,  we  may  put  a  summary  end  to  that 
barbarous  struggle  by  the  abolition  of  classes,  the  restoration  of 
the  land  and  of  all  the  means  of  production,  transportation  and 
distribution  to  the  people  as  a  collective  body,  and  the  substi- 
tution of  the  Co-operative  Commonwealth  for  the  present  state 
of  planless  production,  industrial  war  and  social  disorder ;  a 
commonwealth  in  which  every  worker  shall  have  the  free  exer- 
cise and  full  benefit  of  his  faculties,  multiplied  by  all  the 
modern  factors  of  civilization. 


566        DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

PARTY  PLATFORMS. 

1904 


DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN,   PEOPLES'  PARTY,   SOCIALIST,   SO- 
CIALIST  LABOR,    UNITED    CHRISTIAN,    NATIONAL 
LIBERTY,  PROHIBITION,  CONTINENTAL. 


NATIONAL    DEMOCRATIC     PLATFORM 

ADOPTED  AT  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  JULY  8,  1904. 

The  Democratic  party  of  the  United  States,  in  national  con- 
vention assembled,  declares  its  devotion  to  the  essential  princi- 
ples of  the  Democratic  faith  which  brings  us  together  in  party 
communion. 

Under  them  local  self-government  and  national  unity  and 
prosperity  were  alike  established.  They  underlaid  our  inde- 
pendence, the  structure  of  our  free  republic,  and  every  Demo- 
cratic extension  from  Louisiana  to  California,  and  Texas  to 
Oregon,  which  preserves  faithfully  in  all  the  States  the  tie 
between  taxation  and  representation.  They  yet  inspire  masses 
of  our  people,  guarding  jealously  their  rights  and  liberties,  and 
cherishing  their  fraternity,  peace  and  orderly  development. 
They  remind  us  of  our  duties  and  responsibilities  as  citizens, 
and  impress  upon  us,  particularly  at  this  time,  the  necessity 
of  reform  and  the  rescue  of  the  administration  of  government 
from  the  headstrong,  arbitrary  and  spasmodic  methods  which 
distract  business  by  uncertainty,  and  pervade  the  public  mind 
with  dread,  distrust  and  perturbation. 

Fundamental  Principles. — The  application  of  these  funda- 
mental principles  to  the  living  issues  of  the  day  is  the  first  step 
toward  the  assured  peace,  safety  and  progress  of  our  nation. 
Freedom  of  the  press,  of  conscience  and  of  speech ;  equality  be- 
fore the  law  of  all  citizens ;  the  right  of  trial  by  jury ;  freedom 
of  the  person  defended  by  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  ;  liberty  of 
personal  contract  untrammeled  by  sumptuary  laws;  the  su- 
premacy of  the  civil  over  the  military  authority ;  a  well-disci- 
plined militia ;  the  separation  of  church  and  State ;  economy 
in  expenditures ;  low  taxes ;  that  labor  may  be  lightly  bur- 
dened ;  the  prompt  and  sacred  fulfilment  of  public  and  private 
obligations ;  fidelity  to  treaties ;  peace  and  friendship  with  all 
nations ;  entangling  alliances  with  none ;  absolute  acquiescence 
in  the  will  of  the  majority,  the  vital  principle  of  republics — 
these  are  doctrines  which  Democracy  has  established  as  proverbs 
of  the  nation  and  they  should  be  constantly  invoked,  preached, 
resorted  to  and  enforced. 

Capital  and  Z/a&or. — We  favor  the  enactment  and  adminia- 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.        567 

tration  of  laws  giving  labor  and  capital  impartially  their  just 
rights.  Capital  and  labor  ought  not  to  be  enemies.  Each  is 
necessary  to  the  other.  Each  has  its  rights,  but  the  rights  of 
labor  are  certainly  no  less  "vested,"  no  less  "sacred"  and  no 
less  "inalienable"  than  the  rights  of  capital. 

Constitutional  Guarantee. — Constitutional  guarantees  are  vio- 
lated whenever  any  citizen  is  denied  the  right  to  labor,  acquire 
and  enjoy  property  or  reside  where  interests  or  inclination  may 
determine.  Any  denial  thereof  by  individuals,  organizations  or 
governments  should  be  summarily  rebuked  and  punished. 

We  deny  the  right  of  any  executive  to  disregard  or  suspend 
any  constitutional  privilege  or  limitation.  Obedience  to  the 
laws  and  respect  for  their  requirements  are  alike  the  supreme 
duty  of  the  citizen  and  the  official. 

The  military  should  be  used  only  to  support  and  maintain 
the  law.  We  unqualifiedly  condemn  its  employment  for  the 
summary  banishment  of  citizens  without  trial  or  for  the  control 
of  elections. 

We  approve  the  measure  which  passed  the  United  States 
Senate  in  1896,  but  which  a  Republican  Congress  has  ever 
since  refused  to  enact,  relating  to  contempts  in  Federal  Courts 
and  providing  for  trial  by  jury  in  cases  of  indirect  contempt. 

Waterways. — We  favor  liberal  appropriations  for  the  improve- 
ment of  waterways  of  the  country.  When  any  waterway  like 
the  Mississippi  River  is  of  sufficient  importance  to  demand 
special  aid  of  the  Government,  such  aid  should  be  extended  with 
a  definite  plan  of  continuous  work  until  permanent  improve- 
ment is  secured. 

We  oppose  the  Republican  policy  of  starving  home  develop- 
ment in  order  to  feed  the  greed  for  conquest  and  the  appetite 
for  national  "prestige"  and  display  of  strength. 

Economy  of  Administration. — Large  reductions  can  easily  be 
made  in  the  annual  expenditures  of  the  Government  without 
impairing  the  efficiency  of  any  branch  of  the  public  service,  and 
we  shall  insist  upon  the  strictest  economy  and  frugality  com- 
patible with  vigorous  and  efficient  civil,  military  and  naval 
administration  as  a  right  of  the  people  too  clear  to  be  denied 
or  withheld. 

We  favor  honesty  in  the  public  service,  the  enforcement  of 
honesty  in  the  public  service,  and  to  that  end  a  thorough  legis- 
lative investigation  of  those  executive  departments  of  the  Gov- 
ernment already  known  to  teem  with  corruption,  as  well  as 
other  departments  suspected  of  harboring  corruption,  and  the 
punishment  of  ascertained  corruptionists,  without  fear  or  favor 
or  regard  to  persons.  The  persistent  and  deliberate  refusal 
of  both  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  to  permit  such 
investigation  to  be  made  demonstrates  that  only  by  a  change  in 
the  executive  and  in  the  legislative  departments  can  complete 
exposures,  punishment  and  correction  be  obtained. 

Federal  Government  Contracts  with  Trusts. — We  condemn 
the  action  of  the  Republican  party  in  Congress  in  refusing  to 
prohibit  an  executive  department  from  entering  into  contracts 
with  convicted  trusts  or  unlawful  combinations  in  restraint  of 
interstate  trade.  We  believe  that  one  of  the  best  methods  of 


568      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

procuring  economy  and  honesty  in  the  public  service  is  to  have 
public  officials,  from  the  occupant  of  the  White  House  down 
to  the  lowest  of  them,  return  as  nearly  as  may  be  to  Jeffersonian 
simplicity  of  living. 

Executive  Usurpation. — We  favor  the  nomination  and  election 
of  a  President  imbued  with  the  principles  of  the  Constitution, 
who  will  set  his  face  sternly  against  executive  usurpation  of 
legislative  and  judicial  functions,  whether  that  usurpation  be 
veiled  under  the  guise  of  executive  construction  of  existing  laws, 
or  whether  it  take  refuge  in  the  tyrant's  pleas  of  necessity  or 
superior  wisdom. 

Imperialism. — We  favor  the  preservation,  so  far  as  we  can, 
of  an  open  door  for  the  world's  commerce  in  the  Orient  without 
any  unnecessary  entanglement  in  Oriental  and  European  affairs, 
and  without  arbitrary,  unlimited,  irresponsibility  and  abso- 
lute government  anywhere  within  our  jurisdiction.  We  oppose, 
as  fervently  as  did  George  Washington  himself,  an  indefinite, 
irresponsible,  discretionary  and  vague  absolutism  and  a  policy 
of  colonial  exploitation,  no  matter  where  or  by  whom  invoked 
or  exercised;  we  believe  with  Thomas  Jefferson  and  John 
Adams  that  no  government  has  a  right  to  make  one  set  of 
laws  for  those  "at  home"  and  another  and  a  different  set  of 
laws,  absolute  in  their  character,  for  those  "in  the  colonies." 
All  men  under  the  American  flag  are  entitled  to  the  protection 
of  the  institutions  whose  emblem  the  flag  is ;  if  they  are  in- 
herently unfit  for  those  institutions  then  they  are  inherently 
unfit  to  be  members  of  the  American  body  politic.  Wherever 
there  t  may  exist  a  people  incapable  of  being  governed  under 
American  laws,  in  consonance  with  the  American  Constitution, 
the  territory  of  that  people  ought  not  to  be  part  of  the  American 
domain. 

We  insist  that  we  ought  to  do  for  the  Filipinos  what  we  have 
already  done  for  the  Cubans,  and  it  is  our  duty  to  make  that 
promise  now,  and  upon  suitable  guarantees  of  protection  to 
citizens  of  our  own  and  other  countries  resident  there  at  the 
time  of  our  withdrawal,  set  the  Filipino  people  upon  their  feet, 
free  and  independent,  to  work  out  their  own  destiny.  The  en- 
deavor of  the  Secretary  of  War,  by  pledging  the  Government's 
indorsement  for  "promoters"  in  the  Philippine  Islands,  to  make 
the  United  States  a  partner  in  speculative  legislation  of  the 
archipelago,  which  was  only  temporarily  held  up  by  the  opposi- 
tion of  the  Democratic  Senators  in  the  last  session,  will,  it 
successful,  lead  to  entanglements  from  which  it  will  be  difficult 
to  escape. 

The  Tariff. — The  Democratic  party  has  been,  and  will  con- 
tinue to  be,  the  consistent  opponent  of  that  class  of  tariff  legis- 
lation by  which  certain  interests  have  been  permitted,  through 
Congressional  favor,  to  draw  a  heavy  tribute  from  the  American 
people.  This  monstrous  perversion  of  those  equal  opportuni- 
ties which  our  political  institutions  were  established  to  secure 
has  caused  what  may  once  have  been  infant  industries  to  become 
the  greatest  combinations  of  capital  that  the  world  has  ever 
known.  These  especial  favorites  of  the  Government  have, 
through  trust  methods,  been  converted  into  monopolies,  thus 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      569 

bringing  to  an  end  domestic  competition,  which  was  the  only 
alleged  check  upon  the  extravagant  profits  made  possible  by 
the  protective  system.  These  industrial  combinations,  by  the 
financial  assistance  they  can  give,  now  control  the  policy  of 
the  Republican  party. 

We  denounce  protection  as  a  robbery  of  the  many  to  enrich 
the  few,  and  we  favor  a  tariff  limited  to  the  needs  of  the 
Government,  economically  administered,  and  so  levied  as  not  to 
discriminate  against  any  industry,  class  or  section,  to  the  end 
that  the  burdens  of  taxation  shall  be  distributed  as  equally  aa 
possible. 

We  favor  a  revision  and  a  gradual  reduction  of  the  tariff 
by  the  friends  of  the  masses  for  the  commonwealth,  and  not  by 
the  friends  of  its  abuses,  its  extortions  and  its  discriminations, 
keeping  in  view  the  ultimate  ends  of  "equality  of  burdens  and 
equality  of  opportunities,"  and  the  constitutional  purpose  of 
raising  a  revenue  by  taxation,  to  wit,  the  support  of  the  Federal 
Government  in  all  its  integrity  and  virility,  but  in  simplicity. 

Trusts  and  Unlawful  Combinations. — We  recognize  that  the 
gigantic  trusts  and  combinations  designed  to  enable  capital  to 
secure  more  than  its  just  share  of  the  joint  products  of  capital 
and  labor,  and  which  have  been  fostered  and  promoted  under 
Republican  rule,  are  a  menace  to  beneficial  competition  and  an 
obstacle  to  permanent  business  prosperity.  A  private  monopoly 
is  indefensible  and  intolerable. 

Individual  equality  of  opportunity  and  free  competition  are 
essential  to  a  healthy  and  permanent  commercial  prosperity, 
and  any  trust  or  monopoly  tending  to  destroy  these  by  con- 
trolling production,  restricting  competition  or  fixing  prices, 
should  be  prohibited  and  punished  by  law.  We  especially  de- 
nounce rebates  and  discrimination  by  transportation  companies 
as  the  most  potent  agency  in  promoting  and  strengthening  these 
unlawful  conspiracies  against  trade. 

We  demand  an  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission,  to  the  end  that  the  travelling  public 
and  shippers  of  this  Government  may  have  prompt  and  adequate 
relief  from  the  abuses  to  which  they  are  subjected  in  the  matter 
of  transportation.  We  demand  a  strict  enforcement  of  existing 
civil  and  criminal  statutes  against  all  such  trusts,  combinations 
and  monopolies ;  and  we  demand  the  enactment  of  such  further 
legislation  as  may  be  necessary  to  effectually  suppress  them. 

Any  trust  or  unlawful  combination  in  interstate  commerce 
which  is  monopolizing  any  branch  of  business  or  production 
should  not  be  permitted  to  transact  business  outside  of  the 
State  of  its  origin.  Whenever  it  shall  be  established  in  any 
court  of  competent  jurisdiction  that  such  monopolization  exists, 
such  prohibition  should  be  enforced  through  comprehensive 
laws  to  be  enacted  on  the  subject. 

Reclamation  of  Arid  Lands  and  Domestic  Development.  We 
congratulate  our  Western  citizens  upon  the  passage  of  tho 
law  known  as  the  Newlands  Irrigation  Act  for  the  irrigation 
and  reclamation  of  the  arid  lands  of  the  West — a  measure 
framed  by  a  Democrat,  passed  in  the  Senate  by  a  non-partisan 
vote,  and  passed  in  the  House  against  the  opposition  of  almost 


570      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

all  Republican  leaders  by  a  vote  the  majority  of  which  was 
Democratic.  We  call  attention  to  this  great  Democratic  meas- 
ure, broad  and  comprehensive  as  it  is,  working  automatically 
throughout  all  time  without  further  action  of  Congress,  until 
the  reclamation  of  all  the  lands  in  the  arid  West  capable  of 
reclamation  is  accomplished,  reserving  the  lands  reclaimed  for 
home  seekers  in  small  tracts,  and  rigidly  guarding  against  land 
monopoly,  as  an  evidence  of  the  policy  of  domestic  development 
contemplated  by  the  Democratic  party,  should  it  be  placed  in 
power. 

Isthmian  Canal. — The  Democracy  when  intrusted  with  power 
will  construct  the  Panama  Canal  speedily,  honestly  and  eco- 
nomically, thereby  giving  to  our  people  what  Democrats  have 
always  contended  for — a  great  interoceanic  canal,  furnishing 
shorter  and  cheaper  lines  of  transportation  and  broader  and 
less  trammeled  trade  relations  with  the  other  peoples  of  the 
world. 

American  Citizenship. — We  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon 
the  just  and  lawful  protection  of  our  citizens  at  home  and 
abroad,  and  to  use  all  proper  measures  to  secure  for  them, 
whether  native-born  or  naturalized,  and  without  distinction  of 
race  or  creed,  the  equal  protection  of  laws  and  the  enjoyment 
of  all  rights  and  privileges  open  to  them  under  the  covenants 
of  our  treaties  of  friendship  and  commerce ;  and  if  under  ex- 
isting treaties  the  right  of  travel  and  sojourn  is  denied  to 
American  citizens,  or  recognition  is  withheld  from  American 
passports  by  any  countries  on  the  ground  of  race  or  creed,  we 
favor  the  beginning  of  negotiations  with  the  governments  of 
such  countries  to  secure  by  new  treaties  the  removal  of  these 
unjust  discriminations.  We  demand  that  all  over  the  world 
a  duly  authenticated  passport  issued  by  the  Government  of  the 
United  States  to  an  American  citizen  shall  be  proof  of  the  fact 
that  he  is  an  American  citizen  and  shall  entitle  him  to  the 
treatment  due  him  as  such. 

Election  of  Senators  ly  the  People. — We  favor  the  election 
of  United  States  Senators  by  the  direct  vote  of  the  people. 

Statehood  for  Territories. — We  favor  the  admission  of  the 
territory  of  Oklahoma  and  the  Indian  Territory.  We  also  favor 
the  immediate  admission  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico  as  sepa- 
rate States,  and  a  territorial  government  for  Alaska  and  Porto 
Rico, 

We  hold  that  the  officials  appointed  to  administer  the  gov- 
ernment of  any  territory,  as  well  as  with  the  district  of  Alaska, 
should  be  bona  fide  residents  at  the  time  of  their  appointment 
of  the  territory  or  district  in  which  their  duties  are  to  be  per- 
formed. 

Condemnation  of  Polygamy. — We  demand  the  extermination  of 
polygamy  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  United  States  and  the 
complete  separation  of  church  and  State  in  political  affairs. 

Merchant  Marine. — We  denounce  the  ship  subsidy  bill  re- 
cently passed  by  the  United  States  Senate  as  an  iniquitous  ap- 
propriation of  public  funds  for  private  purposes  and  a  wasteful, 
illogical  and  useless  attempt  to  overcome  by  subsidy  the  ob- 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      571 

structions  raised  by  Republican  legislation  to  the  growth  and 
development  of  American  commerce  on  the  sea. 

We  favor  the  upbuilding  of  a  merchant  marine  without  new 
or  additional  burdens  upon  the  people  and  without  bounties 
from  the  public  treasury. 

Reciprocity. — We  favor  liberal  trade  arrangements  with  Can- 
ada, and  with  peoples  of  other  countries,  where  these  can  be 
entered  into  with  benefit  to  American  agriculture,  manufactures 
mining  or  commerce. 

Monroe  Doctrine. — We  favor  the  maintenance  of  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  in  its  full  integrity. 

Army. — We  favor  the  reduction  of  the  army  and  of  army 
expenditures  to  the  point  historically  demonstrated  to  be  safe 
and  sufficient. 

Pensions  and  Our  Soldiers  and  Sailors. — The  Democracy 
would  secure  to  the  surviving  soldiers  and  sailors  and  their 
dependents  generous  pensions,  not  by  an  arbitrary  executive 
order,  but  by  legislation  which  we  grateful  people  stand  ready  to 
enact.  Our  soldiers  and  sailors  who  defend  with  their  lives  the 
Constitution  and  the  laws  have  a  sacred  interest  in  their  just 
administration.  They  must  therefore  share  with  us  the  humilia- 
tion with  which  we  have  witnessed  the  exaltation  of  court 
favorites,  without  distinguished  service,  over  the  scarred  heroes 
of  many  battles ;  or  aggrandized  by  legislative  appropriations 
out  of  the  treasuries  of  a  prostrate  people,  in  violation  of  act 
of  Congress,  which  fixes  the  compensation  and  allowances  of 
the  military  officers. 

Civil  Service. — The  Democratic  party  stands  committed  to 
the  principles  of  civil-service  reform,  and  we  demand  their 
honest,  just  and  impartial  enforcement.  We  denounce  the 
Republican  party  for  its  continuous  and  sinister  encroachments 
npon  the  spirit  and  operation  of  civil-service  rules,  whereby  it 
has  arbitrarily  dispensed  with  examinations  for  office  in  the 
Interests  of  favorites  and  employed  all  manner  of  devices  to 
overreach  and  set  aside  the  principles  upon  which  the  civil 
service  was  established. 

School  and  Race  Questions. — The  race  question  has  brought 
countless  woes  to  this  country.  The  calm  wisdom  of  the  Ameri- 
can people  should  see  to  it  that  it  brings  no  more.  To  revive 
the  dead  and  hateful  race  and  sectional  animosities  in  any  part 
of  our  common  country  means  confusion,  distraction  of  busi- 
ness and  the  reopening  of  wounds  now  happily  healed.  North, 
South,  East  and  West  have  but  recently  stood  together  in  line 
of  battle  from  the  walls  of  Peking  to  the  hills  of  Santiago,  and 
as  sharers  of  a  common  glory  and  a  common  destiny  we  should 
share  fraternally  the  common  burdens.  Wo.  therefore,  depre- 
cate and  condemn  the  bourbonlike,  selfish  and  narrow  spirit  of 
the  recent  Republican  convention  at  Chicago,  which  sought  to 
kindle  anew  the  embers  of  racial  and  sectional  strife,  and  we 
appeal  from  it  to  the  sober  common  sense  and  patriotic  spirit 
of  the  American  people. 

The  Republican  Administration.— The  existing  Republican 
administration  has  been  spasmodic,  erratic,  sensational,  spec- 
tacular and  arbitrary.  It  has  made  itself  a  satire  upon  the 


572         DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

Congress,  the  courts  and  upon  the  settled  practices  and  usages 
of  national  and  international  law. 

It  summoned  the  Congress  into  hasty  and  futile  extra  session, 
and  virtually  adjourned  it,  leaving  behind  in  its  flight  from 
Washington  uncalled  calendars  and  unaccomplished  tasks. 

It  made  war,  which  is  the  sole  power  of  Congress,  without 
its  authority,  thereby  usurping  one  of  its  fundamental  preroga- 
tives. It  violated  a  plain  statute  of  the  United  States  as  well 
as  plain  treaty  obligations,  international  usages  and  constitu- 
tional law ;  and  has  done  so  under  pretence  of  executing  great 
public  policy,  which  could  have  been  more  easily  effected  law- 
fully, constitutionally  and  with  honor. 

It  forced  strained  and  unnatural  constructions  upon  statutes, 
usurping  judicial  interpretation  and  substituting  Congressional 
enactment  decree. 

It  withdrew  from  Congress  their  customary  duties  of  in- 
vestigation which  have  heretofore  made  the  representatives  of 
the  people  and  the  States  the  terror  of  evildoers. 

It  conducted  a  secretive  investigation  of  its  own  and  boasted 
of  a  few  sample  convicts,  while  it  threw  a  broad  coverlet  over 
the  bureaus  which  had  been  their  chosen  field  of  operative 
abuses,  and  kept  in  power  the  superior  officers  under  whose 
administration  the  crimes  had  been  committed. 

It  ordered  assault  upon  some  monopolies,  but,  paralyzed  by 
its  first  victory,  it  flung  out  the  flag  of  truce  and  cried  out 
that  it  would  not  "run  amuck" — leaving  its  future  purposes 
beclouded  by  its  vacillations. 

Appeal  to  the  Country. — Conducting  the  campaign  upon  this 
declaration  of  our  principles  and  purposes,  we  invoke  for  our 
candidates  the  support,  not  only  of  our  great  and  time-honored 
organization,  but  also  the  active  assistance  of  all  of  our  fellow- 
citizens  who,  disregarding  past  differences  upon  questions  no 
longer  in  issue,  desire  the  perpetuation  of  our  Constitutional 
Government  as  framed  and  established  by  the  fathers  of  the 
republic. 


NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JUNE  22,  1904. 

Fifty  years  ago  the  Republican  party  came  into  existence, 
dedicated,  among  other  purposes,  to  the  great  task  of  arresting 
the  extension  of  human  slavery.  In  1860  it  elected  its  first 
President.  During  twenty-four  of  the  forty-four  years  which 
have  elapsed  since  the  election  of  Lincoln,  the  Republican  party 
has  held  complete  control  of  the  Government.  For  eighteen 
more  of  the  forty-four  years  it  has  held  partial  control  through 
the  possession  of  one  or  two  branches  of  the  Government,  while 
the  Democratic  party  during  the  same  period  has  had  complete 
control  for  only  two  years. 

This  long  tenure  of  power  by  the  Republican  party  is  not 
due  to  chance.  It  is  a  demonstration  that  the  Republican  party 
has  commanded  the  confidence  of  the  American  people  for  nearly 
two  generations  to  a  degree  never  equalled  in  our  history,  qnd 
has  displayed  a  high  capacity  for  rule  and  government  which 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       573 

has  been  made  even  more  conspicuous  by  the  incapacity  and 
Infirmity  of  purpose  shown  by  its  opponents. 

The  Republican  party  entered  upon  its  present  period  of 
complete  supremacy  in  1897.  We  have  every  right  to  congratu- 
late ourselves  upon  the  work  since  then  accomplished,  for  it 
has  added  lustre  even  to  the  traditions  of  the  party  which 
carried  the  Government  through  the  storms  of  civil  war.  We 
then  found  the  country,  after  four  years  of  Democratic  rule, 
in  evil  plight,  oppressed  with  misfortune,  and  doubtful  of  the 
future.  Public  credit  had  been  lowered,  the  revenues  were 
declining,  the  debt  was  growing,  the  Administration's  attitude 
toward  Spain  was  feeble  and  mortifying,  the  standard  of  values 
was  threatened  and  uncertain,  labor  was  unemployed,  business 
was  sunk  in  the  depression  which  had  succeeded  the  panic  of 
1893,  hope  was  faint,  and  confidence  was  gone. 

We  met  these  unhappy  conditions  vigorously,  effectively  and 
at  once.  We  replaced  a  Democratic  tariff  law  based  on  free- 
trade  principles  and  garnished  with  sectional  protection  by  a 
consistent  protective  tariff,  and  industry,  freed  from  suppression 
and  stimulated  by  the  encouragement  of  wise  laws,  has  ex- 
panded to  a  degree  never  before  known,  has  conquered  new 
markets  and  has  created  a  volume  of  exports  which  has  sur- 
passed imagination.  Under  the  Dingley  Tariff  labor  has  been 
fully  employed,  wages  have  risen  and  all  industries  have  re- 
vived and  prospered. 

The  Gold  Standard  Established. — We  firmly  established  the 
gold  standard,  which  was  then  menaced  with  destruction.  Con- 
fidence returned  to  business,  and  with  confidence  an  unexam- 
pled prosperity. 

For  deficient  revenues  supplemented  by  improvident  issues 
of  bonds  we  gave  the  country  an  income  which  produced  a  large 
surplus,  and  which  enabled  us  only  four  years  after  the  Spanisli 
war  had  closed  to  remove  over  one  hundred  millions  of  annual 
war  taxes,  reduce  the  public  debt  and  lower  the  interest  charges 
of  the  Government. 

The  public  credit,  which  had  been  so  lowerd  that  in  time  of 
peace  a  Democratic  administration  made  large  loans  at  extrava- 
gant rates  of  interest  in  order  to  pay  current  expenditures,  rose 
under  Republican  administration  to  its  highest  point,  and  ena- 
bled us  to  borrow  at  2  per  cent.,  even  in  time  of  war. 

We  refused  to  palter  longer  with  the  miseries  of  Cuba.  We 
fought  a  quick  and  victorious  war  with  Spain.  We  set  Cuba 
free,  governed  the  island  for  three  years,  and  then  gave  it  to 
the  Cuban  people  with  order  restored,  with  ample  revenues, 
with  education  and  public  health  established,  free  from  debt, 
and  connected  with  the  United  States  by  wise  provisions  for 
our  mutual  interests. 

We  have  organized  the  government  of  Porto  Rico,  and  its 
people  now  enjoy  peace,  freedom,  order  and  prosperity. 

Accomplishments  in  Philippines. — In  the  Philippines  we  have 
suppressed  insurrection,  established  order,  and  given  to  life  and 
property  a  security  never  known  there  before.  We  have  or- 
ganized civil  government,  made  it  effective  and  strong  in  ad- 
ministration, and  have  conferred  upon  the  people  of  those  islands 


574        DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

the  largest  civil  liberty  they  have  ever  enjoyed.  By  our  pos- 
session of  the  Philippines  we  were  enabled  to  take  prompt  and 
effective  action  in  the  relief  of  the  legations  at  Peking,  and  a 
decisive  part  in  preventing  the  partition  and  preseving  the 
integrity  of  China. 

The  Panama  Canal  Begun. — The  possession  of  a  route  for 
an  Isthmian  canal,  so  long  the  dream  of  American  statesman- 
ship, is  now  an  accomplished  fact.  The  great  work  of  connect- 
ing the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  by  a  canal  is  at  last  begun,  and 
it  is  due  to  the  Republican  party. 

Other  Accomplishments. — We  have  passed  laws  which  will 
bring  the  arid  lands  of  the  United  States  within  the  area  of 
cultivation. 

We  have  reorganized  the  army  and  put  it  in  the  highest 
state  of  efficiency. 

We  ha-re  passed  laws  for  the  improvement  and  support  of 
the  militia. 

We  have  pushed  forward  the  building  of  the  navy,  the  de- 
fence and  protection  of  our  honor  and  our  interests. 

Our  administration  of  the  great  departments  of  the  Go/- 
ernment  has  been  honest  and  efficient,  and  wherever  wrong- 
doing has  been  discovered  the  Republican  administration  has 
not  hesitated  to  probe  the  evil  and  bring  offenders  to  justice 
without  regard  to  party  or  political  ties. 

Anti-Trust  Laws  Enforced. — Laws  enacted  by  the  Republican 
party  which  the  Democratic  party  failed  to  enforce,  and  which 
were  intended  for  the  protection  of  the  public  against  the  un- 
just discrimination  or  the  illegal  encroachment  of  vast  aggre- 
gations of  capital,  have  been  fearlessly  enforced  by  a  Repub- 
lican President,  and  new  laws  insuring  reasonable  publicity  as 
to  the  operations  of  great  corporations  and  providing  additional 
remedies  for  the  prevention  of  discrimination  in  freight  rates 
have  been  passed  by  a  Republican  Congress. 

In  this  record  of  achievement  during  the  past  eight  years 
may  be  read  the  pledges  which  the  Republican  party  has  ful- 
filled. We  promise  to  continue  these  policies  and  we  declare 
our  constant  adherence  to  the  following  principles : 

The  Tariff. — Protection  which  guards  and  develops  our  indus- 
tries is  a  cardinal  policy  of  the  Republican  party.  The  meas- 
ure of  protection  should  always  at  least  equal  the  difference  in 
the  cost  of  production  at  home  and  abroad.  We  insist  upon 
the  maintenance  of  the  principles  of  protection,  and  therefore 
rates  of  duty  should  be  readjusted  only  when  conditions  have 
so  changed  that  the  public  interest  demands  their  alteration,  but 
this  work  cannot  safely  be  committed  to  any  other  hands  than 
those  of  the  Republican  party.  To  intrust  it  to  the  Democratic 
party  is  to  invite  disaster. 

Whether,  as  in  1892,  the  Democratic  party  declared  the 
protective  tariff  unconstitutional,  or  whether  it  demands  tariff 
reform  or  tariff  revision,  its  real  object  is  always  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  protective  system.  However  specious  the  name,  the 
purpose  is  ever  the  same.  A  Democratic  tariff  has  always  been 
followed  by  business  adversity ;  a  Republican  tariff  by  business 
prosperity.  To  a  Republican  Congress  and  a  Republican 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       575 

President  this  great  question  can  be  safely  intrusted  Whon 
the  only  free-trade  country  among  the  great  nations  agitates  a 
return  to  protection,  the  chief  protective  country  should  not 
falter  in  maintaining  it. 

Commercial  Reciprocity  Secured. — We  have  extended  widely 
our  foreign  markets,  and  we  believe  in  the  adoption  of  all 
practicable  methods  for  their  further  extension,  including  com- 
mercial reciprocity  wherever  reciprocal  arrangements  can  be 
effected  consistent  with  the  principles  of  protection,  and  with- 
out injury  to  American  agriculture,  American  labor  or  any 
American  industry. 

Integrity  of  the  National  Currency. — We  believe  it  to  be 
the  duty  of  the  Republican  party  to  uphold  the  gold  standard 
and  the  integrity  and  value  of  our  national  currency.  The 
maintenance  of  the  gold  standard,  established  by  the  Repub- 
lican party,  cannot  safely  be  committed  to  the  Democratic 
party,  which  resisted  its  adoption,  and  has  never  given  any 
proof  since  that  time  of  belief  in  it  or  fidelity  to  it. 

Upbuilding  the  Merchant  Marine. — While  every  other  industry 
has  prospered  under  the  fostering  aid  of  Republican  legislation, 
American  shipping  engaged  in  foreign  trade,  in  competition 
with  the  low  cost  of  construction,  low  wages  and  heavy  subsi- 
dies of  foreign  governments,  has  not  for  many  years  received 
from  the  Government  of  the  United  States  adequate  encourage- 
ment of  any  kind.  We  therefore  favor  legislation  which  will 
encourage  and  build  up  the  American  merchant  marine,  and  we 
cordially  approve  the  legislation  of  the  last  Congress,  which 
created  the  Merchant  Marine  Commission  to  investigate  and 
report  upon  this  subject. 

A  Navy  for  Defence. — A  navy  powerful  enough  to  defend  the 
United  States  against  any  attack,  to  uphold  the  Monroe  Doc- 
trine, and  to  watch  over  our  commerce,  is  essential  to  the 
safety  and  the  welfare  of  the  American  people.  To  maintain 
such  a  navy  is  the  fixed  policy  of  the  Republican  party. 

Chinese  Exclusion. — We  cordially  approve  the  attitude  of 
President  Roosevelt  and  Congress  in  regard  to  the  exclusion 
of  Chinese  labor  and  promise  a  continuance  of  the  Republican 
policy  in  that  direction. 

Civil  Service  Law  Enforced. — The  Civil  Service  Law  was 
placed  on  the  statute  books  by  the  Republican  party,  which 
has  always  sustained  it,  and  we  renew  our  former  declarations 
that  it  shall  be  thoroughly  and  honestly  enforced. 

We  are  always  mindful  of  the  country's  debt  to  the  soldiers 
and  sailors  of  the  United  States,  and  we  believe  in  making 
ample  provision  for  them,  and  in  the  liberal  administration  of 
the  pension  laws. 

International  Arbitration. — We  favor  the  peaceful  settlement 
of  international  differences  by  arbitration. 

We  commend  the  vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  Administra- 
tion to  protect  American  citizens  in  foreign  lands  and  pledge 
ourselves  to  insist  upon  the  just  and  equal  protection  of  all 
our  citizens  abroad.  It  is  the  unquestioned  duty  of  the  Govern- 
ment to  procure  for  all  our  citizens,  without  distinction,  the 


576      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

rights  of  travel  and  sojourn  in  friendly  countries,  and  we  de- 
clare ourselves  in  favor  of  all  proper  efforts  tending  to  that  end. 

Our  great  interests  and  our  growing  commerce  in  the  Orient 
render  the  condition  of  China  of  high  importance  to  the  United 
States.  We  cordially  commend  the  policy  pursued  in  that 
direction  by  the  Administration  of  President  McKinley  and 
President  Roosevelt. 

Negro  Disfranchisement. — We  favor  such  Congressional  ac- 
tion as  shall  determine  whether  by  special  discriminations  the 
elective  franchise  in  any  State  has  been  unconstitutionally  lim- 
ited, and  if  such  is  the  ca~2,  we  demand  that  representation 
in  Congress  and  in  the  Electoral  College  shall  be  proportionately 
reduced  as  directed  by  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States. 

Capital  and  Labor. — Combinations  of  capital  and  of  labor 
are  the  results  of  the  economic  movement  of  the  age,  but  neither 
must  be  permitted  to  infringe  upon  the  rights  and  interests  of 
the  people.  Such  combinations,  when  lawfully  formed  for 
lawful  purposes,  are  alike  entitled  to  the  protection  of  the 
laws,  but  both  are  subject  to  the  laws,  and  neither  can  be  per- 
mitted to  break  them. 

Tribute  to  McKinley. — The  great  statesman  and  patriotic 
American,  William  McKinley,  who  was  re-elected  by  the  Repub- 
lican party  to  the  Presidency  four  years  ago,  was  assassinated 
just  at  the  threshold  of  his  second  term.  The  entire  nation 
mourned  his  untimely  death,  and  did  that  justice  to  his  great 
qualities  of  mind  and  character  which  history  will  confirm  and 
repeat. 

President  Roosevelt  Eulogized. — The  American  people  were 
fortunate  in  his  successor,  to  whom  they  turned  with  a  trust 
and  confidence  which  have  been  fully  justified.  President  Roose- 
velt brought  to  the  great  responsibilities  thus  sadly  forqed  upon 
him  a  clear  head,  a  brave  heart,  an  earnest  patriotism  and 
high  ideals  of  public  duty  and  public  service.  True  to  the 
principles  of  the  Republican  party  and  to  the  policies  which 
that  party  had  declared,  he  has  also  shown  himself  ready  for 
every  emergency  and  has  met  new  and  vital  questions  with 
ability  and  with  success. 

The  confidence  of  the  people  in  his  justice,  inspired  by  his 
public  career,  enabled  him  to  render  personally  an  inestimable 
service  to  the  country  by  bringing  about  a  settlement  of  the 
coal  strike,  which  threatened  such  disastrous  results  at  the 
opening  of  winter  in  1902. 

Our  foreign  policy  under  his  administration  has  not  only 
been  able,  vigorous  and  dignified,  but  in  the  highest  degree  suc- 
cessful. The  complicated  questions  which  arose  in  Venezuela 
were  settled  in  such  a  way  by  President  Roosevelt  that  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  was  signally  vindicated,  and  the  cause  of 
peace  and  arbitration  greatly  advanced. 

His  prompt  and  vigorous  action  at  Panama,  which  we  com- 
mend in  the  highest  terms,  not  only  secured  to  us  the  canal 
route  but  avoided  foreign  complications  which  might  have  been 
of  a  very  serious  character. 

He  has  continued  the  policy  of  President  McKinley  in  thn 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       577 

Orient  and  our  position  in  China,  signalized  by  our  recent  com- 
mercial treaty  with  that  empire,  has  never  been  so  high 

He  secured  the  tribunal  by  which  the  vexed  and  perilous 
question  of  the  Alaskan  boundary  was  finally  settled. 

Whenever  crimes  against  humanity  have  been  perpetrated 
which  have  shocked  our  people,  his  protest  has  been  made  and 
our  good  offices  have  been  tendered,  but  always  with  due  regard 
to  international  obligations. 

Under  his  guidance  we  find  ourselves  at  peace  with  all  the 
world,  and  never  were  we  more  respected  or  our  wishes  more 
regarded  by  foreign  nations. 

Pre-eminently  successful  in  regard  to  our  foreign  relations, 
he  has  been  equally  fortunate  in  dealing  with  domestic  ques- 
tions. The  country  has  known  that  the  public  credit  and  the 
national  currency  were  absolutely  safe  in  the  hands  of  his 
Administration.  In  the  enforcement  of  the  laws  he  has  shown 
not  only  courage,  but  the  wisdom  which  understands  that  to 
permit  laws  to  be  violated  or  disregarded  opens  the  door  to 
anarchy,  while  the  just  enforcement  of  the  law  is  the  soundest 
conservatism.  He  has  held  firmly  to  the  fundamental  American 
doctrine  that  all  men  must  obey  the  law ;  that  there  must  be  no 
distinction  between  rich  and  poor,  between  strong  and  weak; 
but  that  justice  and  equal  protection  under  the  law  must  be 
secured  to  every  citizen  without  regard  to  race,  creed  or  condi- 
tion. 

His  administration  has  been  throughout  vigorous  and  hon- 
orable, high-minded  and  patriotic.  We  commend  it  without  res- 
ervation to  the  considerate  judgment  of  the  American  people. 


NATIONAL  PEOPLE'S   PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED    AT    SPRINGFIELD,    ILL.,    JULY    4,    1904. 

The  People's  party  reaffirms  its  adherence  to  the  basic  truths 
of  the  Omaha  platform  of  1892,  and  of  the  subsequent  platforms 
of  1896  and  1900.  In  session  in  its  fourth  national  convention 
on  July  4,  1904,  in  the  city  of  Springfield,  111.,  it  draws  inspira- 
tion from  the  day  that  saw  the  birth  of  the  nation  as  well  as 
its  own  birth  as  a  party,  and  also  from  the  soul  of  him  who 
lived  at  its  present  place  of  meeting.  We  renew  our  allegiance 
to  the  old-fashioned  American  spirit  that  gave  this  nation 
existence,  and  made  it  distinctive  among  the  peoples  of  the 
earth.  We  again  sound  the  key-note  of  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  that  all  men  are  created  equal  in  a  political 
sense,  which  was  the  sense  in  which  that  instrument,  being 
a  political  document,  intended  that  the  utterance  should  be 
understood.  We  assert  that  the  departure  from  this  funda- 
mental truth  is  responsible  for  the  ills  from  which  we  suffer  as 
a  nation,  that  the  giving  of  special  privileges  to  the  few  has 
enabled  them  to  dominate  the  many,  thereby  tending  to  destroy 
the  political  equality  which  is  the  cornerstone  of  democratic 
government. 

Holding  fast  to  the  truths  of  the  fathers  we  vigorously  pro- 
test against  the  spirit  of  mammonism  and  of  thinly  veiled 


578        DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

monarchy  that  is  invading  certain  sections  of  our  national  life, 
and  of  the  very  administration  itself.  This  is  a  nation,  of 
peace,  and  we  deplore  the  appeal  to  the  spirit  of  force  and 
militarism  which  is  shown  in  ill-advised  and  vainglorious  boast- 
ing and  in  more  harmful  ways  in  the  denial  of  the  rights  of 
man  under  martial  law. 

A  political  democracy  and  an  industrial  despotism  cannot 
exist  side  by  side ;  and  nowhere  is  this  truth  more  plainly 
shown  than  in  the  gigantic  transportation  monopolies  which 
have  bred  all  sorts  of  kindred  trusts,  subverted  the  govern- 
ments of  many  of  the  States,  or  established  their  official  agents 
in  the  National  Government.  We  submit  that  it  is  better  for 
the  Government  to  own  the  railroads  than  for  the  railroads  to 
own  the  Government,  and  that  one  or  the  other  alternative 
seems  inevitable. 

We  call  the  attention  of  our  fellow-citizens  to  the  fact  that 
the  surrender  of  both  of  the  old  parties  to  corporative  influences 
leaves  the  People's  party  the  only  party  of  reform  in  the 
nation. 

Therefore  we  submit  the  following  platform  of  principles 
to  the  American  people: 

Money  and  Banks. — The  issuing  of  money  is  a  function  of 
government,  and  should  never  be  delegated  to  corporations  or 
individuals.  The  Constitution  gives  to  Congress  alone  power 
to  issue  money  and  regulate  its  value. 

We  therefore  demand  that  all  money  shall  be  issued  by  the 
Government  in  such  quantity  as  shall  maintain  a  stability  in 
prices,  every  dollar  to  be  full  legal  tender,  none  of  which  shall 
be  a  debt  redeemable  in  other  money. 

Savings  Banks. — We  demand  that  postal  savings  banks  be 
established  by  the  Government  for  the  safe  deposit  of  the 
savings  of  the  people. 

Labor. — We  believe  in  the  right  of  labor  to  organize  for  the 
benefit  and  protection  of  those  who  toil ;  and  pledge  the  efforts 
of  the  People's  party  to  preserve  this  right  inviolate.  Capital 
is  organized  and  has  no  right  to  deny  to  labor  the  privilege  which 
it  claims  for  itself.  We  feel  that  intelligent  organization  of  labor 
is  essential ;  that  it  raises  the  standard  of  workmanship ;  pro- 
motes the  efficiency,  intelligence,  independence  and  character  of 
the  wage  earner.  We  believe  with  Abraham  Lincoln  that  labor 
is  prior  to  capital,  and  is  not  its  slave,  but  its  companion,  and 
we  plead  for  that  broad  spirit  of  toleration  and  justice  which 
will  promote  industrial  peace  through  the  observance  of  the 
principles  of  voluntary  arbitration. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  legislation  looking  to  the  improve- 
ment of  conditions  for  wage  earners,  the  abolition  of  child 
labor,  the  suppression  of  sweat  shops,  and  of  convict  labor 
in  competition  with  free  labor,  and  the  exclusion  from  Ameri- 
can shores  of  foreign  pauper  labor. 

We  favor  the  shorter  work  day,  and  declare  that  if  eight 
hours  constitute  a  day's  labor  in  Government  service,  that 
eight  hours  should  constitute  a  day's  labor  in  factories,  work- 
shops and  mines. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       579 

Initiative  and  Referendum. — As  a  means  of  placing  all  public 
questions  directly  under  the  control  of  the  people,  we  demand 
that  legal  provision  be  made  under  which  the  people  may  ex- 
ercise the  initiative,  referendum  and  proportional  representa- 
tion and  direct  vote  for  all  public  officers  with  the  right  of 
recall. 

The  Land. — Land,  including  all  the  natural  sources  of  wealth, 
is  a  heritage  of  all  the  people,  and  should  not  be  monopolized 
for  speculative  purposes,  and  alien  ownership  of  land  should 
be  prohibited. 

Human  Rights. — We  demand  a  return  to  the  original  inter- 
pretation of  the  Constitution  and  a  fair  and  impartial  enforce- 
ment of  laws  under  it,  and  denounce  government  by  injunction 
and  imprisonment  without  the  right  of  trial  by  jury. 

Trusts  and  Monopoly. — To  prevent  unjust  discrimination  and 
monopoly  the  Government  should  own  and  control  the  railroads, 
and  those  public  utilities  which  in  their  nature  are  monopolies. 
To  perfect  the  postal  service,  the  Government  should  own  and 
operate  the  general  telegraph  and  telephone  systems  and  provide 
a  parcels  post. 

As  to  these  trusts  and  monopolies  which  are  not  public 
utilities  or  natural  monopolies,  we  demand  that  those  special 
privileges  which  they  now  enjoy,  and  which  alone  enables  them 
to  exist,  should  be  immediately  withdrawn.  Corporations  being 
the  creatures  of  government  should  be  subjected  to  such  gov- 
ernmental regulations  and  control  as  will  adequately  protect 
the  public.  We  demand  the  taxation  of  monopoly  privileges, 
while  they  remain  in  private  hands,  to  the  extent  of  the  value 
of  the  privileges  granted. 

We  demand  that  Congress  shall  enact  a  general  law  uni- 
formly regulating  the  power  and  duties  of  all  incorporated  com- 
panies doing  interstate  business. 


NATIONAL  SOCALIST  PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  MAT  5,  1904. 

I. — The  Socialist  party,  in  convention  assembled,  makes  its 
appeal  to  the  American  people  as  the  defender  and  preserver 
of  the  idea  of  liberty  and  self-government,  in  which  the  nation 
was  born ;  as  the  only  political  movement  standing  for  the 
programme  and  principles  by  which  the  liberty  of  the  individual 
may  become  a  fact ;  as  the  only  political  organization  that  is 
democratic,  and  that  has  for  its  purpose  the  democratizing  of 
the  whole  of  society. 

To  this  idea  of  liberty  the  Republican  and  Democratic  par- 
ties are  equally  false.  They  alike  struggle  for  power  to  main- 
tain and  profit  by  an  industrial  system  which  can  be  preserved 
only  by  the  complete  overthrow  of  such  liberties  as  we  already 
have,  and  by  the  still  further  enslavement  and  degradation  of 
labor. 

Our  American  institutions  came  into  the  world  in  the  name 
of  freedom.  They  have  been  seized  upon  by  the  capitalist  clasa 
as  the  means  of  rooting  out  the  idea  of  freedom  from  among 


580       DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

the  people.  Our  State  and  National  Legislatures  have  become 
the  mere  agencies  of  great  protected  interests.  These  interests 
control  the  appointments  and  decisions  of  the  judges  of  our 
courts.  They  have  come  into  what  is  practically  a  private 
ownership  of  all  the  functions  and  forces  of  government.  They 
are  using  these  to  betray  and  conquer  foreign  and  weaker 
peoples,  in  order  to  establish  new  markets  for  the  surplus  goods 
•which  the  people  make,  but  are  too  poor  to  buy.  They  are 
gradually  so  invading  and  restricting  the  right  of  suffrage  as 
to  take  away  unawares  the  right  of  the  worker  to  a  vote  or 
voice  in  public  affairs.  By  enacting  new  and  misinterpreting 
old  laws,  they  are  preparing  to  attack  the  liberty  of  the  indi- 
vidual even  to  speak  or  think  for  himself,  or  for  the  common 
good. 

By  controlling  all  the  sources  of  social  revenue,  the  possessing 
class  is  able  to  silence  what  might  be  the  voice  of  protest  against 
the  passing  of  liberty  and  the  coming  of  tyranny.  It  com- 
pletely controls  the  university  and  public  school,  the  pulpit 
and  the  press,  and  the  arts  and  literatures.  By  making  these 
economically  dependent  upon  itself,  it  has  brought  all  the 
forms  of  public  teaching  into  servile  submission  to  its  own 
interests. 

Our  political  institutions  are  also  being  used  as  the  destroyers 
of  that  individual  property  upon  which  all  liberty  and  oppor- 
tunity depend.  The  promise  of  economic  independence  to  each 
man  was  one  of  the  faiths  upon  which  our  institutions  were 
founded.  But  under  the  guise  of  defending  private  property, 
capitalism  is  using  our  political  institutions  to  make  it  impos- 
sible for  the  vast  majority  of  human  beings  ever  to  become 
possessors  of  private  property  in  the  means  of  life. 

Capitalism  is  the  enemy  and  destroyer  of  essential  private 
property.  Its  development  is  through  the  legalized  confiscation 
of  all  that  the  labor  of  the  working  class  produces,  above  its 
subsistence-wage.  The  private  ownership  of  the  means  of 
employment  grounds  society  in  an  economic  slavery  which 
renders  intellectual  and  political  tyranny  inevitable. 

Socialism  comes  to  organize  industry  and  society  that  every 
individual  shall  be  secure  in  that  private  property  in  the  means 
of  life  upon  which  his  liberty  of  being,  thought  and  action 
depend.  It  comes  to  rescue  the  people  from  the  fast  increasing 
and  successful  assault  of  capitalism  upon  the  liberty  of  the 
individual. 

II. — As  an  American  socialist  party,  we  pledge  our  fidelity 
to  the  principles  of  international  socialism,  as  embodied  in  the 
united  thought  and  action  of  the  socialists  of  all  nations.  In 
the  industrial  development  already  accomplished,  the  interests 
of  the  world's  workers  are  separated  by  no  national  bounda- 
ries. The  condition  of  the  most  exploited  and  oppressed  work- 
ers, in  the  most  remote  places  of  the  earth,  inevitably  tends 
to  drag  down  all  the  workers  of  the  world  to  the  same  level. 
The  tendency  of  the  competitive  wage  system  is  to  make  labor's 
lowest  condition  the  measure  or  rule  of  its  universal  condition. 
Industry  and  finance  are  no  longer  national  but  international, 
in  both  organization  and  results.  The  chief  significance  of 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.         581 

national  boundaries,  and  of  the  so-called  patriotisms  which 
tl-e  ruling  class  of  each  nation  is  seeking  to  revive,  is  the 
power  which  these  giye  to  capitalism  to  keep  the  workers 
of  the  world  from  uniting,  and  to  throw  them  against  each 
other  in  the  struggles  of  contending  capitalist  interests  for  the 
control  of  the  yet  unexploited  markets  of  the  world  or  the  re- 
maining sources  of  profit. 

The  socialist  movement,  therefore,  is  a  world-movement.  It 
knows  of  no  conflicts  of  interests  between  the  workers  of  one 
nation  and  the  workers  of  another.  It  stands  for  the  freedom 
of  the  workers  of  all  nations ;  and,  in  so  standing,  it  makes 
for  the  full  freedom  of  all  humanity. 

III. — The  socialist  movement  owes  its  birth  and  growth  to 
that  economic  development  of  world-process,  which  is  rapidly 
separating  a  working  or  producing  class  from  a  possessing  or 
capitalist  class.  The  class  that  produces  nothing  possesses 
labor's  fruits,  and  the  opportunities  and  enjoyments  these  fruits 
afford,  while  the  class  that  does  the  world's  real  work  has  in- 
creasing economic  uncertainty,  and  physical  and  intellectual 
misery,  for  its  portion. 

The  fact  that  these  two  classes  have  not  yet  become  fully 
conscious  of  their  distinction  from  each  other,  the  fact  that  the 
lines  of  division  and  interests  may  not  yet  be  clearly  drawn, 
does  not  change  the  fact  of  the  class  conflict. 

This  class  struggle  is  due  to  the  private  ownership  of  the 
means  of  employment,  or  the  tools  of  production.  Whenever 
and  wherever  man  owned  his  own  land  and  tools,  and  by  them 
produced  only  the  things  which  he  used,  economic  independence 
was  possible.  But  production,  or  the  making  of  goods,  has 
long  ceased  to  be  individual.  The  labor  of  scores,  or  even 
thousands,  enters  into  almost  every  article  produced.  Produc- 
tion is  now  social  or  collective.  Practically  everything  is 
made  or  done  by  many  men — sometimes  separated  by  seas  or 
continents — working  together  for  the  same  end.  But  this  co- 
operation in  production  is  not  for  the  direct  use  of  the  things 
made  by  the  workers  who  make  them,  but  for  the  profit  of 
the  owners  of  the  tools  and  means  of  production ;  and  to  this 
is  due  the  present  division  of  society  into  two  classes;  and 
from  it  have  sprung  all  the  miseries,  inharmonies  and  contra- 
dictions of  our  civilization. 

Between  these  two  classes  there  can  be  no  possible  compro- 
mise or  identity  of  interests,  any  more  than  there  can  be 
peace  in  the  midst  of  war,  or  light  in  the  midst  of  darkness. 
A  society  based  upon  this  class  division  carries  in  itself  the 
seeds  of  its  own  destruction.  Such  a  society  is  founded  in 
fundamental  injustice.  There  can  be  no  possible  basis  for 
social  peace,  for  individual  freedom,  for  mental  and  moral 
harmony,  except  in  the  conscious  and  complete  triumph  of  the 
working  class  as  the  only  class  that  has  the  right  or  power 

IV.— The  socialist  programme  is  not  a  theory  imposed  upon 
society  for  its  acceptance  or  rejection.     It  is  but  the  in 
tation  of   what   is,   sooner  or  later,   inevitable.     Capita 
already  si  niggling  to  its  destruction.     It  is  no  longer  competent 


582      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

to  organize  or  administer  the  work  of  the  world,  or  even  to 
preserve  itself.  The  captains  of  industry  are  appalled  at  their 
own  inability  to  control  or  direct  the  rapidly  socializing  forces 
of  industry.  The  so-called  trust  is  hut  a  sign  and  form  of  the 
developing  socialization  of  the  world's  work.  The  universal 
increase  of  the  uncertainty  of  employment,  the  universal  capi- 
talist determination  to  break  down  the  unity  of  labor  in  the 
trades  unions,  the  widespread  apprehensions  of  impending 
change,  reveal  that  the  institutions  of  capitalist  society  are 
passing  under  the  power  of  inhering  forces  that  will  soon 
destroy  them. 

Into  the  midst  of  the  strain  and  crisis  of  civilization  the 
socialist  movement  comes  as  the  only  conservative  force.  If 
the  world  is  to  be  saved  from  chaos,  from  universal  disorder 
and  misery,  it  must  be  by  the  union  of  the  workers  of  all 
nations  in  the  socialist  movement.  The  Socialist  party  comes 
with  the  only  proposition  or  programme  for  intelligently  and 
deliberately  organizing  the  nation  for  the  common  good  of  all 
its  citizens.  It  is  the  first  time  that  the  mind  of  man  has 
ever  been  directed  toward  the  conscious  organization  of  so- 
ciety. 

Socialism  means  that  all  those  things  upon  which  the  people 
in  common  depend  shall  by  the  people  in  common  be  owned 
and  administered.  It  means  that  the  tools  of  employment  shall 
belong  to  their  creators  and  users;  that  all  production  shall 
be  for  the  direct  use  of  the  producers ;  that  the  making  of 
goods  for  profit  shall  come  to  an  end ;  that  we  shall  all  be 
workers  together ;  and  that  all  opportunities  shall  be  open  and 
equal  to  all  men. 

V. — To  the  end  that  the  workers  may  seize  every  possible 
advantage  that  may  strengthen  them  to  gain  complete  control 
of  the  powers  of  government,  and  thereby  the  sooner  establish 
the  co-operative  commonwealth,  the  Socialist  party  pledges 
itself  to  watch  and  work,  in  both  the  economic  and  the  po- 
litical struggle,  for  each  successive  immediate  interest  of  the 
working  class ;  for  shortened  days  of  labor  and  increases  of 
wages ;  for  the  insurance  of  the  workers  against  accident, 
sickness  and  lack  of  employment ;  for  pensions  for  aged  and 
exhausted  workers ;  for  the  public  ownership  of  the  means  of 
transportation,  communication  and  exchange;  for  the  gradu- 
ated taxation  of  incomes,  inheritances,  franchises  and  land 
values,  the  proceeds  to  be  applied  to  the  public  employment 
and  improvement  of  the  condition  of  the  workers ;  for  the 
complete  education  of  children  and  their  freedom  from  the 
workshop ;  for  the  prevention  of  the  use  of  the  military  against 
labor  in  the  settlement  of  strikes ;  for  the  free  administration 
of  justice ;  for  popular  government,  including  initiative,  refer- 
endum, proportional  representation,  equal  suffrage  of  men  and 
women,  municipal  home  rule,  and  the  recall  of  officers  by  their 
constituents ;  and  for  every  gain  or  advantage  for  the  workers 
that  may  be  wrested  from  the  capitalist  system,  and  that  may 
relieve  the  suffering  and  strengthen  the  hands  of  labor.  We 
lay  upon  every  man  elected  to  any  executive  or  legislative  office 
the  first  duty  of  striving  to  procure  whatever  is  for  the  workers' 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS       583 

most  immediate  interest,  and  for  whatever  will  lessen  the 
economic  and  political  powers  of  the  capitalist  and  increase  the 
like  powers  of  the  worker. 

But,  in  so  doing,  we  are  using  these  remedial  measures  as 
means  to  the  one  great  end  of  the  co-operative  commonwealth. 
Such  measures  of  relief  as  we  may  be  able  to  force  from 
capitalism  are  but  a  preparation  of  the  workers  to  seize  the 
whole  powers  of  government,  in  order  that  they  may  then-l.y 
lay  hold  of  the  whole  system  of  industry,  and  thus  come  into 
their  rightful  inheritance. 

To  this  end  we  pledge  ourselves,  as  the  party  of  the  working 
class,  to  use  all  political  power,  as  fast  as  it  shall  be  intrusted 
to  us  by  our  fellow-workers,  both  for  their  immediate  interests 
and  for  their  ultimate  and  complete  emancipation.  To  this  end 
we  appeal  to  all  the  workers  of  America,  and  to  all  who  will 
lend  their  lives  to  the  service  of  the  workers  in  their  struggle 
to  gain  their  own,  and  to  all  who  will  nobly  and  disinterestedly 
give  their  days  and  energies  unto  the  workers'  cause,  to  cast 
in  their  lot  and  faith  with  the  Socialist  party.  Our  appeal. for 
the  trust  and  suffrages  of  our  fellow-workers  is  at  once  an 
appeal  for  their  common  good  and  freedom,  and  for  the  freedom 
and  blossoming  of  our  common  humanity.  In  pledging  our- 
selves, and  those  we  represent,  to  be  faithful  to  the  appeal 
which  we  make,  we  believe  that  we  are  but  preparing  the 
soil  of  that  economic  freedom  from  which  will  spring  the  free- 
dom of  the  whole  man. 


NATIONAL  'SOCIALIST    LABOR    PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  AT  NEW  YORK,  N.  Y.,  JULY,  1904. 

The  Socialist  Labor  party  of  America,  in  convention  assem- 
bled, reasserts  the  inalienable  right  of  man  to  life,  liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  happiness. 

We  hold  that  the  purpose  of  government  is  to  secure  to  every 
citizen  the  enjoyment  of  this  right;  but  taught  by  experience 
we  hold  furthermore  that  such  right  is  illusory  to  the  majority 
of  the  people,  to  wit,  the  working  class,  under  the  present 
system  of  economic  inequality  that  is  essentially  destructive  of 
their  life,  their  liberty  and  their  happiness. 

We  hold  that  the  true  theory  of  politics  is  that  the  machinery 
of  government  must  be  controlled  by  the  whole  people;  but 
again  taught  by  experience  we  hold  furthermore  that  the  true 
theory  of  economics  is  that  the  means  of  production  must  like- 
wise be  owned,  operated  and  controlled  by  the  people  in  com- 
mon. Man  cannot  exercise  his  right  of  life,  liberty  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness  without  the  ownership  of  the  land  on  and 
the  tool  with  which  to  work.  Deprived  of  these,  his  life,  his 
liberty  and  his  fate  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  class  that  owns 
those  essentials  for  work  and  production. 

We  hold  that  the  existing  contradiction  between  the  theory 
of  democratic  government  and  the  fact  of  a  despotic  economic 
system — the  private  ownership  of  the  natural  and  social  op- 
portunities—divides the  people  into  two  classes,  the  capitalist 


584       DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

class  and  the  working  class;  throws  society  into  the  convul- 
sions of  the  class  struggle,  and  perverts  government  to  the  ex- 
clusive benefit  of  the  capitalist  class. 

Thus  labor  is  robbed  of  the  wealth  which  it  alone  produces, 
is  denied  the  means  of  self-employment,  and,  by  compulsory 
idleness  in  wage  slavery,  is  even  deprived  of  the  necessaries 
of  life. 

Against  such  a  system  the  Socialist  Labor  party  raises  the 
banner  of  revolt,  and  demands  the  unconditional  surrender  of 
the  capitalist  class. 

The  time  is  fast  coming  when,  in  the  natural  course  of 
social  evolution,  this  system,  through  the  destructive  action 
of  its  failures  and  crises  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  constructive 
tendencies  of  its  trusts  and  other  capitalist  combinations  on 
the  other  hand,  will  have  worked  out  its  own  downfall. 

We,  therefore,  call  upon  the  wage  workers  of  America  to 
organize  under  the  banner  of  the  Socialist  Labor  party  into  a 
class-conscious  body,  aware  of  its  rights  and  determined  to 
conquer  them. 

And  we  also  call  upon  all  other  intelligent  citizens  to  place 
themselves  squarely  upon  the  ground  of  working  class  interests, 
and  join  us  in  this  mighty  and  noble  work  of  human  emanci- 
pation, so  that  we  may  put  summary  end  to  the  existing  bar- 
barous class  conflict  by  placing  the  land  and  all  the  means 
of  production,  transportation  and  distribution  into  the  hands 
of  the  people  as  a  collective  body,  and  substituting  the  co- 
operative commonwealth  for  the  present  state  of  painless  pro- 
duction, industrial  war  and  social  disorder — a  commonwealth  in 
which  every  worker  shall  have  the  free  exercise  and  full  benefit 
of  his  faculties,  multiplied  by  all  the  modern  factors  of  civili- 
zation. 


NATIONAL   UNITED    CHRISTIAN   PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED    AT    ST.    LOUIS,    MO.,    MAY    2,     1904. 

We,  the  United  Christian  party,  in  national  mass  conven- 
tion assembled,  in  His  name,  in  the  city  of  St.  Louis,  Mo., 
May  2,  1904,  acknowledging  Almighty  God  as  our  Father  and 
Jesus  Christ  as  our  leader,  commander,  governor  and  king; 
believing  that  the  time  has  now  come  when  all  Christians  and 
patriots  should  unite  on  the  day  of  election  and  vote  direct 
on  all  questions  of  vital  importance,  and  apply  Christian  golden 
rule  to  all  government  by  and  for  the  people,  do  hereby  declare 
that  the  platform  and  purpose  of  the  United  Christian  party 
is  and  shall  be  to  work  and  stand  for  union  in  His  name,  ac- 
cording to  the  Lord's  Prayer,  for  the  fulfilment  of  God's  law 
through  direct  legislation  of  the  people  governed  by  the  golden 
rule,  regardless  of  sex,  creed,  color,  nationality. 

As  an  expression  of  consent  or  allegiance  on  the  part  of  the 
governed,  in  harmony  with  the  above  statements — 

We  also  declare  in  favor  of  direct  legislation  providing  for 
an  equal  standard  of  morals  for  both  sexes,  and  most  vigo- 
rously oppose  the  traffic  in  girls  and  all  forms  of  the  social 
evil. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      585 

We  are  opposed  to  war  aud  condemn  mob  violence. 

We  favor  government  ownership  of  coal  mines,  oil  wellg  and 
public  utilities. 

We  are  opposed  to  government  revenue  from  the  manufacture 
and  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  as  a  beverage. 

We  are  opposed  to  all  trusts  and  combines  contrary  to  the 
welfare  of  the  common  people,  and  declare  that  Christian  gov- 
ernment through  direct  legislation  will  regulate  the  trusts  and 
labor  problem  according  to  the  golden  rule. 


NATIONAL  LTHERTY  PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED  AT  ST.  LOUIS,  MO.,  JULY  7,  1904. 

We,  the  delegates  of  the  National  Liberty  party  of  the  United 
States,  in  convention  assembled,  declare  our  unalterable  faith  in 
the  essential  doctrine  of  human  liberty,  the  fatherhood  of  God 
and  the  brotherhood  of  man. 

Under  no  other  doctrine  can  the  people  of  this  or  any  other 
country  stand  together  in  good  friendship  and  perfect  union. 
Equal  liberty  is  the  first  concession  that  a  republican  form  of 
government  concedes  to  its  people,  and  universal  brotherhood 
is  the  cementing  tie  which  binds  a  people  to  respect  the  laws. 

It  has  always  been  so  where  caste  existed  and  was  recog- 
nized by  law  or  by  common  consent,  that  the  oppression  of  the 
weaker  by  the  stronger  has  attained  and  a  degree  of  human 
slavery  been  realized.  Such  a  condition  of  affairs  must  neces- 
sarily exist  where  universal  suffrage  is  not  maintained  and 
respected,  and  where  one  man  considers  that  by  nature  he  was 
•born  and  by  nature  dies  better  than  another. 

The  application  of  the  fundamental  principles  of  the  rights  of 
men  is  always  the  paramount  issue  before  a  poople,  and  when 
they  are  strictly  adhered  to  there  is  no  disturbing  element  to 
the  peace,  prosperity,  or  to  the  great  industrial  body  politic 
of  the  country. 

We  believe  in  the  supremacy  of  the  civil  as  against  tho 
military  law,  when  and  where  the  civil  is  respected.  But 
when  the  civil  law  has  been  outraged  and  wrested  from  the 
hands  of  authority  it  should  be  understood  that  military  law 
may  be  temporarily  instituted. 

Law  and  order  should  take  the  place  of  lynching  and  mob 
violence,  and  polygamy  should  not  survive,  but  polygamy  is 
more  tolerable  than  lynching,  and  we  regret  that  a  great 
national  party  could  overlook  lynching,  and  yet  denounce  po- 
lygamy. 

Citizens  of  a  democracy  should  be  non-partisan,  always  cant- 
ing their  votes  for  the  safety  of  their  country  and  for  their 
best  interests,  individually  and  collectively. 

The  right  of  any  American  citizen  to  support  any  measure 
instead  of  party  should  not  be  questioned,  and  when  men  con- 
form themselves  to  party  instead  of  principles  they  become 
party  slaves.  There  wore  2.500.000  such  slaves  among  our 
colored  population  in  1000.  all  voting  strictly  to  party  linos, 
regardless  of  their  material  welfare.  We  are  satisfied  that 


586      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

they  did  not  serve   their  best  interest   in  that  section   of  the 
country  in  which  the  greater  number  of  them  live  by  doing  so. 

These  being  our  thoughts  and  ideas  of  how  the  Government's 
affairs  should  be  conducted,  we  most  respectfully  submit  them 
to  all  liberty-loving  and  Christian-hearted  people,  that  they  may 
act  upon  them  in  a  spirit  of  justice  and  equity,  "with  good  will 
to  all,  malice  toward  none." 

Suffrage. — We  ask  for  universal  suffrage,  or  qualification 
which  does  not  discriminate  against  any  reputable  citizen  on 
account  of  color  or  condition. 

Citizenship. — We  ask  that  the  Federal  Government  enforce 
its  guarantee  to  protect  its  citizens,  and  secure  for  them  every 
right  given  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  wher- 
ever and  whenever  it  is  necessary. 

Lynch  Law. — We  appeal  to  all  forms  of  Catholic  and  Protes- 
tant religions  to  assist  us  to  awaken  the  Christian  consciences 
of  all  classes  of  the  American  people,  private  citizens  and  of- 
ficers, to  wipe  out  the  greatest  shame  known  to  civilized  nations 
of  the  world,  whose  very  root  seems  to  have  been  planted  in 
this,  one  of  the  most  proud  of  all  nations  of  its  civilization — 
"lynch  law,"  the  pregnator  of  anarchism,  the  most  dangerous 
system  to  revolutionize  our  Republic. 

We  ask  that  the  national  laws  be  so  remedied  as  to  give  any 
citizen,  being  next  of  kin,  the  right  to  demand  an  indemnity 
of  the  National  Government  for  the  taking  of  life  or  the 
injuring  of  any  citizen  other  than  by  due  process  of  law.  And 
that  where  the  property  of  a  citizen  is  wilfully  destroyed  by  a 
mob,  the  Federal  Government  shall  be  held  to  make  restitution 
to  the  injured  parties. 

The  Army. — We  demand  an  increase  of  the  regular  army, 
making  six  negro  regiments  instead  of  four,  and  an  equal 
chance  to  colored  soldiers  to  become  line  officers. 

We  favor  the  adjustment  of  all  grievances  between  the  wage 
earner  and  the  capitalist  by  equitable  resources  without  in- 
justice to  either  or  by  methods  of  coercion. 

We  firmly  protest  against  interference  of  the  Government  in 
the  Orient  until  paramount  political  issues  of  the  races,  capi- 
tal and  labor  are  settled  and  settled  right  at  home. 

Pensions  for  the  Ex-Slaves. — We  firmly  believe  that  the  ex- 
slave,  who  served  the  country  for  246  years,  filling  the  lap  of 
the  nation  with  wealth  by  their  labor,  should  be  pensioned  from 
the  overflowing  treasury  of  the  country  to  which  they  are  and 
have  been  loyal,  both  on  land  and  sea,  as  provided  in  the  bill  in- 
troduced in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  by  Senator  Hanna, 
of  the  State  of  Ohio. 

Government  Ownership  and  Public  Carriers. — We  ask  that 
the  general  Government  own  and  control  all  public  carriers  in 
the  United  States,  so  that  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
could  not  be  denied  equal  accommodations  where  they  pay  with 
the  same  lawful  money  provided  by  the  Government  as  a  cir- 
culating medium  and  as  a  legal  tender  for  all  obligations. 

American  Citizens  Deprived  of  Self-Government. — The  people 
of  the  District  of  Columbia,  the  capital  of  the  nation,  should 
be  given  the  right  to  participate  in  the  selection  of  President 


DICTIONARY   OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.      587 

and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  and  should  be  allowed 
representation  in  the  two  branches  of  Congress,  and  the  election 
of  a  Governor,  Mayor,  City  Council,  and  such  other  officers  as 
are  necessary  for  the  proper  government  of  the  District  of 
Columbia.  We  indorse  the  Gallagher  resolution  looking  to  the 
establishment  of  self-government  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 


NATIONAL    PROHIBITION    PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED   AT   INDIANAPOLIS,   IND.,    JUNE    30,    1904. 

The  Prohibition  party,  in  national  convention  assembled,  at 
Indianapolis,  June  30,  1904,  recognizing  that  the  chief  end  of 
all  government  is  the  establishment  of  those  principles  of 
righteousness  and  justice  which  have  been  revealed  to  men  as 
the  will  of  the  ever-living  God,  desiring  His  blessing  upon 
our  national  life,  and  believing  in  the  perpetuation  of  the 
high  ideals  of  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for 
the  people,  established  by  our  fathers,  makes  the  following 
declaration  of  principles  and  purposes : 

The  Most  Important  Question  in  American  Politics. — The 
widely  prevailing  system  of  the  licensed  and  legalized  sale  of 
alcoholic  beverages  is  so  ruinous  to  individual  interests,  so 
inimical  to  public  welfare,  so  destructive  of  national  wealth 
and  so  subversive  of  the  rights  of  great  masses  of  our  citizen- 
ship, that  the  destruction  of  the  traffic  is,  and  for  years  has 
been,  the  most  important  question  in  American  politics. 

Ignored  by  Democratic  and  Republican  Leaders. — We  de- 
nounce the  lack  of  statesmanship  exhibited  by  the  leaders  of 
the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  in  their  refusal  to  rec- 
ognize the  paramount  importance  of  this  question,  and  the 
cowardice  with  which  the  leaders  of  these  parties  have  courted 
the  favor  of  those  whose  selfish  interests  are  advanced  by  the 
continuation  and  augmentation  of  the  traffic,  until  to-day  the 
influence  of  the  liquor  traffic  practically  dominates  national, 
State  and  local  government  throughout  the  nation. 

Regulation  a  Failure — License  Money  a  Bribe. — We  declare 
the  truth,  demonstrated  by  the  experience  of  half  a  century, 
that  all  methods  of  dealing  with  the  liquor  traffic  which  recog- 
nize its  right  to  exist,  in  any  form,  under  any  system  of  license 
or  tax  or  regulation,  have  proved  powerless  to  remove  its  evils, 
and  useless  as  checks  upon  its  growth,  while  the  insignificant 
public  revenues  which  have  accrued  therefrom  have  seared  the 
public  conscience  against  a  recognition  of  its  iniquity. 

Prohibitory  Law,  Administered  by  Its  Friends,  the  Only 
Hope. — We  'call  public  attention  to  the  fact,  proved  by  the 
experience  of  more  than  fifty  years,  that  to  secure  the  enactment 
and  enforcement  of  prohibitory  legislation,  in  which  alone  lies 
the  hope  of  the  protection  of  the  people  from  the  liquor  traf- 
fic, it  is  necessary  that  the  legislative,  executive  and  judicial 
branches  of  government  should  be  in  the  hands  of  a  political 
party  in  harmony  with  the  prohibition  principle,  and  pledged  to 
its  embodiment  in  law,  and  to  the  execution  of  those  laws. 


588      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

Party  Will  Enact  and  Enforce  Prohibitory  Laws. — We  pledge 
the  Prohibition  party,  wherever  given  power  by  the  suffrages 
of  the  people,  to  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  laws  pro- 
hibiting and  abolishing  the  manufacture,  importation,  trans- 
portation and  sale  of  alcoholic  beverages. 

No  Other  Issue  of  Equal  Importance. — We  declare  that  there 
is  not  only  no  other  issue  of  equal  importance  before  the 
American  people  to-day,  but  that  the  so-called  issues  upon 
which  the  Democratic  and  Republican  parties  seek  to  divide 
the  electorate  of  the  country  are,  in  large  part,  subterfuges 
under  the  cover  of  which  they  wrangle  for  the  spoils  of  office. 

Attitude  on  Other  Public  Questions. — Recognizing  that  the 
intelligent  voters  of  the  country  may  properly  ask  our  attitude 
upon  other  questions  of  public  concern,  we  declare  ourselves 
in  favor  of : 

The   impartial    enforcement  of   all    law. 

The  safeguarding  of  the  people's  rights  by  a  rigid  applica- 
tion of  the  principles  of  justice  to  all  combinations  and  or- 
ganizations of  capital  and  labor. 

The  recognition  of  the  fact  that  the  right  of  suffrage  should 
depend  upon  the  mental  and  moral  qualifications  of  the  citizen. 

A  more  intimate  relation  between  the  people  and  govern- 
ment, by  a  wise  application  of  the  principle  of  the  initiative 
and  referendum. 

Such  changes  in  our  laws  as  will  place  tariff  schedules  in  the 
hands  of  an  omni-partisan  commission. 

The  application  of  uniform  laws  to  all  our  country  and  de- 
pendencies. 

The  election  of  United  States  Senators  by  vote  of  the  people. 

The  extension  and  honest  administration  of  the  civil  service 
laws. 

The  safeguarding  of  every  citizen  in  every  place  under  the 
government  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  all  the  rights 
guaranteed  by  the  laws  and  the  Constitution. 

International  arbitration,  and  we  declare  that  our  nation 
should  contribute,  in  every  manner  consistent  with  national 
dignity,  to  the  permanent  establishment  of  peace  between  all 
nations. 

The  reform  of  our  divorce  laws,  the  final  extirpation  of 
polygamy,  and  the  total  overthrow  of  the  present  shameful 
system  of  the  illegal  sanction  of  the  social  evil,  with  its  un- 
speakable traffic  in  girls,  by  the  municipal  authorities  of  almost 
all  our  cities. 


NATIONAL    CONTINENTAL    PLATFORM. 

ADOPTED    AT    CHICAGO,    ILL.,    AUGUST    31,    1904. 

The  Continental  party  of  the  United  States,  in  first  national 
convention  assembled,  in  the  city  of  Chicago,  August  31,  1904, 
announces  the  following  platform  of  principles: 

The  objects  and  ends  of  the  Continental  party,  as  set  forth 
in  its  charter,  are:  "To  enlist  the  ro-operation  of  legal  voters 
throughout  the  United  States  in  earnest  and  honorable  efforts 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.       589 

to  repeal  unjust  laws  in  every  branch  of  government,  and  in 
their  btead,  to  secure  the  enactment  and  enforcement  of  other 
laws  better  adapted  to  'establish  justice,  insure  domestic  trm 
quillitj,  promote  the  general  welfare,'  and  secure  the  election 
or  appointment  to  office  of  honest  and  capable  men." 

Paramount  Issues. — The  questions  pertaining  to  money,  the 
tariff,  transportation,  trusts  and  corporations,  the  race  prob- 
lem, the  labor  problem,  are  pre-eminently  live  issues,  which 
can  never  be  permanently  settled  until  they  are  settled  right. 

Tariff. — Without  referring  to  our  trade  relations  with  na- 
tions of  the  Eastern  Continent,  we  declare  our  adherence  to  the 
principles  of  reciprocity  advocated  by  that  eminent  statesman, 
James  G.  Blaine,  as  applied  to  Canada  and  all  American  repub- 
lics. To  this  end  we  favor  such  Congressional  action  as  sin  11 
initiate  a  movement  intended  to  bring  about  reciprocity  to  its 
fullest  extent  with  the  entire  American  Continent,  'in  th«» 
language  of  Mr.  Blaine :  "There  is  room  for  but  one  commer- 
cial flag  between  Cape  Horn  and  the  North  Pole." 

Money. — We  believe  that  the  money  question  is  far  froir 
being  settled,  and  that  it  involves  not  only  the  gold  standard 
but  the  far  greater  question,  namely,  Who  shall  issue  and  con 
trol  the  paper  currency  of  the  nation — the  Government  or  tho 
banks?  He  who  controls  the  money  of  a  country  controls  the 
government  of  that  country. 

We  believe  that  the  money  trust  is  the  mother  of  all  other 
trusts ;  that  it  is  international  in  its  scope ;  that  it  has  duplicate 
headquarters — London  and  New  York ;  that  its  power  exceeds 
in  many  particulars  the  power  of  the  Government  itself ;  that 
it  controls  legislation  by  controlling  the  political  party  in 
power;  that  through  its 'agents  it  secured  the  nomination  of 
the  Presidential  candidates  of  both  the  Republican  and  Demo- 
cratic parties  and  dictated  the  main  planks  of  their  national 
platforms. 

We  believe  that  it  is  this  subserviency  of  the  two  leading 
political  parties  of  this  country  to  the  money  trust  that  U 
fnst  placing  the  wealth  of  the  country  into  the  hands  of  a 
few  individuals,  reducing  to  penury  and  want  millions  of  the 
laboring  and  middle  classes  and  establishing  in  this  land  of 
former  freedom  a  plutocracy  which  threatens  to  be  more  arbi- 
trary in  its  demands  than  any  monarchy  of  the  Old  World. 

"To  coin  money  and  regulate  the  value  thereof"  is  a  function 
of  the  National  Government  which  the  Constitution  has  denied 
to  the  States,  but  which  the  Republican  party  has  delegated,  in 
part,  to  corporations. 

As  a  check  to  the  encroachments  of  the  money  power  we  advo- 
cate the  following  demands : 

The  act  authorizing  national  banks  to  issue  notes  of  credit 
should  be  repealed.  All  money  of  every  description  should  be 
issued  by  the  general  Government,  and  be  equal  in  value,  dollar 
for  dollar. 

Postal  banks  for  deposit  and  check  should  be  established — one 
in  every  city,  county,  town  and  village,  the  surplus  funds  tmM 
accruing  to  be  loaned  to  the  people  at  interest  not  exceeding  3 
per  cent,  per  annum. 


590      DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

The  one  hundred  and  twelve  million  dollars  Government 
funds  deposited  in  banks  should  be  withdrawn  and  loaned  to 
the  several  States  on  deposit  of  State  bonds. 

Transportation. — Constantly  recurring  accidents  on  all  lines 
of  railroad,  causing  great  loss  of  life  and  the  crippling  and 
mangling  of  hundreds  of  passengers,  demand  the  most  searching 
investigation  and  prompt  and  efficient  legal  remedies  whereby 
railroads  shall  be  operated  for  the  safety  and  convenience  of 
the  public,  rather  than  for  the  purpose  of  declaring  the  usual 
dividend  on  watered  stock. 

During  the  year  1901  the  railroads  of  England,  which  are 
owned  and  operated  by  the  Government,  transported  an  immense 
number  of  passengers  without  a  single  fatality.  In  this  country 
a  person  virtually  takes  his  life  in  his  hand  when  he  steps 
aboard  a  train  of  cars.  We  believe  that  the  fatalities  of  rail- 
road travel  in  the  United  States  can  be  traced  directly  to  the 
employment  of  cheap  and  careless  employes,  the  overworking 
of  engineers  and  conductors,  and  the  neglect  to  take  proper 
precautions  against  accidents,  with  a  view  to  "cut  down  operat- 
ing expenses,"  and  thus  enable  railroad  officials  to  declare  the 
usual  dividends  to  stockholders. 

As  a  remedy  for  such  abuses  we  demand  the  prosecution  for 
manslaughter  of  the  principal  officers  of  a  railroad  company 
on  whose  line  the  death  of  a  passenger  shall  be  traced  directly 
to  the  carelessness  or  incompetency  of  their  employes,  or  to 
their  incapacity  caused  by  long  hours  of  continuous  labor. 

Government  Railroads. — To  give  work  to  the  unemployed, 
furnish  cheaper  and  more  equitable  rates  of  transportation,  in- 
sure the  safety  and  convenience  of  the  travelling  public,  and 
test  the  practicability  of  government  ownership  of  railroads, 
the  United  States  Government  should  at  once  proceed  to  con- 
struct, equip  and  operate  one  or  more  lines  of  four-track  rail- 
way, extending  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific  coast,  and  one 
or  more  similar  lines  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  points  near 
our  northern  boundary. 

Labor. — We  believe  in  the  right  of  labor  to  organize  for  the 
benefit  and  protection  of  those  who  toil.  Capital  is  organized, 
and  has  no  right  to  deny  labor  the  privilege  which  it  claims 
for  itself.  Intelligent  organization  of  labor  is  demanded  to  pre- 
serve the  rights  of  the  laborer.  It  raises  the  standard  of  work- 
manship and  promotes  the  efficiency,  intelligence,  independence 
and  character  of  the  wage  earner. 

We  believe  with  Abraham  Lincoln  that  labor  is  prior  to  capi- 
tal and  is  not  its  slave,  but  its  companion,  and  we  plead  for 
that  broad  spirit  of  tolerance  and  justice  which  will  promote 
industrial  peace  through  the  observance  of  just  principles  of 
arbitration. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  legislation  looking  to  the  improve- 
ment in  conditions  for  wage  earners,  the  abolition  of  child 
labor,  the  suppression  of  sweat-shops  and  of  convict  labor  in 
competition  with  free  labor,  and  the  exclusion  from  American 
shores  of  foreign  pauper  labor  and  Asiatic  labor  of  every  na- 
tionality. 

We  favor  the  shorter  workday,  and  declare  that  eight  hours 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     591 

should  constitute  the  maximum  workday  in  all  manufacturing 
establishments,  workshops,  mines  and  all  other  indnsirijii 
establishments,  and  that  where  great  skill  and  responsibility  arc 
required  of  an  employe,  as  in  the  case  of  railroad  engineers 
train  dispatchers,  steamboat  employes,  etc.,  no  person  should 
be  cantinuously  employed  more  than  six  hours  of  the  twenty- 
four. 

Trusts  and  Corporations. — All  railroad  and  other  corpora- 
tions doing  business  in  two  or  more  States  should  be  chartered 
by  Congress,  and  then  only  after  a  close  scrutiny  of  their  cap- 
italization, a  strict  investigation  revealing  their  intentions,  and  a 
most  guarded  restriction  of  their  powers  and  operations.  Tin- 
creating  of  "corners"  and  the  establishing  of  exorbitant  prices 
for  products  necessary  to  human  existence  should  be  made  a 
criminal  offence  against  the  officers,  directors  and  stockholders 
of  a  corporation  so  offending,  subjecting  them  to  the  severest 
penalties.  A  man  is  no  less  a  robber  because  he  is  able  to 
hold  up  his  victim  by  due  process  of  law. 

The  Philippines. — The  Philippines,  the  same  as  Cuba,  should 
be  guaranteed  ultimate  independence  and  a  stable  government 
under  the  protection  of  the  United  States. 

The  Electoral  College. — The  Congressional  district,  instead  of 
the  State,  should  be  made  the  unit  in  the  Electoral  College,  ap- 
portioning to  each  district  one  Presidential  elector,  to  be  chosen 
by  the  voters  of  that  district. 

Taxation. — We  demand  such  legislation  as  will  place  the 
burdens  of  government  upon  that  class  of  people  who  have  been 
most  favored  by  special  acts  of  government,  and  to  this  end  we 
favor  a  graduated  property  tax,  exempting  from  its  provi- 
sions property  of  the  individual  to  the  amount  of  $10,000  or 
less.  We  also  demand  that  a  10  per  cent,  tax  be  levied  an- 
nually upon  all  unoccupied  and  unimproved  land. 

New  Primary  Law. — We  demand  the  enactment  by  the  sev- 
eral States  of  a  primary  election  law,  by  which  all  candidates 
for  public  office  shall  be  selected  by  direct  vote  of  the  people, 
without  the  aid  of  a  delegate  convention. 

We  denounce  government  by  the  gavel  in  party  conventions 
and  demand  the  elimination  of  the  party  "boss"  from  politics, 
by  whatever  method  it  can  be  brought  about. 

Initiative  and  Referendum. — The  election  laws  of  the  several 
States  should  be  changed,  by  constitutional  amendment  when 
necessary,  so  as  to  provide  for  direct  legislation  by  the  method 
known  as  the  initiative  and  referendum. 

Qualifications  of  Electors. — Each  State  should  possess  the 
sole  right  to  determine  by  legislation  the  qualifications  required 
of  voters  within  its  jurisdiction,  irrespective  of  race,  color  or 
sex. 

Constitutional  Revision. — The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  should  be  revised  and  amended  in  accordance  with  the 
method  provided  in  Article  V.,  that  our  fundamental  law  may 
answer  the  demands  of  a  century  of  civilization  and  progress. 

Appeal  to  Independent  Voters. — Believing  our  demands  to  be 
practicable  and  just,  we  appeal  to  all  who  believe  in  majority 
rule,  to  all  who  are  weary  of  Standard  Oil  government,  to  all 


592     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

who  are  opposed  to  gavel  government  in  party  politics,  and  to 
all  others  who  desire  the  welfare  of  all  the  people,  to  unite  with 
us  in  advocating  the  principles  herein  enunciated  until  they 
shall  be  enacted  into  laws  for  the  government  of  this  Republic — 
a  Republic  founded  by  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  the  Con- 
tinental Congress,  and  first  defended  and  protected  by  the  Con- 
tinental Army  of  the  United  States. 


PARTY  PLATFORMS. 

1908. 

DEMOCRATIC,  REPUBLICAN,  INDEPENDENT,  SOCIALIST, 
PROHIBITION, 


NATIONAL  DEMOCRATIC  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  DENVER,  COLO.,  JULY  9,  1908. 

We,  the  representatives  of  the  Democrats  of  the  United  States, 
in  National  convention  assembled,  reaffirm  our  belief  in  and 
pledge  our  loyalty  to  the  principles  of  the  party. 

We  rejoice  at  the  increasing  signs  of  an  awakening  throughout 
the  country.  The  various  investigations  have  traced  graft  and 
political  corruption  to  the  representatives  of  predatory  wealth, 
and  laid  bare  the  unscrupulous  methods  by  which  they  have 
debauched  elections  and  preyed  upon  a  defenseless  public 
through  the  subservient  officials  whom  they  have  raised  to 
place  and  power. 

The  conscience  of  the  Nation  is  now  aroused  to  free  the 
Government  from  the  grip  of  those  who  have  made  it  a  busi- 
ness asset  of  the  favor-seeking  corporations;  it  must  become 
again  a  people's  Government,  and  be  administered  in  all  its 
departments  according  to  the  Jeffersonian  maxim,  "Equal  rights 
to  all  and  special  privileges  to  none." 

"Shall  the  people  rule?"  is  the  overshadowing  issue  which 
manifests  itself  in  all  the  questions  now  under  discussion. 

Labor  and  Injunctions.— The  courts  of  justice  are  the  bulwark 
of  our  liberties,  and  ,we  yield  to  none  in  our  purpose  to  main- 
tain their  dignity.  Our  party  has  given  to  the  bench  a  long  line 
of  distinguished  Judges,  who  have  added  to  the  respect  and 
confidence  in  which  this  department  must  be  jealously  main- 
tained. We  resent  the  attempt  of  the  Republican  party  to  raise 
false  issues  respecting  the  judiciary.  It  is  an  unjust  reflection 
upon  a  great  body  of  our  citizens  to  assume  that  they  lack 
respect  for  the  courts. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     593 

It  is  the  function  of  the  courts  to  interpret  the  laws,  which 
the  people  create,  and  if  the  laws  appear  to  work  economic, 
social,  or  political  injustice,  it  is  our  duty  to  change  them. 
The  only  basis  upon  which  the  integrity  of  our  courts  can 
stand  is  that  of  unswerving  Justice  and  protection  of  life,  per- 
sonal liberty,  and  property.  If  judicial  processes  may  be 
abused,  we  should  guard  them  against  abuse. 

Experience  has  proved  the  necessity  of  a  modification  of  the 
present  law  relating  to  injunctions,  and  we  reiterate  the  pledge 
of  our  National  platforms  of  1896  and  1904  in  favor  of  tha 
measure  which  passed  the  United  States  Senate  in  1896,  but 
which  a  Republican  Congress  has  ever  since  refused  to  enact; 
relating  to  contempts  in  Federal  courts  and  providing  for  trial 
by  jury  in  cases  of  indirect  contempt. 

Questions  ol  judicial  practice  have  arisen  especially  in  connec- 
tion with  industrial  disputes.  We  deem  that  the  parties  to 
all  judicial  proceedings  should  be  treated  with  rigid  impar- 
tiality, and  that  injunctions  should  not  be  issued  in  any  cas»js 
in  which  injunctions  would  not  issue  if  no  industrial  dispute 
were  involved. 

The  expanding  organization  of  industry  makes  it  essential  that 
there  should  be  no  abridgment  of  the  right  of  wage  earners  and 
producers  to  organize  for  the  protection  of  wages  and  the  im- 
provement of  labor  conditions,  to  the  end  that  such  labor 
organizations  and  their  members  should  not  be  regarded  as 
illegal  combinations  in  restraint  of  trade. 

We  favor  the  eight-hour  day  on  all  Government  work. 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party  to  the  enactment  of  a  law 
by  Congress,  as  far  as  the  Federal  jurisdiction  extends,  for 
a  general  Employers'  Liability  act,  covering  injury  to  body  or 
loss  of  life  of  employes. 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party  to  the  enactment  of  a  law 
creating  a  Department  of  Labor,  represented  separately  in  the 
President's  Cabinet,  which  department  shall  include  the  subject 
of  mines  and  mining. 

Tariff — We  welcome  the  belated  promise  of  tariff  reform  now 
affectou  by  the  Republican  party  in  tardy  recognition  of  the 
righteousness  of  the  Democratic  position  on  this  question,  but 
the  people  cannot  safely  intrust  the  execution  of  this  important 
work  to  a  party  which  is  so  deeply  obligated  to  the  highly 
protected  interests  as  is  the  Republican  party.  We  c.-'.ll  atten- 
tion to  the  significant  fact  that  the  promised  relief  was  post- 
poned until  after  the  coming  election — an  election  to  succeed  in 
which  the  Republican  party  must  have  that  same  support  from 
the  beneficiaries  of  the  high  protective  tariff  as  it  has  always 
heretofore  received  from  them,  and  to  the  further  fact  that 
during  years  of  uninterrupted  power,  no  action  whatever  has 
been  taken  by  the  Republican  Congress  to  correct  the  admit- 
tedly existing  tariff  iniquities. 

We  favor  immediate  revision  of  the  tariff  by  the  reduction  of 
import  duties.  Articles  entering  into  competition  with  trust- 
controlled  products  should  be  placed  upon  the  free  list,  and 
material  reduction  should  be  made  in  the  tariff  upon  the  neces- 
saries of  life,  especially  upon  articles  competing  with  such 


594     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

American  manufactures  as  are  sold  abroad  more  cheaply  than 
at  home,  and  graduate  reductions  should  be  made  in  such  other 
schedules  as  may  be  necessary  to  restore  the  tariff  to  a  revenue 
basis. 

Existing  duties  have  given  to  the  manufacturers  of  paper  a 
shelter  behind  which  they  have  organized  combinations  to  raise 
the  price  of  pulp  and  of  paper,  thus  imposing  a  tax  upon  the 
spread  of  knowledge.  We  demand  the  immediate  repeal  of  the 
tariff  on  pulp,  print  paper,  lumber,  timber,  and  logs,  and  that 
these  articles  be  placed  upon  the  free  list. 

Arbitrary  Power  of  Speaker.— The  House  of  Representatives 
was  designed  by  the  fathers  of  the  Constitution  to  be  the  popular 
branch  of  our  Government,  responsive  to  the  public  will. 

The  House  of  Representatives,  as  controlled  in  recent  years 
by  the  Republican  party,  has  ceased  to  be  a  deliberative  and 
executive  body,  responsive  to  the  will  of  a  majority  of  its  mem- 
bers, but  has  come  under  the  absolute  domination  of  the 
Speaker,  who  has  entire  control  of  its  deliberations  and  powers 
of  legislation. 

We  have  observed  with  amazement  the  popular  branch  of  our 
Federal  Government  helpless  to  obtain  either  the  consideration 
or  enactment  of  measures  desired  by  a  majority  of  its  mem- 
bers. 

Legislative  government  becomes  a  failure  when  one  member, 
in  the  person  of  the  Speaker,  is  more  powerful  than  the  entire 
body. 

We  demand  that  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  again 
become  a  deliberative  body,  controlled  by  a  majority  of  the 
people's  representatives,  and  not  by  the  Speaker,  and  we  pledge 
ourselves  to  adopt  such  rules  and  regulations  to  govern  the 
House  of  Representatives  as  will  enable  a  majority  of  its  mem- 
bers to  direct  its  deliberations  and  control  legislation. 

Publicity  of  Campaign  Contributions.— We  demand  Federal 
legislation  forever  terminating  the  partnership  which  has  existed 
between  corporations  of  the  country  and  the  Republican  party 
under  the  expressed  or  implied  agreement  that  in  return  for  the 
contribution  of  great  sums  of  money  wherewith  to  purchase 
elections,  they  should  be  allowed  to  continue  substantially  un- 
molested in  their  efforts  to  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the 
people. 

Any  reasonable  doubt  as  to  the  existence  of  this  relation  has 
been  forever  dispelled  by  the  sworn  testimony  of  witnesses 
examined  in  the  insurance  investigation  in  New  York,  and  the 
open  admission,  unchallenged  by  the  Republican  National  Com- 
mittee, of  a  single  individual,  that  he  himself,  at  the  personal 
request  of  the  Republican  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  raised 
over  $250,000  to  be  used  in  a  single  State  during  the  closing 
hours  of  the  last  campaign.  In  order  that  this  practice  shall 
be  stopped  for  all  time,  we  demand  the  passage  of  a  statute 
punishing  with  imprisonment  any  officer  of  a  corporation  who 
shall  either  contribute  on  behalf  of,  or  consent  to  the  contribu- 
tion by  a  corporation  of  any  money  or  anything  of  value  to  be 
used  in  furthering  the  election  of  a  President  or  Vice-President 
of  the  United  States,  or  of  any  member  of  Congress  thereof. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     595 

We  denounce  the  action  of  the  Republican  party,  having  the 
complete  control  of  the  Federal  Government,  for  its  failure 
to  pass  the  bill,  introduced  in  the  last  Congress,  to  compel  the 
publication  of  the  names  of  contributors  and  the  amounts  con- 
tributed toward  campaign  funds,  and  point  to  the  evidence 
of  their  insincerity,  when  they  sought  by  an  absolutely  irrele- 
vant and  impossible  amendment  to  defeat  the  passage  of  the 
bill.  As  a  further  evidence  of  their  intention  to  conduct  their 
campaign  in  the  coming  contest  with  vast  sums  of  money  wrested 
from  favor-seeking  corporations,  we  call  attention  to  the  fact 
that  the  recent  Republican  National  Convention  at  Chicago  re- 
fused, when  the  plank  was  presented  to  it,  to  declare  against 
such  practices. 

We  pledge  the  Democratic  party  to  the  enactment  of  a  law 
preventing  any  corporation  contributing  to  a  campaign  fund,  and 
any  individual  from  contributing  an  amount  above  a  reasonable 
minimum,  and  providing  for  the  publication  before  election  of  all 
such  contributions. 

Railroad  Regulation.— We  assert  the  right  of  Congress  to  ex- 
ercise complete  control  over  inter-State  commerce  and  the 
right  of  each  State  to  exercise  like  control  over  commerce 
within  its  borders. 

We  demand  such  enlargement  of  the  powers  of  the  Inter- 
State  Commerce  Commission  as  may  be  necessary  to  compel 
railroads  to  perform  their  duties  as  common  carriers  and  pre- 
vent discrimination  and  extortion. 

We  favor  the  efficient  supervision  and  rate  regulation  of 
railroads  engaged  in  inter-State  commerce;  to  this  end  we  rec- 
ommend the  valuation  of  railroads  by  the  Inter-State  Com- 
merce Commission,  such  valuation  to  take  into  consideration  the 
physical  value  of  the  property,  the  original  cost  of  reproduction, 
and  all  elements  of  value  that  will  render  the  valuation  made 
fair  and  just. 

We  favor  such  legislation  as  will  prohibit  the  railroads  from 
engaging  in  business  which  brings  them  into  competition 
with  their  shippers,  also  legislation  which  will  assure  such  re- 
duction in  transportation  rates  as  conditions  will  permit,  care 
being  taken  to  avoid  reductions  that  would  compel  a  reduction 
of  wages,  prevent  adequate  service,  or  do  injustice  to  legitimate 
investments.  We  heartily  approve  the  laws  prohibiting  the 
pass  and  the  rebate,  and  we  favor  any  further  necessary  legisla- 
tion to  restrain,  control,  and  prevent  such  abuses. 

We  favor  such  legislation  as  will  increase  the  power  of  the 
Inter-State  Commerce  Commission,  giving  to  it  the  initiative 
with  reference  to  rates  and  transportation  charges  put  into 
effect  by  the  railroad  companies,  and  permitting  the  Inter-State 
Commerce  Commission,  on  its  own  initiative,  to  declare  a  rate 
illegal  and  as  being  more  than  should  be  charged  for  such 
service;  that  the  present  law  relating  thereto  is  inadequate  by 
reason  of  the  fact  that  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission 
is  without  power  to  fix  or  investigate  a  rate  until  complaint  has 
been  made  to  it  by  the  shipper. 

We  further  declare  that  all  agreements  of  traffic  or  other 
associations  of  railway  agents  affecting  inter-State  rates,  ser- 


596     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

vice,  or  classification,  shall  be  unlawful  unless  filed  with  and 
approved  by  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  a  law  giving  to  the  Inter-State 
Commerce  Commission  the  power  to  inspect  proposed  railroad 
tariff  rates  or  schedules  before  they  shall  take  effect,  and  if  they 
be  found  to  be  unreasonable,  to  initiate  an  adjustment  thereof. 

Tlie  Rights  of  the  States.—  Believing,  with  Jefferson,  in  "the 
support  of  the  State  Governments  in  all  their  rights  as  the 
most  competent  administration  for  our  domestic  concerns,  and 
the  surest  bulwark  against  anti-republican  tendencies,"  and  in 
"the  preservation  of  the  general  Government  in  its  whole  con- 
stitutional vigor  as  the  sheet  anchor  of  our  peace  at  home  and 
the  safety  abroad,"  we  are  opposed  to  the  centralization  implied 
in  these  suggestions,  now  frequently  made,  that  the  powers  of 
the  general  Government  should  be  extended  by  judicial  con- 
struction. 

There  is  no  twilight  zone  between  the  Nation  and  the  State 
in  which  exploiting  interests  can  take  refuge  from  both,  and  it 
is  as  necessary  that  the  Federal  Government  shall  exercise  the 
powers  delegated  to  it  as  it  is  that  the  State  Governments  shall 
use  the  authority  reserved  to  them,  but  we  insist  that  Federal 
remedies  for  the  regulation  of  inter-State  commerce  and  for 
the  prevention  of  private  monopoly  shall  be  added  to,  not  sub- 
stituted for,  State  remedies. 

Economy  in  Administration. — The  Republican  Congress  in  ses- 
sion just  ended  has  made  appropriations  amounting  to  $1,008,- 
000,000,  exceeding  the  total  expenditures  of  the  past  fiscal  year 
by  $90,000,000,  and  leaving  a  deficit  of  more  than  $60,000,000  for 
the  fiscal  year.  We  denounce  the  needless  waste  of  the  people's 
money  which  has  resulted  in  this  appalling  increase  as  a 
shameful  violation  of  all  prudent  conditions  of  government,  as  no 
less  than  a  crime  against  the  millions  of  working  men  and 
women  from  whose  earnings  the  great  proportion  of  these 
colossal  sums  must  be  extorted  through  excessive  tariff  exac- 
tions and  other  indirect  methods.  It  is  not  surprising  that, 
in  the  face  of  this  shocking  record,  the  Republican  platform 
contains  no  reference  to  economical  administration  or  promise 
thereof  in  the  future.  We  demand  that  a  stop  be  put  to  this 
frightful  extravagance,  and  insist  upon  the  strictest  economy 
in  every  department  compatible  with  frugal  and  efficient  ad- 
ministration. 

Office  Holders.— Coincident  with  the  enormous  increase  in  ex- 
penditures, is  a  like  addition  to  the  number  of  office  holders. 
During  the  past  year  23,784  were  added,  costing  $16,156,000,  and 
in  the  past  six  years  of  the  Republican  Administration  the  total 
number  of  new  offices  created,  aside  from  many  commissions, 
has  been  99,319,  entailing  an  additional  expenditure  of  nearly 
$70,000,000,  as  against  only  10,279  new  offices  created  under  the 
Cleveland  and  McKinley  Administrations,  which  involved  aa 
expenditure  of  only  $6,000,000.  We  denounce  this  great  and 
growing  increase  in  the  number  of  office  holders  as  not  only 
unnecessary  and  wasteful,  but  also  as  clearly  indicating  a  de- 
liberate purpose  on  the  part  of  the  Administration  to  keep  the 
Republican  party  in  power  at  public  expense  by  thus  increasing 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     597 

the  number  of  its  retainers  and  dependents.  Such  procedure  wi 
declare  to  be  no  less  dangerous  and  corrupt  than  the  open  pur- 
chase of  votes  at  the  polls. 

Banking. -The  panic  of  1907,  coming  without  any  legitimate 
excuse,  when  the  Republican  party  had  for  a  decade  been  in 
complete  control  of  the  P'ederal  Government,  furnishes  addi- 
tional proof  that  it  is  either  unwilling  or  incompetent  to  protect 
the  interests  of  the  general  public.  It  has  so  linked  the  country 
to  Wall  Street  that  the  sins  of  the  speculators  are  visited  upon 
the  whole  people.  While  refusing  to  rescue  wealth-producers 
from  spoliation  at  the  hands  of  the  stock  gamblers  and  specu- 
lators in  farm  products,  it  has  deposited  Treasury  funds,  with- 
out interest  and  without  competition,  in  favorite  banks.  It 
has  used  an  emergency  for  which  it  is  largely  responsible  to 
force  through  Congress  a  bill  changing  the  basis  of  bank  cur- 
rency and  inviting  market  manipulation,  and  has  failed  to  give 
to  the  15,000,000  depositors  of  the  country  protection  in  their 
savings. 

We  believe  that  in  so  far  as  the  needs  of  commerce  require 
an  emergency  currency,  such  currency  should  be  issued,  con- 
trolled by  the  Federal  Government,  and  loaned  on  adequate 
security  to  National  and  State  banks.  We  pledge  ourselves  to 
legislation  under  which  the  National  banks  shall  be  required  to 
establish  a  guarantee  fund  for  the  prompt  payment  of  the  de- 
positors of  any  insolvent  National  bank  under  an  equitable 
system  which  shall  be  available  to  all  State  banking  institutions 
wishing  to  use  it. 

We  favor  a  postal  savings  bank  if  the  guaranteed  bank  cannot 
be  secured,  and  that  it  be  constituted  so  as  to  keep  the  de- 
posited money  in  the  communities  where  it  is  established.  But 
we  condemn  the  policy  of  the  Republican  party  in  providing 
postal  savings  banks  under  a  plan  of  conduct  by  which  they  will 
aggregate  the  deposits  of  rural  communities  and  redoposit  the 
same  while  under  Government  charge  in  the  banks  of  Wall 
Street,  thus  depleting  the  circulating  medium  of  the  producing 
regions  and  unjustly  favoring  the  speculative  markets.. 

The  Misuse  of  Patronage. — We  condemn  as  a  violation  of  the 
spirit  of  our  institutions  the  action  of  the  present  Chief  Execu- 
tive in  using  the  patronage  of  his  high  office  to  secure  the 
nomination  of  one  of  his  Cabinet  officers.  A  forced  succession 
in  the  Presidency  is  scarcely  less  repugnant  to  public  sentiment 
than  a  life  tenure  in  that  office.  No  good  intention  on  the  part 
of  the  Executive  and  no  virtue  in  the  one  selected  can  justify 
the  establishment  of  a  dynasty.  The  right  of  the  people  to 
freely  select  their  officials  is  inalienable  and  cannot  be  dele- 
gated. 

Protection  of  American  Citizens.— -We  pledge  ourselves  to  in- 
sist upon  the  just  and  lawful  protection  of  our  citizens  at  home 
and  abroad,  and  to  use  all  proper  methods  to  secure  for  them, 
whether  native  born  or  naturalized,  and  without  distinction 
of  race  or  creed,  the  equal  protection  of  law  and  the  t  njoyment 
of  all  rights  and  privileges  open  to  them  under  our  treaty;  and 
if,  under  existing  treaties,  the  right  of  travel  and  sojourn  ii 
denied  to  American  citizens  or  recognition  is  withheld  from 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

American  passports  by  any  countries  on  the  ground  of  race  or 
creed,  we  favor  prompt  negotiations  with  the  Governments  of 
such  countries  to  secure  the  removal  of  these  unjust  discrim- 
inations. 

We  demand  that  all  over  the  world  a  duly  authorized  passport 
issued  by  the  Government  of  the  United  States  to  an  American 
citizen  shall  be  proof  of  the  fact  that  he  is  an  American  citizen 
and  shall  entitle  him  to  the  treatment  due  him  as  such. 

Waterways.— Water  furnishes  the  cheapest  means  of  trans- 
portation, and  the  National  Government,  having  the  control  of 
navigable  waters,  should  improve  them  to  their  fullest  ca- 
pacity. We  earnestly  favor  the  immediate  adoption  of  a 
liberal  and  comprehensive  plan  for  improving  every  water- 
course in  the  Union,  which  is  justified  by  the  needs  of  com- 
merce, and  to  secure  that  end  we  favor,  when  practicable,  the 
connection  of  the  great  lakes  with  the  navigable  rivers  and 
with  the  Gulf  through  the  Mississippi  River,  and  the  navigable 
rivers  with  each  other,  and  the  rivers,  bays,  and  sounds  of  our 
coasts  with  each  other  by  artificial  canals,  with  a  view  to  per- 
fecting a  system  of  inland  waterways,  to  be  navigated  by  vessels 
of  standard  draught. 

We  favor  the  co-ordination  of  the  various  services  of  the 
Government  connected  with  waterways,  in  one  service,  for  the 
purpose  of  aiding  in  the  completion  of  such  a  system  of  inland 
waterways;  and  we  favor  the  creation  of  a  fund  ample  for  con- 
tinuous work,  which  shall  be  conducted  under  the  direction  of  a 
commission  of  experts  to  be  authorized  by  law. 

The  Philippines. — We  condemn  the  experiment  in  imperialism 
as  an  inexcusable  blunder,  which  has  involved  us  in  an  enormous 
expense,  brought  us  weakness  instead  of  strength,  and  laid  our 
Nation  open  to  the  charge  of  abandoning  a  fundamental  doctrine 
of  self-government.  We  favor  an  immediate  declaration  of  the 
Nation's  purpose  to  recognize  the  independence  of  the  Philip- 
pine Islands  as  soon  as  a  stable  Government  can  be  established, 
such  independence  to  be  guaranteed  by  us  as  we  guarantee  the 
independence  of  Cuba  until  the  neutralization  of  the  islands 
can  be  secured  by  treaty  with  other  powers.  In  recognizing  the 
Independence  of  the  Philippines  our  Government  should  retain 
such  land  as  may  be  necessary  for  coaling  stations  and  naval 
bases. 

Popular  Election  of  Senators.— We  favor  the  election  of 
United  States  Senators  by  direct  vote  of  the  people,  and  regard 
this  reform  as  the  gateway  to  other  National  reforms. 

Income  Tax.— We  favor  an  income  tax  as  part  of  our  revenue 
system,  and  we  urge  the  submission  of  a  Constitutional  amend- 
ment specifically  authorizing  Congress  to  levy  and  collect  a  tax 
upon  individual  and  corporate  incomes,  to  the  end  that  wealth 
may  bear  its  proportionate  share  of  the  burdens  of  the  Federal 
Government. 

Pan-American  Relations.— The  Democratic  party  recognizes 
the  importance  and  advantage  of  developing  closer  ties  of  pan- 
American  friendship  and  commerce  between  the  United  States 
and  her  sister  nations  of  Latin  America,  and  favors  the  taking  of 
•uch  steps,  consistent  with  Democratic  policies,  for  better  ac- 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS,     r,,,,, 

quaintance,  greater  mutual  confidence,  and  larger  exchange  of 
trade,  as  will  bring  lasting  benefit  not  only  to  the  United 
States,  but  to  this  group  of  American  republics  having  Con- 
stitutions, forms  of  government,  ambitions,  and  Interests  akin 
to  our  own. 

Telegraph  and  Telephone.— '"We  pledge,  the  Democratic  party 
to  the  enactment  of  a  law  to  regulate  the  rates  and  services  of 
telegraph  and  telephone  companies  engaged  In  the  transmission 
of  messages  between  the  States,  under  the  Jurisdiction  of  the 
Inter-State  Commerce  Commission. 

Civil  Service.— The  laws  pertaining  to  the  Civil  Service  should 
be  honestly  and  rigidly  enforced  to  the  end  that  merit  and 
ability  shall  be  the  standard  of  appointment  and  promotion 
rather  than  services  rendered  to  a  political  party. 

The  Navy.— The  constitutional  provision  that  a  navy  shall  be 
provided  and  maintained  means  an  adequate  navy,  and  we  be- 
lieve that  the  interests  of  this  country  would  be  best  served  by 
having  a  navy  sufficient  to  defend  the  coasts  of  this  country,  and 
protect  American  citizens  wherever  their  rights  may  be  in 
jeopardy. 

Asiatic  Immigration. — We  favor  full  protection,  by  both  Na- 
tional and  State  Governments  within  their  respective  spheres, 
of  all  foreigners  residing  in  the  United  States  under  treaty, 
but  we  are  opposed  to  the  admission  of  Asiatic  immigrants  who 
cannot  be  amalgamated  with  our  population,  or  whose  presence 
among  us  would  raise  a  race  issue  and  involve  us  in  diplomatic 
controversies  with  Oriental  powers. 

Grazing  Lands. — The  establishment  of  rules  and  regulations,  if 
any  such  are  necessary,  in  relation  to  free  grazing  upon  the 
public  lands  outside  of  forest  or  other  reservations,  until  the 
same  shall  eventually  be  disposed  of,  should  be  left  to  the 
people  of  the  States  respectively  in  which  such  lands  may  be 
situated. 

Arizona  and  New  Mexico.— The  National  Democratic  party  has 
for  the  last  sixteen  years  labored  for  the  admission  of  Arizona 
and  New  Mexico  as  separate  States  of  the  Federal  Union,  and, 
recognizing  that  each  possesses  every  qualification  to  success- 
fully maintain  separate  State  governments,  we  favor  the  imme- 
diate admission  of  those  Territories  as  separate  States. 

Oklahoma.— WQ  welcome  Oklahoma  to  the  sisterhood  of 
States,  and  heartily  congratulate  her  on  the  auspicious  begin- 
ning of  a  great  career. 

Alaska  and  Porto  Rico.— We  demand  for  the  people  of  Alaska 
and  Porto  Rico  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  rights  and  privileges 
of  a  Territorial  form  of  government.  The  officials  appointed  to 
administer  the  government  of  all  our  Territories  and  the  District 
of  Columbia  should  be  thoroughly  qualified  by  previous  bona-flde 
residence. 

Hawaii.— We  favor  the  application  of  principles  of  land 
of  the  United  States  to  our  newly  acquired  territory,  Hawaii, 
to  the  end  that  the  public  lands  of  that  territory  may  be  held 
and  utilized  for  the  benefit  of  bona-fide  homesteaders. 

Merchant  Marine.— We  believe  in  the  upbuilding  of  the  Amerl- 


COO     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

can  and  merchant  marine  without  new  or  additional  burdens 
upon  the  people  and  without  bounties  from  the  public  Treasury. 

Health  Bureau. — We  advocate  the  organization  of  all  existing 
National  public  health  agencies  into  a  National  bureau  of  public 
health,  with  such  power  over  sanitary  conditions  connected  with 
factories,  mines,  tenements,  child  labor,  and  other  such  subjects 
as  are  properly  within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment and  do  not  interfere  with  the  power  of  the  States  con- 
trolling public  health  agencies. 

Panama  Canal. — We  believe  the  Panama  Canal  will  prove  of 
value  to  our  country,  and  favor  its  speedy  completion. 

Agricultural  and  Mechanical  Education.— The  Democratic 
party  favors  the  extension  of  agricultural,  mechanical,  and  in- 
dustrial education.  We  therefore  favor  the  establishment  of 
district  agricultural  experiment  stations,  the  secondary  agri- 
cultural and  mechanical  colleges  in  the  several  States. 

Post  Roads.— We  favor  Federal  aid  to  State  and  local  authori- 
ties in  the  construction  and  maintenance  of  post  roads. 

Foreign  Patents.— We  believe  that  where  an  American  citizen 
holding  a  patent  in  a  foreign  country  is  compelled  to  manufac- 
ture under  his  patent  within  a  certain  time,  similar  restrictions 
should  be  applied  in  this  country  to  the  citizens  of  subjects  of 
such  a  country. 

Pensions. — We  favor  a  generous  pension  policy,  both  as  a 
matter  of  justice  to  the  surviving  veterans  and  their  depend- 
ents, and  because  it  tends  to  relieve  the  country  of  the  necessity 
of  maintaining  a  large  standing  army. 

Trusts.— A  private  monopoly  is  indefensible  and  intolerable. 
We  therefore  favor  the  vigorous  enforcement  of  the  criminal 
law  against  guilty  trust  magnates  and  officials,  and  demand  the 
enactment  of  such  additional  legislation  as  may  be  necessary 
to  make  it  impossible  for  a  private  monopoly  to  exist  in  the 
United  States.  Among  the  additional  remedies  we  specify  three 
—first,  a  law  preventing  a  duplication  of  Directors  among  com- 
peting corporations;  second,  a  license  system,  which  will,  with- 
out abridging  the  right  of  each  State  to  create  corporations  or 
its  right  to  regulate  as  it  will  foreign  corporations  doing  busi- 
ness within  its  limits,  make  it  necessary  for  a  manufacturing 
or  trading  corporation  engaged  in  inter-State  commerce  to  take 
out  a  Federal  license  before  it  shall  be  permitted  to  control 
as  much  as  25  per  cent,  of  the  product  in  which  it  deals,  the 
license  to  protect  the  public  from  watered  stock  and  to  prohibit 
the  control  by  such  corporation  of  more  than  50  per  cent,  of  the 
total  amount  of  any  product  consumed  in  the  United  States,  and, 
third,  a  law  compelling  such  licensed  corporations  to  sell  to  all 
purchasers  In  all  parts  of  the  country  on  the  same  terms,  after 
making  due  allowance  for  cost  of  transportation. 

Natural  Resources.— We  .repeat  the  demand  for  internal  devel- 

proent  and  for  the  conservation  of  our  natural  resources  con- 
tained in  previous  platforms,  the  enforcement  of  which  Mr. 
loosevelt  has  vainly  sought  from  a  reluctant  party,  and  to  that 
Insist  upon  the  preservation,  protection,  and  replacement 
needed  forests,  the  preservation  of  the  public  domain  for 
home-seekers,  the  protection  of  the  National  resources  in  tim- 


•DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     601 

ber,  coal,  iron,  and  oil  against  monopolistic  control,  the  devel- 
opment of  our  waterways  for  navigation  and  every  other  useful 
purpose,  including  the  irrigation  of  arid  lands,  the  reclamation 
of  swamp  lands,  the  clarification  of  streams,  the  development  of 
water  power,  and  the  preservation  of  electric  power  generated 
by  this  natural  force  from  the  control  of  monopoly;  and,  to 
such  end,  we  urge  the  exercise  of  all  powers,  National,  State 
and  municipal,  both  separately  and  in  co-operation. 

We  insist  upon  a  policy  of  administration  of  our  forest  re- 
serve which  shall  relieve  it  of  the  abuses  which  have  arisen 
thereunder,  and  which  shall,  as  far  as  practicable,  conform  to 
the  police  regulations  of  the  several  States  where  they  are 
located  which  shall  enable  homesteaders  as  of  right  to  occupy 
and  acquire  title  to  all  portions  thereof  which  are  especially 
adapted  to  agriculture,  and  which  shall  furnish  a  system  of 
timber  sales  available  as  well  to  the  private  citizen  as  to  the 
larger  manufacturer  and  consumer. 

Conclusion.—  The  Democratic  party  stands  for  Democracy; 
the  Republican  party  has  drawn  to  itself  all  that  is  aristocratic 
and  plutocratic. 

The  Democratic  party  is  the  champion  of  civil  rights  and  op- 
portunities to  all;  the  Republican  party  is  the  party  of  privilege 
and  private  monopoly.  The  Democratic  party  listens  to  the 
voice  of  the  whole  people  and  gauges  progress  by  the  prosperity 
and  advancement  of  the  average  man;  the  Republican  party  is 
subservient  to  the  comparatively  few  who  are  the  beneficiaries 
of  Governmental  favoritism.  We  invite  the  co-operation  of 
all,  regardless  of  previous  political  affiliation  or  past  differences, 
who  desire  to  preserve  a  government  of  the  prople,  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  for  the  people,  and  who  favor  such  an  administration 
of  the  Government  as  will  insure,  as  far  as  human  wisdom  can, 
that  each  citizen  shall  draw  from  society  a  reward  commensu- 
rate with  his  contribution  to  the  welfare  of  society. 


NATIONAL  REPUBLICAN  PLATFORM. 
ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JUNE  18,  1908. 

Once  more  the  Republican  party,  in  National  Convention  as- 
sembled, submits  its  cause  to  the  people.  This  great  historic 
organization,  that  destroyed  slavery,  preserved  the  Union,  re- 
stored credit,  expanded  the  National  domain,  established  a 
sound  financial  system,  developed  the  industries  and  resources 
of  the  country,  and  gave  to  the  Nation  her  seat  of  honor  in  the 
councils  of  the  world,  now  meets  the  new  problems  of  govern- 
ment with  the  same  courage  and  capacity  with  which  it  solved 
the  old. 

Republicanism  under  Roosevelt.— In  this  the  greatest  era  of 
American  advancement  the  Republican  party  has  reached  its 
highest  service  under  the  leadership  of  Theodore  Roosevelt. 
His  Administration  is  an  epoch  in  American  history.  In  no 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

other  period  since  National  sovereignty  was  won  under  Wash- 
ington or  preserved  under  Lincoln,  has  there  been  such  mighty 
progress  in  these  ideals  of  government  which  make  for  justice, 
equality  and  fair  dealing  among  men.  The  highest  aspirations 
of  the  American  people  have  found  a  voice.  Their  most  exalted 
servant  represents  but  the  best  aims  and  worthiest  purposes  of 
all  his  countrymen. 

American  manhood  has  been  lifted  to  a  nobler  sense  of  duty 
and  obligation.  Conscience  and  courage  in  public  station  and 
highest  standards  of  right  and  wrong  in  private  life  have  be- 
come the  cardinal  principles  of  political  faith,  capital  and 
labor  have  been  brought  into  closer  relations  of  confidence  and 
interdependence,  and  the  abuse  of  wealth,  the  tyranny  of  power, 
and  all  the  evils  of  privilege  and  favoritism  have  been  put  to 
scorn  by  the  simple,  manly  virtues  of  justice  and  fair  play. 

The  great  accomplishments  of  President  Roosevelt  have  been, 
first  and  foremost,  a  brave  and  impartial  enforcement  of  the 
law;  the  prosecution  of  illegal  trusts  and  monopolies,  the  ex- 
posure and  punishment  of  evil-doers  in  the  public  service,  the 
more  effective  regulation  of  the  rates  and  service  of  the  great 
transportation  lines;  the  complete  overthrow  of  preference,  re- 
bates and  discriminations,  the  arbitration  of  labor  disputes,  th-3 
amelioration  of  the  condition  of  wage  workers  everywhere,  the 
conservation  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country,  the  for- 
ward step  in  the  improvement  of  the  inland  waterways,  and  al- 
ways the  earnest  support  and  defense  of  every  wholesome  safe- 
guard which  has  made  more  secure  the  guarantees  of  life, 
liberty,  and  prosperity. 

These  are  the  achievements  that  will  make  for  Theodore 
Roosevelt  his  place  in  history.  But  more  than  all  else,  the  great 
things  he  has  done  will  be  an  inspiration  to  those  who  have  yet 
greater  things  to  do.  We  declare  our  unfaltering  adherence  to 
the  policies  thus  inaugurated,  and  pledge  their  continuance  un- 
der a  Republican  administration  of  the  Government. 

Equality  of  Opportunity, — Under  the  guidance  of  Republican 
principles  the  American  people  have  become  the  richest  Nation 
in  the  world.  Our  wealth  to-day  exceeds  that  of  England  and 
all  her  colonies,  and  that  of  France  and  Germany  combined. 
When  the  Republican  party  was  born  the  total  wealth  of  the 
country  was  $16,000,000,000.  It  has  leaped  to  $110,000,000,000  in 
a  generation,  while  Great  Britain  has  gathered  but  $60,000,000,000 
in  500  years.  The  United  States  now  owns  one-fourth  of  the 
world's  wealth,  and  makes  one-third  of  all  manufactured 
products.  In  the  great  necessities  of  civilization,  such  as  coal, 
the  motive  power  of  all  activity;  iron,  the  chief  basis  of  all 
industry;  cotton,  the  staple  foundation  of  all  fabrics;  wheat, 
corn,  and  all  the  agricultural  products  that  feed  mankind, 
American  supremacy  is  undisputed. 

And  yet  her  great  natural  wealth  has  been  scarcely  touched. 
We  have  vast  domains  of  3,000,000  square  miles,  literally  burst- 
ing with  latent  treasure,  still  waiting  the  magic  of  capital  and 
istry  to  be  converted  to  the  practical  uses  of  mankind;  a 
country  rich  in  soil  and  climate,  in  the  unharnessed  energy  of 
1U  rivers,  and  In  all  the  varied  products  of  the  field,  the  forest 


'DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     603 

and  the  factory.  With  gratitude  for  God's  bounty,  with  pride 
in  the  splendid  productiveness  of  the  past,  and  with  confidence 
in  the  prosperity  of  the  future,  the  Republicam  party  declares 
for  the  principle  that  in  the  development  and  enjoyment  of 
wealth  so  great  and  blessings  so  benign  there  shall  be  equal 
opportunity  for  all. 

The  Revival  of  Business.— Nothing  so  clearly  demonstrates  the 
sound  basis  upon  which  our  commercial,  industrial  and  agri- 
cultural interests  are  founded,  and  the  necessity  of  promoting 
their  continued  welfare  through  the  operation  of  Republican 
policies,  as  the  recent  safe  passage  of  the  American  people 
through  a  financial  disturbance,  which,  if  appearing  in  tho 
midst  of  Democratic  rule,  or  the  menace  of  it,  might  have 
equaled  the  familiar  Democratic  panics  of  the  past.  We  con- 
gratulate the  people  upon  this  renewed  evidence  of  American 
supremacy,  and  hail  with  confidence  the  signs  now  manifest  of 
a  complete  restoration  of  business  prosperity  in  all  lines  of 
trade,  commerce,  and  manufacturing. 

Recent  Republican  Legislation. — Since  the  election  of  William 
McKinley,  in  1896,  the  people  of  this  country  have  felt  anew  the 
wisdom  of  intrusting  to  the  Republican  party,  through  decisive 
majorities,  the  control  and  direction  of  National  legislation. 
The  many  wise  and  progressive  measures  adopted  by  recent 
sessions  of  Congress  have  demonstrated  the  patriotic  resolve 
of  Republican  leadership  in  the  legislative  department  to  keen 
step  in  the  forward  march  toward  better  government. 

Notwithstanding  the  indefensible  filibustering  of  a  Democratic 
minority  in  the  House  of  Representatives  during  the  last  session 
it  can  only  be  intrusted  to  another  Republican  majority.  But 
many  wholesome  and  progressive  laws  were  enacted,  and  WQ 
especially  commend  the  passage  of  the  Emergency  Currency 
bill,  the  appointment  of  the  National  Monetary  Commissions, 
the  Employers'  and  Government  Liability  laws,  the'  measures 
for  the  greater  efficiency  of  the  Army  and  Navy,  the  Widows' 
Pension  bill,  the  Child  Labor  law  for  the  District  of  Columbia, 
the  new  statutes  for  the  safety  of  railroad  engineers  and  fire- 
men, and  many  other  acts  conserving  the  public  welfare. 

Republican  Pledges  for  the  Future—  Tariff.— The  Republican 
party  declares  unequivocally  for  a  revision  of  the  tariff  by  a 
special  session  of  Congress  immediately  following  the  inaugu- 
ration of  the  next  President,  and  commends  the  steps  already 
taken  to  this  end  in  the  work  assigned  to  the  appropriate  com.- 
mittees  of  Congress  which  are  now  investigating  the  operation 
and  effect  of  existing  schedules. 

In  all  tariff  legislation  the  true  principle  of  protection  is 
best  maintained  by  the  imposition  of  such  duties  as  will  equal 
the  difference  between  the  cost  of  production  at  home  and 
abroad,  together  with  a  reasonable  profit  to  American  indus- 
tries. We  favor  the  establishment  of  maximum  and  minimum 
rates  to  be  administered  by  the  President  under  limitations 
fixed  in  the  law,  the  maximum  to  be  available  to  meet  discrim- 
inations by  foreign  countries  against  American  goods  entering 
their  markets  and  the  minimum  to  represent  the  normal  measure 
of  protection  at  home,  the  aim  and  purpose  of  the  Republican 


604:     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

policy  being  not  only  to  preserve,  without  excessive  duties,  that 
security  against  foreign  competition  to  which  American  manu- 
facturers, farmers,  and  producers  are  entitled,  but  also  to  main- 
tain the  high  standard  of  living  of  the  wage  earners  of  this  coun- 
try, who  are  the  most  direct  beneficiaries  of  the  protective  system. 

Between  the  United  States  and  the  Philippines  we  believe  in 
a  free  interchange  of  products,  with  such  limitations  as  to 
sugar  and  tobacco  as  will  avoid  injury  to  domestic  interests. 

Currency  Legislation.— We  approve  the  emergency  measures 
adopted  by  the  Government  during  the  recent  financial  dis- 
turbance, and  especially  commend  the  passage  by  the  last  ses- 
sion of  Congress  of  the  law  designed  to  protect  the  country 
from  a  repetition  of  such  stringency.  The  Republican  party  is 
committed  to  the  development  of  such  a  permanent  system,  re- 
sponding to  our  greater  needs,  and  in  line  in  all  respects  with 
the  most  progressive  nations  of  the  world,  and  the  appointment 
of  the  monetary  commission  by  the  present  Congress,  which 
will  impartially  investigate  all  proposed  methods,  insures  the 
early  realization  of  this  purpose. 

The  present  currency  laws  have  fully  justified  their  adoption, 
but  an  expanding  commerce,  a  marvelous  growth  in  wealth 
and  population,  multiplying  the  centres  of  distribution,  increasing 
the  demand  for  the  movement  of  crops  in  the  West  and  South, 
and  entailing  periodic  changes  in  monetary  conditions,  disclose 
the  need  of  a  more  elastic  and  adaptable  system.  Such  a  sys- 
tem must  meet  the  requirements  of  agriculturists,  manufac- 
turers, merchants  and  business  men  generally;  must  be  auto- 
matic in  operation,  minimizing  the  fluctuations  in  interest  rates, 
and,  above  all,  must  be  in  harmony  with  that  Republican  doctrine 
which  insists  that  every  dollar  shall  be  based  upon  and  as  good 
as  gold. 

In  line  with  the  purpose  here  declared  to  secure  by  every 
wise  means  greater  safety  and  stability  in  the  banking  and 
currency  system,  we  favor  the  establishment  of  postal  savings 
banks  for  the  people,  upon  principles  embodied  in  the  measure 
now  pending  in  Congress  and  set  for  a  vote  on  December  14 
next. 

Postal  Savings.— We  favor  the  establishment  of  a  postal 
savings  bank  system  for  the  convenience  of  the  people  and  the 
encouragement  of  thrift. 

Trusts.—  The  Republican  party  passed  the  Sherman  anti-trust 
law  over  Democratic  opposition,  and  enforced  it  after  Demo- 
cratic dereliction.  It  has  been  a  wholesome  instrument  for 
good  in  the  hands  of  a  wise  and  fearless  Administration.  But 
experience  has  shown  that  its  effectiveness  can  be  strength- 
ened, and  its  real  objects  better  obtained,  by  such  amendments 
as  will  give  to  the  Federal  Government  greater  supervision  and 
control  over,  and  secure  greater  publicity  in  the  management 
that  class  of  inter-State  corporations  engaged  in  inter-State 

ommerce  having  power  and  opportunity  to  effect  monopolies, 
1  at  the  same  time  will  not  interfere  with  the  operation  of 

Jen  associations  among  business  men,  farmers,  and  wage 
earners  as  result  In  a  positive  benefit  to  the  public. 

Kailroads.—  We  approve  the  enactment  of  the   railroad   rate 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     605 

law  and  the  vigorous  enforcement  by  the  present  Administration 
of  the  statutes  against  rebates  and  discriminations,  as  the  re- 
sult of  which  the  advantages  formerly  possessed  by  the  large 
shippers  over  the  small  shippers  have  substantially  disappeared. 
In  this  connection  we  commend  the  appropriation  by  the  present 
Congress  in  orJer  to  enable  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commis- 
sion thoroughly  to  investigate  and  to  give  publicity  to  the  ac- 
counts of  inter-State  railroads.  We  believe,  however,  that  the 
inter-State  commerce  law  should  be  further  amended  so  as  to 
give  railroads  the  right  to  make  and  publish  traffic  agreements 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  commission,  but  maintaining 
always  the  principle  of  competition  between  naturally  competing 
lines  and  avoiding  the  common  control  of  such  lines  by  any 
means  whatsoever.  We  favor  such  national  legislation  as  will 
prevent  the  future  overissue  of  stocks  and  bonds  by  inter-State 
carriers. 

Railroad  and  Government  Employes.— The  enactment  in  con- 
stitutional form  by  the  present  session  of  Congress  of  the 
employers'  liability  law;  the  passage  and  enforcement  of  the 
safety-appliance  statutes,  as  well  as  the  additional  protection 
secured  for  engineers  and  firemen,  the  reduction  in  the  hours 
of  trainmen  and  railroad  telegraphers,  the  successful  exercise  of 
the  powers  of  mediation  and  arbitration  between  inter-State 
railroads  and  their  employes,  and  the  law  making  a  beginning 
in  the  policy  of  compensation  for  injured  employes  of  the  Gov- 
ernment are  among  the  most  commendable  accomplishments  of 
the  present  Administration.  But  there  is  further  work  in  this 
direction  yet  to  be  done,  and  the  Republican  party  pledges  its 
continued  devotion  to  every  cause  that  makes  for  safety  and 
the  betterment  of  conditions  among  those  whose  labor  con- 
tributes so  much  to  the  progress  and  welfare  of  the  country. 

Wage  Earners  Generally.— The  same  wise  policy  which  has 
induced  the  Republican  party  to  maintain  protection  to  Ameri- 
can labor,  to  establish  an  eight-hour  day  in  the  construction  of 
all  public  work,  to  increase  the  list  of  employes  who  shall  have 
preferred  claims  for  wages  under  the  bankruptcy  laws,  to  adopt 
a  child  labor  statute  for  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  direct  an 
investigation  into  the  conditions  of  working  women  and  children, 
and  later  of  employes  of  telephone  and  telegraph  companies 
engaged  in  inter-State  business;  to  appropriate  $150,000  at  the 
recent  session  of  Congress  in  order  to  secure  a  thorough  inquiry 
into  the  causes  of  catastrophes  and  loss  of  life  in  the  mines, 
and  to  amend  and  strengthen  the  law  prohibiting  the  importa- 
tion of  contract  labor,  will  be  pursued  in  every  legitimate  direc- 
tion within  Federal  authority  to  lighten  the  burdens  and  in- 
crease the  opportunity  for  happiness  and  advancement  of  all 
who  toil.  The  Republican  party  recognizes  the  special  needs  of 
wage-workers  generally,  for  their  well-being  means  the  well- 
being  of  all.  But  more  important  than  all  other  considerations 
is  that  of  good  citizenship,  and  we  especially  stand  for  the  needs 
of  every  American,  whatever  his  occupation,  in  his  capacity  as 
a  self-respecting  citizen. 

Court  Procedure.— The  Republican  party  will  uphold  at  all 
times  the  authority  and  integrity  of  the  courts,  State  and 


606     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

Federal,  and  will  ever  Insist  that  their  powers  to  enforce  their 
process  and  to  protect  life,  liberty  and  property  shall  be  pre- 
served inviolate.  We  believe,  however,  that  the  rules  of  pro- 
cedure in  the  Federal  courts  with  respect  to  the  issuance  of  the 
writ  of  injunction  should  be  more  accurately  defined  by  statute, 
and  that  no  injunction  or  temporary  restraining  order  should  be 
issued  without  notice  except  where  irreparable  injury  would  re- 
sult from  delay,  in  which  case  a  speedy  hearing  thereafter 
should  be  granted. 

The  American  Farmer.— Among  those  whose  welfare  is  as  vital 
to  the  welfare  of  the  whole  country  as  is  that  of  the  wage 
earner  is  the  American  farmer.  The  prosperity  of  the  whole 
country  rests  peculiarly  upon  the  prosperity  of  agriculture.  Tho 
Republican  party  during  the  last  twelve  years  has  accomplished 
extraordinary  work  in  bringing  the  resources  of  the  National 
Government  to  the  aid  of  the  farmer.  Not  only  in  advancing 
agriculture  itself,  but  in  increasing  the  conveniences  of  rural 
life.  Free  rural  mail  delivery  was  established  over  earnest 
Democratic  opposition;  it  now  reaches  millions  of  our  citizens, 
and  we  favor  its  extension  until  every  community  in  the  land 
receives  the  full  benefits  of  the  postal  service.  We  recognize 
the  social  and  economic  advantages  of  good  country  roads, 
maintained  more  and  more  largely  at  public  expense,  and  less 
and  less  at  the  expense  of  the  abutting  owners.  In  this  work 
we  commend  the  growing  factors  of  State  aid  and  we  approve 
the  efforts  of  the  National  Agricultural  Department  by  experi- 
ment and  otherwise  to  make  clear  to  the  public  the  best 
methods  of  road  construction. 

Rights  of  the  Negro.— The  Republican  party  has  been  for  more 
than  fifty  years  the  consistent  friend  of  the  American  negro. 
It  gave  him  freedom  and  citizenship.  It  wrote  into  the  organic 
law  of  the  land  the  declarations  that  proclaim  his  civil  and  po- 
litical rights,  and  it  believes  to-day  that  his  noteworthy  progress 
in  intelligence,  industry  and  good  citizenship  has  earned  the 
respect  and  encouragement  of  the  Nation.  We  demand  equal 
justice  for  all  men,  without  regard  to  race  or  color;  we  declare 
once  more,  and  without  reservation,  for  the  enforcement  in 
spirit  and  letter  of  the  thirteenth,  fourteenth  and  fifteenth 
amendments  to  the  Constitution  which  were  designed  for  the 
protection  and  advancement  of  the  negro,  and  we  condemn  all 
devices  that  have  for  their  real  aim  his  disfranchisement  for 
reasons  of  color  alone  as  unfair,  un-American,  and  repugnant  to 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land. 

Civil  Service.— We  reaffirm  our  declarations  that  the  civil 
service  laws,  enacted,  extended,  and  enforced  by  the  Republi- 
can party,  shall  continue  to  be  maintained  and  obeyed. 

Natural  Resources  and  Waterways.— We  indorse  the  movement 
Inaugurated  by  the  Administration  for  the  co-operative  conserva- 
tion of  natural  resources;  we  approve  all  measures  to  prevent 
the  waste  of  timber  and  commend  the  work  now  going  on  for 
the  reclamation  of  arid  lands,  and  reaffirm  the  Republican 
policy  of  free  distribution  of  the  available  areas  of  the  public 
domain  to  the  landless  settler.  No  obligation  of  the  future  I* 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     GOT 

more  insistent,  and  none  will  result  in  greater  blessings  to 
posterity.  In  line  with  this  splendid  undertaking  is  the  further 
duty,  equally  imperative,  to  enter  upon  a  systematic  improve- 
ment upon  a  large  and  comprehensive  plan,  just  to  all  portions 
of  the  country,  of  the  waterways,  harbors,  and  great  lakes, 
whose  natural  adaptability  to  the  increasing  traffic  of  the  land 
is  one  of  the  greatest  gifts  of  a  benign  Providence. 

Army  and  Navy. — The  present  Congress  passed  many  com- 
mendable acts  increasing  the  efficiency  of  the  Army  and  Navy; 
making  the  militia  of  the  States  an  integral  part  of  the  National 
establishment;  authorizing  joint  manoeuvres  of  the  Army  and 
militia;  fortifying  new  naval  bases  and  completing  the  con- 
struction of  coaling  stations;  instituting  a  female  nurse  corps 
for  naval  hospitals  and  ships,  and  adding  two  new  battleships, 
ten  torpedo  boat  destroyers,  three  steam  colliers,  and  eight 
submarines  to  the  strength  of  the  Navy.  Although  at  peace 
with  all  the  world,  and  secure  in  the  consciousness  that  the 
American  people  do  not  desire  and  will  not  provoke  a  war  with 
any  other  country,  we  nevertheless  declare  our  unalterable  de- 
votion to  a  policy  that  will  keep  this  Republic  ready  at  all  times 
to  defend  her  traditional  doctrines,  and  assure  her  appropriate 
part  in  promoting  permanent  tranquillity  among  the  nations. 

Protection  of  American  Citizenship  Abroad. — We  commend  the 
vigorous  efforts  made  by  the  Administration  to  protect  American 
citizens  in  foreign  lands,  and  pledge  ourselves  to  insist  upon  the 
Just  and  equal  protection  of  all  our  citizens  abroad.  It  is  the 
unquestioned  duty  of  the  Government  to  procure  for  all  our 
citizens,  without  distinction,  the  rights  of  travel  and  sojourn 
in  friendly  countries,  and  we  declare  ourselves  in  favor  of  all 
proper  efforts  tending  to  that  end. 

Extension  of  Foreign  Commerce. — Under  the  administration  of 
the  Republican  Party  the  foreign  commerce  of  the  United  States 
has  experienced  a  remarkable  growth  until  it  has  a  present 
annual  valuation  of  approximately  three  billions  of  dollars  and 
gives  employment  to  a  vast  amount  of  labor  and  capital,  which 
would  otherwise  be  idle.  It  has  inaugurated  through  the  recent 
visit  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  South  America  and  Mexico  a 
new  era  of  pan- American  commerce  and  comity  which  is  bring- 
ing us  into  closer  touch  with  our  twenty  sister  American  repub- 
lics, having  a  common  historical  heritage,  a  Republican  form  of 
government,  and  offering  us  a  limitless  field  of  legitimate  com- 
mercial expansion. 

Arbitration  and  The  Hague  Treaties. — The  conspicuous  contri- 
butions of  American  statesmanship  to  the  great  cause  of  inter- 
national peace,  so  signally  advanced  in  The  Hague  Conference, 
are  an  occasion  for  just  pride  and  gratification.  At  the  last  ses- 
sion of  the  Senate  of  the  United  States  eleven  Hague  conven- 
tions were  ratified,  establishing  the  rights  of  neutrals,  laws  of 
war  on  land,  restriction  of  submarine  mines,  limiting  of  force 
for  the  collection  of  contractual  debts,  governing  the  opening 
of  hostilities,  extending  the  application  of  Geneva  principles, 
and  in  many  ways  lessening  the  evils  of  war  and  promoting  the 
peaceful  settlement  of  international  controversies.  At  the  same 
session  twelve  arbitration  conventions  with  great  nations  were 


608     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

confirmed,  and  extradition,  boundary,  and  naturalization  treaties 
of  supreme  importance  were  ratified.  We  indorse  such  achieve- 
ments as  the  highest  duty  a  nation  can  perform,  and  proclaim 
the  obligation  of  further  strengthening  the  bonds  of  friendship 
and  good-will  with  all  the  nations  of  the  world. 

Aid  for  the  Merchant  Marine.— We  adhere  to  the  Republican 
doctrine  of  encouragement  to  American  shipping,  and  urge  such 
legislation  as  will  revive  the  merchant  marine  prestige  of  the 
country  so  essential  to  National  defense,  the  enlargement  of 
foreign  trade,  and  the  industrial  prosperity  of  our  own  people. 

Public  Health.— We  commend  the  efforts  designed  to  secure 
greater  efficiency  in,  and  favor  such  legislation  as  will  effect  thia 
purpose. 

Veterans  of  the  War.— Another  Republican  policy  which  must 
be  ever  maintained  is  that  of  generous  provision  for  those  who 
have  fought  the  country's  battles  and  for  the  widows  and 
orphans  of  those  who  have  fallen.  We  commend  the  increase 
In  the  widow's  pension  made  by  the  last  Congress,  and  declare 
for  a  liberal  administration  of  all  pension  laws,  to  the  end  that 
the  people's  gratitude  may  grow  deeper  as  the  memories  of  he- 
roic sacrifice  grow  more  sacred  with  the  passing  years. 

Bureau  of  Mines  and  Mining, — In  the  interest  of  the  great 
mineral  industries  of  our  country  we  earnestly  favor  the  estab- 
lishment of  a  bureau  of  mines  and  mining. 

Cuba,  Porto  Rico,  Philippines,  and  Panama.— The  American 
Government,  in  Republican  hands,  has  freed  Cuba,  given  peace 
and  protection  to  Porto  Rico  and  the  Philippines,  under  our 
flag,  and  begun  the  construction  of  the  Panama  Canal.  The 
present  conditions  in  Cuba  vindicate  the  wisdom  of  maintaining 
between  that  republic  and  this  imperishable  bonds  of  mutual 
interest,  and  the  hope  is  now  expressed  that  the  Cuban  people 
will  soon  again  be  ready  to  assume  complete  sovereignty  over 
their  land. 

In  Porto  Rico  the  Government  of  the  United  States  is  meeting 
loyal  and  patriotic  support;  order  and  prosperity  prevail,  and 
the  well-being  of  the  people  is  in  every  respect  promoted  and  is 
conserved. 

We  believe  that  the  native  inhabitants  of  Porto  Rico  should 
be  at  once  collectively  made  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and 
that  all  others  properly  qualified  under  existing  laws  residing 
in  said  island  should  have  the  privilege  of  becoming  natural- 
ized. 

In  the  Philippines  insurrection  has  been  suppressed,  law  is 
established,  and  life  and  property  made  secure.  Education  and 
practical  experience  are  there  advancing  the  capacity  of  the 
people  for  government,  and  the  policies  of  McKinley  and  Roose- 
velt are  leading  the  inhabitants  step  by  step  to  an  ever-increas- 
ing measure  of  home  rule. 

Time  has  Justified  the  selection  of  the  Panama  route  for  the 
great  Isthmian  Canal,  and  events  have  shown  the  wisdom  of 
securing  authority  over  the  zone  through  which  it  is  to  be  built. 
Tho  work  is  now  progressing  with  a  rapidity  and  energy  far 
beyond  expectation,  and  already  the  realization  of  a  century's 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     609 

hopes   of   centuries   has   come   within   the   vision  of   the   near 
future. 

New  Mexico  and  Arizona.— We  favor  the  immediate  admission 
of  the  Territories  of  New  Mexico  and  Arizona  as  separate 
States  in  the  Union. 

Centenary  of  the  Birth  of  Lincoln.— February  12,  1909,  will  be 
the  one  hundredth  anniversary  of  the  birth  of  Abraham  Lincoln, 
an  immortal  spirit  whose  fame  has  brightened  with  the  receding 
years,  and  whose  name  stands  among  the  first  of  those  given 
to  the  world  by  the  great  republic.  We  recommend  that  this 
centennial  anniversary  be  celebrated  throughout  the  confines  of 
the  Nation  by  all  the  people  thereof;  and  especially  by  the  public 
schools  as  an  exercise  to  stir  the  patriotism  of  the  youth  of  the 
land. 

Democratic  Incapacity.— We  call  the  attention  of  the  American 
people  to  the  fact  that  none  of  the  great  measures  here  advo- 
cated by  the  Republican  party  could  be  enacted  and  none  of  the 
steps  forward  here  proposed  could  be  taken  under  a  Demo- 
cratic Administration  or  under  one  in  which  party  responsibility 
is  divided.  The  continuance  of  present  policies,  therefore,  abso- 
lutely requires  the  continuance  in  power  of  the  party  thac 
believes  in  them  and  that  possesses  the  capacity  to  put  them 
into  operation. 

Fundamental  Differences  Between  Democracy  and  Republi- 
canism.— Beyond  all  platform  declarations,  there  are  funda- 
mental differences  between  the  Republican  party  and  its  chief 
opponent  which  make  the  one  worthy  and  the  other  unworthy  of 
public  trust. 

In  history  the  difference  between  Democracy  and  Republican- 
ism is  that  the  one  stood  for  a  debased  currency,  the  other  for 
honest  currency;  the  one  for  free  silver,  the  other  for  sound 
money;  the  one  for  free  trade,  the  other  for  protection;  the  one 
for  the  contraction  of  American  influence,  the  other  for  its  ex- 
pansion; the  one  has  been  forced  to  abandon  every  position 
taken  on  the  great  issues  before  the  people,  the  other  has  held 
and  vindicated  all. 

In  experience,  the  difference  between  Democracy  and  Repub- 
licanism is  that  one  means  adversity,  while  the  other  means 
prosperity;  one  means  low  wages,  the  other  means  high;  one 
means  doubt  and  debt,  the  other  means  confidence  and  thrift. 

In  principle,  the  difference  between  Democracy  and  Republi- 
canism is  that  one  stands  for  vacillation  and  timidity  in  gov- 
ernment, the  other  for  strength  and  purpose;  one  stands  for 
obstruction,  the  other  for  construction;  one  promises,  the  other 
performs;  one  finds  fault,  the  other  finds  work. 

The  present  tendencies  of  the  two  parties  are  even  more 
marked  by  inherent  differences.  The  trend  of  Democracy  is 
toward  Socialism,  while  the  Republican  party  stands  for  a  wise 
and  regulated  individualism.  Socialism  would  destroy  wealth, 
Republicanism  would  prevent  its  abuse.  Socialism  would  give 
to  each  an  equal  right  to  take;  Republicanism  would  give  to 
each  an  equal  right  to  earn.  Socialism  would  offer  equality  of 
possession,  which  would  soon  leave  no  one  anything  to  possess 
Republicanism  would  give  equality  of  opportunity,  which  would 


610     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 


-ssss? 


Democracy  would  have  the  Nation  own  the  people,  while  Re- 
publicanism would  have  the  people  own  the  Nation. 

Upon  this  platform  of  principles  and  purposes,  reaffirming  our 
adherence  to  every  Republican  doctrine  proclaimed  since  the 
birth  of  the  party,  we  go  before  the  country,  asking  the  support 
not  only  of  those  who  have  acted  with  us  heretofore,  but  of  all 
our  fellow-  citizens  who,  regardless  of  past  political  differences, 
mite  in  the  desire  to  maintain  the  policies,  perpetuate  the 
blessings,  and  make  secure  the  achievements  of  a  greater 
America. 

NATIONAL   INDEPENDENCE   PLATFOKM. 
ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO,  ILL.,  JULY  29,  1908. 

We,  the  Independent  American  citizens  representing  the 
Independent  party  in  forty-four  States  and  two  Territories, 
have  met  in  National  Convention  to  nominate,  absolutely  inde- 
pendent of  all  other  political  parties,  candidates  for  President 
and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States. 

Our  action  is  based  upon  a  determination  to  wrest  the  con- 
duct of  public  affairs  from  the  hands  of  selfish  interests,  politi- 
cal tricksters  and  corrupt  bosses,  and  make  the  Government, 
as  the  founders  intended,  an  agency  for  the  common  good. 

At  a  period  of  unexampled  national  prosperity  and  promise 
a  staggering  blow  was  dealt  to  legitimate  business  by  the  un- 
molested practice  of  stock-watering  and  dishonest  financiering. 
Multitudes  of  defenseless  investors,  thousands  of  honest  busi- 
ness men  and  an  army  of  idle  workingmen  are  paying  the 
penalty. 

Year  by  year,  fostered  by  wauceful  and  reckless  governmental 
extravagance,  by  the  manipulation  of  trusts  and  by  a  privilege 
creating  tariff,  the  cost  of  living  mounts  higher  and  higher. 
Day  by  day  the  control  of  the  Government  drifts  further  away 
from  the  people  and  more  firmly  into  the  grip  of  machine  poli- 
ticians and  party  bosses. 

The  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  are  not  only  responsi- 
ble for  these  conditions,  but  are  committed  to  their  indefinite 
continuance.  Prodigal  of  promises,  they  are  so  barren  of  per- 
formance that  to  a  new  party  of  independent  voters  the  country 
must  look  for  the  establishment  of  a  new  policy  and  a  return  to 
genuine  popular  government. 

To  Restore  Nation's  Principles.  -Our  object  is  not  to  introduce 
Tiolent  Innovations  or  startling  new  theories.  We,  of  the  Inde- 
pendent party,  look  back,  as  Lincoln  did,  to  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  as  the  fountain-head  of  all  political  inspiration. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     611 

It  is  not  our  purpose  to  attempt  to  revolutionize  the  American 
system  of  government,  but  to  restore  the  action  of  the  govern- 
ment to  the  principles  of  Washington  and  Jefferson  and  Lin- 
coln. 

It  is  not  our  purpose,  either,  to  effect  a  radical  change  In  the 
American  system  of  government,  but  to  conserve  for  the  citizens 
of  the  United  States  their  privileges  and  liberties  won  for  them 
by  the  founders  of  this  Government,  and  to  perpetuate  the 
principles  and  policies  upon  which  the  Nation's  greatness  has 
been  built. 

The  Independence  party  is,  therefore,  a  conservative  force  in 
American  politics,  devoted  to  the  preservation  of  American 
liberty  and  independence  and  to  honesty  in  elections,  to  oppor- 
tunity in  business  and  to  equality  before  the  law.  Those  who 
believe  in  the  Independence  party  and  work  with  it  are  con- 
vinced that  a  genuine  democracy  should  exist,  that  a  true  re- 
publican form  of  government  should  continue,  that  the  power 
of  government  should  rest  with  the  majority  of  the  people,  and 
that  the  government  should  be  conducted  for  the  benefit  of  the 
whole  citizenship  rather  than  for  the  special  advantages  of  any 
particular  class. 

For  Direct  Nominations. — As  of  first  importance  in  order  to 
restore  the  power  of  government  to  the  people,  to  make  their 
will  supreme  in  the  primaries,  in  the  elections  and  in  the  control 
of  public  officials  after  they  have  been  elected,  we  declare  for 
direct  nominations,  the  initiative  and  referendum  and  the  right 
to  recall. 

It  is  idle  to  cry  out  against  the  evil  of  bossism  while  we 
perpetuate  a  system  under  which  the  boss  is  inevitable.  The 
destruction  of  an  individual  boss  is  of  little  value. 

The  people  in  their  politics  must  establish  a  system  which 
will  eliminate  not  only  an  objectionable  boss,  but  the  system  of 
bossism. 

Representative  government  is  made  a  mockery  by  the  system 
of  modern  party  conventions  dominated  by  bosses  and  controlled 
by  cliques. 

We  demand  the  natural  remedy  of  direct  nominations  by  which 
the  people  not  only  elect,  but,  which  is  far  more  important, 
select  their  representatives. 

We  believe  in  the  principles  of  initiative  and  referendum. 
We  particularly  demand  that  no  franchise  grab  go  into  operation 
until  terms  and  conditions  have  been  approved  by  popular  vote 
in  the  locality  interested. 

We  demand  for  the  people  the  right  to  recall  public  officials 
in  the  public  service.  The  power  to  make  public  officials  resides 
in  the  people,  and  in  them  also  should  reside  the  power  to  un- 
make and  remove  from  office  any  official  who  demonstrates  his 
unfitness  or  betrays  the  public  trust. 

Money  in  Campaigns.— Of  next  importance  in  destroying  the 
power  of  selfish  special  interests  and  the  corrupt  political  bosses 
whom  they  control  is  to  wrest  from  their  hands  their  main 
weapon,  the  corruption  fund.  We  demand  severe  and  effective 
legislation  against  all  forms  of  corrupt  practices  at  election* 
and  advocate  prohibiting  the  use  of  any  money  at  elections  «x- 


612     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

cept  for  meetings,  literature  and  the  necessary  traveling  ex- 
penses of  candidates.  Bidding  for  votes,  the  Republican  and 
Democratic  candidates  are  making  an  outcry  about  publicity  of 
contributions,  although  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties 
have  for  years  consistently  blocked  every  effort  to  pass  a 
corrupt  practices  act.  Publicity  of  contributions  is  desirable 
and  should  be  required,  but  the  main  matter  of  importance  is 
the  use  to  which  contributions  are  put. 

We  believe  that  the  dishonest  use  of  money  in  the  past, 
whether  contributed  by  individuals  or  by  corporations,  has 
been  chiefly  responsible  for  the  corruption  which  has  undermined 
our  system  of  popular  government. 

We  demand  honest  conduct  of  public  officers  and  businesslike, 
economical  administration  of  public  affairs,  and  we  condemn  the 
gross  extravagance  of  the  Federal  Administration  and  its  ap- 
palling annual  increase  in  appropriations.  Unnecessary  appro- 
priations mean  unnecessary  taxes,  and  unnecessary  taxes, 
whether  direct  or  indirect,  are  paid  by  the  people  and  add  to  the 
Increasing  cost  of  living. 

We  condemn  the  evil  of  overcapitalization.  Modern  indus- 
trial conditions  make  the  corporation  and  stock  company  a 
necessity,  but  overcapitalization  in  corporations  is  as  harmful 
and  criminal  as  is  personal  dishonesty  in  an  individual.  Com- 
pelling the  payment  of  dividends  upon  great  sums  that  have 
never  been  invested,  upon  masses  of  watered  stock  not  justified 
by  the  property,  overcapitalization  prevents  the  better  wages, 
the  better  public  service  and  the  lower  cost  that  should  result 
from  American  inventive  genius  and  that  wide  organization 
which  is  replacing  costly  individual  competition.  The  collapse 
of  dishonestly  inflated  enterprises  robs  investors,  closes  banks, 
destroys  confidence  and  engenders  panics. 

The  Independence  party  advocates  as  a  primary  necessity  for 
sounder  business  conditions  and  improved  public  service  the 
enactment  of  laws,  State  and  national,  to  prevent  watering  of 
stock,  dishonest  issues  of  bonds  and  other  forms  of  corporate 
frauds. 

Labor  Plank  Buncombe.— We  denounce  the  so-called  labor 
planks  of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  platforms  as  political 
buncombe  and  contemptible  clap-trap  unworthy  of  national  par- 
ties claiming  to  be  serious  and  sincere. 

The  Republican  declaration  that  "no  injunction  or  temporary 
restraining  order  should  be  issued  without  notice,  except  where 
Irreparable  injury  would  result  from  delay,"  is  empty  verbiage, 

r  a  showing  of  irreparable  injury  can  always  be  made  and  i3 
always  made  in  ex  parte  affidavits. 

The  Democratic  declaration  that  "injunctions  should  not  be 

I  in  any  case  in  which  injunctions  would  not  issue  if  no 

istrial  dispute  were   involved"  is  meaningless   and  worth- 

I* • S'v 

Such  insincere  and  meaningless  declarations  place  a  low  esti- 
>on  the  intelligence  of  the  average  American  workingman 
d  exhibit  either  ignorance  of  or  indifference  to  the  real  in- 
terests of  labor. 
The  Independence  party  condemns  the  arbitrary  use  of  the 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     (J13 

writ  of  injunction  and  contempt  proceedings  as  a  violation  of  the 
fundamental  American  right  of  trial  by  jury. 

Demands  Jury  Trial.— From  the  foundation  of  our  Government 
down  to  1872  the  Federal  Judiciary  act  prohibited  the  issue  of 
any  injunction  without  reasonable  notice  until  after  a  hearing. 
We  assert  that  in  all  actions  growing  out  of  a  dispute  between 
employers  and  employes  concerning  terms  or  conditions  of  em- 
ployment no  injunction  should  issue  until  after  a  trial  upon 
the  merits,  that  such  trial  should  be  had  before  a  jury,  and 
that  in  no  case  of  alleged  contempt  should  any  person  be  de- 
prived of  liberty  without  a  trial  by  jury. 

The  Independence  party  believes  that  the  distribution  of 
wealth  is  as  important  as  the  creation  of  wealth,  and  indorses 
those  organizations  among  farmers  and  others  which  tend  to 
bring  about  a  just  distribution  of  wealth  through  good  wages  for 
workers  and  good  prices  for  farmers  and  which  protect  the 
employer  and  the  consumer  through  equality  of  price  for  labor 
and  for  product,  and  we  favor  such  legislation  as  will  remove 
them  from  the  operation  of  the  Sherman  anti-Trust  law. 

We  indorse  the  eight-hour  day,  favor  its  application  to  all 
Government  employes  and  demand  the  enactment  of  laws  re- 
quiring that  all  work  done  for  the  Government,  whether  Fed- 
eral or  State,  and  whether  done  directly  or  indirectly  through 
contractors  or  sub-contractors,  shall  be  done  on  an  eight-hour 
basis. 

We  favor  the  enactment  of  a  law  condemning  as  illegal  any 
combination  or  conspiracy  to  blacklist  employes. 

We  demand  protection  for  workmen  through  enforced  use  of 
standard  safety  appliances  and  provision  of  hygienic  conditions 
in  the  operation  of  factories,  railways,  mills,  mines  and  all  in- 
dustrial undertakings. 

Against  Child  Labor.— We  advocate  State  and  Federal  inspec- 
tion of  railways  to  secure  a  greater  safety  for  railway  employes 
and  for  the  traveling  public. 

We  call  for  the  enactment  of  stringent  laws  fixing  employers' 
liabilities  and  a  rigid  prohibition  of  child  labor  through  co- 
operation between  the  State  Governments  and  the  National  Gov- 
ernment. 

We  condemn  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  prison-made  goods 
in  the  open  market  in  competition  with  free-labor  manufactured 
goods.  We  demand  that  convicts  be  employed  directly  by  the 
different  States  in  the  manufacture  of  products  for  use  in  State 
institutions,  and  in  making  good  roads,  and  in  no  case  shall 
convicts  be  hired  out  to  contractors  or  sub-contractors. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  Department  of  Labor,  including 
mines  and  mining,  the  head  of  which  shall  be  a  member  of  tho 
President's  Cabinet. 

The  great  abuses  of  grain  inspection,  by  which  the  produce 
are  plundered,  demand  immediate  and  vigorous  correction.    To 
that  end  we  favor  Federal  inspection  under  a  strict  Civil 

V1TheaVIndependence    party    declares    that    the    right    to    issue 
money  is  inherent  in  the  Government,  and  it  favors  the  estab- 


614     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

lishment  of  a  central  governmental  bank  through  which  the 
money  so  Issued  shall  be  put  into  general  circulation. 

For  Tariff  Revision.— We  demand  a  revision  of  the  tariff,  not 
by  the  friends  of  the  tariff,  but  by  the  friends  of  the  people,  and 
declare  for  a  gradual  reduction  of  tariff  duties  with  just  con- 
sideration for  the  rights  of  the  consuming  public  and  of  estab- 
lished industry.  There  should  be  no  protection  for  oppressive 
trusts  which  sell  cheaply  abroad  and  take  advantage  of  the 
tariff  at  home  to  crush  competition,  raise  prices,  control  pro- 
duction and  limit  work  and  wages. 

The  railroads  must  be  kept  open  to  all  upon  exactly  equal 
terms.  Every  form  of  rebate  and  discrimination  in  railroad 
rates  is  a  crime  against  business  and  must  be  stamped  out. 
We  demand  adequate  railroad  facilities  and  advocate  a  bill  em- 
powering shippers  in  time  of  need  to  compel  railroads  to  pro- 
vide sufficient  cars  for  freight  and  passenger  traffic  and  other 
railroad  facilities  through  summary  appeal  to  the  courts. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  an  inter-State  commerce  court,  whose 
sole  function  it  shall  be  to  review  speedily  and  enforce  sum- 
marily the  orders  of  the  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission. 

The  Inter-State  Commerce  Commission  has  the  power  to 
initiate  investigation  into  the  reasonableness  of  rates  and  prac- 
tices, and  no  increase  in  rates  should  be  put  into  effect  until 
opportunity  for  such  investigation  is  afforded.  The  Inter-State 
Commerce  Commission  should  proceed  at  once  with  a  physical 
valuation  of  railroads  engaged  in  inter-State  commerce. 

Urges  Strong  Anti-Trust  Law.— We  believe  that  legitimate 
organizations  in  business  designed  to  secure  an  economy  of 
operation  and  increased  production  are  beneficial  wherever  the 
public  participates  in  the  advantages  which  result. 

We  denounce  all  combinations  for  restraint  of  trade  and  for 
the  establishment  of  monopoly  in  all  products  of  labor,  and 
declare  that  such  combinations  are  not  combinations  for  pro- 
duction, but  for  extortion,  and  that  activity  in  this  direction  is 
not  Industry,  but  robbery. 

In  case  of  infractions  of  the  Anti-Trust  law  or  Inter-Staie 
Commerce  act,  we  believe  in  the  enforcement  of  a  prison  penalty 
against  the  guilty  and  responsible  individuals  controlling  the 
management  of  the  offending  corporations,  rather  than  a  fine 
imposed  upon  stockholders. 

We  advocate  the  extension  of  the  principle  of  public  owner- 
ship for  public  utilities,  including  railroads,  as  rapidly  as  mu- 
nicipal, State  or  National  Government  shall  demonstrate  ability 
to  conduct  public  utilities  for  the  public  benefit.  We  favor  spe- 
cifically government  ownership  of  the  telegraphs,  such  as  pre- 
vails in  every  other  civilized  country  in  the  world,  and  demand 
as  an  immediate  measure  that  the  Government  shall  purchase 
and  operate  the  telegraphs  in  connection  with  the  postal  ser- 
Tlce. 

The  parcels  post  system  should  be  rapidly  and  widely  ex- 
tended, and  Government  postal  savings  banks  should  be  estab- 
lished where  people's  deposits  will  be  secure,  the  money  to  be 
loaned  to  the  people  in  the  locality  of  the  several  banks  and  at 
a  rate  of  interest  to  be  fixed  by  the  Government. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     615 

We  favor  the  immediate  development  of  a  national  system  of 
good  roads  connecting  all  States  and  national  aid  to  States  in 
the  construction  and  maintenance  of  post  roads. 

We  favor  a  court  review  of  the  censorship  and  arbitrary 
rulings  of  the  Post  Office  Department. 

We  advocate  such  legislation,  both  State  and  national,  as  will 
suppress  the  bucketshop  and  prohibit  the  fictitious  selling  of 
farm  products  for  future  delivery. 

We  favor  the  creation  of  a  Department  of  Public  Health, 
to  be  presided  over  by  a  member  of  the  medical  profession,  thto 
department  to  exercise  authority  over  matters  of  public  health, 
hygiene  and  sanitation  which  come  properly  within  the  Jurisdic- 
tion of  the  National  Government  and  do  not  interfere  with  the 
rights  of  States  or  municipalities. 

Opposes  Asiatic  Immigration.— We  oppose  Asiatic  immigration, 
which  does  not  amalgamate  with  our  population,  creates  race 
issues  and  un-American  conditions  and  which  reduces  wages  and 
tends  to  lower  the  high  standard  of  living  and  the  high  standard 
of  morality  which  American  civilization  has  established.  We 
demand  the  passage  of  an  exclusion  act  which  shall  protect 
American  workingmen  from  competition  with  Asiatic  cheap 
labor  and  which  shall  protect  American  civilization  from  the 
contamination  of  Asiatic  conditions. 

The  Independence  party  declares  for  peace  and  against  ag- 
gression, and  will  promote  the  movement  for  the  settlement  of 
international  disputes  by  arbitration. 

We  believe,  however,  that  a  small  navy  is  poor  economy,  and 
that  a  strong  navy  is  the  best  protection  in  time  of  war  and  the 
best  preventive  of  war.  We,  therefore,  favor  the  speedy  build- 
ing of  a  navy  sufficiently  strong  to  protect  at  the  same  time  both 
the  Atlantic  and  Pacific  coasts  of  the  United  States. 

We  rejoice  in  the  adoption  by  both  the  Democratic  and  Re- 
publican platforms  of  the  demand  of  the  Independence  party  for 
improved  national  waterways  and  the  Mississippi  inland  deep 
waterways  project,  to  complete  a  ship  canal  from  the  Gulf  to  the 
Great  Lakes.  We  favor  the  extension  of  this  system  to  the 
tributaries  of  the  Mississippi,  by  means  of  which  thirty  States 
shall  be  served  and  twenty  thousand  miles  added  to  the  coast 
line  of  the  United  States. 

The  reclamation  of  arid  lands  should  be  continued  and  the 
irrigation  commission  now  contemplated  by  the  Government  ex- 
tended and  steps  taken  for  the  conservation  of  the  country's 
natural  resources,  which  should  be  guarded  not  only  against 
devastation  and  waste,  but  against  falling  into  the  control  of 
monopoly. 

Protection  of  Public  Lands.— The  abuses  growing  out  of  the 
administration  of  our  forest  preserves  must  be  corrected  and 
provision  should  be  made  for  free  grazing  from  public  lands 
outside  of  forest  or  other  reservation.  In  behalf  of  the  people 
residing  in  arid  portions  of  our  Western  States  we  protest 
vigorously  against  the  policy  of  the  Federal  Government  in 
selling  the  exclusive  use  of  water  and  electric  powers  derived 
from  public  works  to  private  corporations,  thus  creating  a  mo- 
nopoly and  subjecting  citizens  living  in  these  sections  to  ex- 


616     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

orbitant  charges  for  light  and  power  and  diverting  enterprises 
SrigiSly  started  for  public  benefit  into  channels  for  corporate 
greed  and  oppression,  and  we  demand  that  no  more  exclusive 

C°AmericanecUizens  abroad,  whether  native  born  or  naturalized, 
and  of  whatever  race  or  creed,  must  be  secured  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  all  rights  and  privileges  under  our  treaties,  and  wher- 
ever such  rights  are  withheld  by  any  country  on  the  ground  of 
race  or  religious  faith  steps  should  be  taken  to  secure  the  re- 
moval of  such  unjust  discrimination. 

Popular  Election  Plank.— "We  advocate  the  popular  election  of 
United  States  Senators  and  of  judges,  both  State  and  Federal, 
and  favor  a  graduated  income  tax  and  any  constitutional 
amendments  necessary  to  these  ends. 

Equality  and  opportunity,  the  largest  measure  of  individual 
liberty  consistent  with  equal  rights,  the  overthrow  of  the  rule 
of  special  interest  and  the  restoration  of  government  by  the 
majority  exercised  for  the  benefit  of  the  whole  community— 
these  are  the  purposes  to  which  the  Independence  party  is 
pledged,  and  we  invite  the  co-operation  of  all  patriotic  and  all 
progressive  citizens,  irrespective  of  party,  who  are  in  sympathy 
with  these  principles  and  in  favor  of  their  practical  enforce- 
ment. 


NATIONAL  PEOHIBITION  PLATFOEM. 


ADOPTED  AT  COLUMBUS,  OHIO,  JULY  16,  1908. 

The  Prohibition  party  of  the  United  States,  assembled  in  con- 
vention at  Columbus,  Ohio,  July  15-16,  1908,  expressing  gratitude 
to  Almighty  God  for  the  victories  of  our  principles  in  the  past, 
for  encouragement  at  present,  and  for  confidence  of  early  and 
triumphant  success  in  the  future,  makes  the  following  decla- 
ration of  principles  and  pledges  the  enactment  into  law  when 
placed  in  power: 

The  submission  by  Congress  to  the  several  States  of  an 
amendment  to  the  Federal  Constitution  prohibiting  the  manu- 
facture, sale,  importation,  exportation,  or  transportation  of  alco- 
holic liquors  for  beverage  purposes. 

The  immediate  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  for  beverage 
purposes  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  in  the  Territories,  and  all 
places  over  which  the  National  Government  has  jurisdiction, 
the  repeal  of  the  internal  revenue  tax  on  alcoholic  liquors,  and 
the  prohibition  of  the  inter-State  traffic  there. 

The  election  of  the  United  States  Senator  by  direct  vote  of  the 
people. 

Equitable  graduated  income  and  inheritance  taxes. 

The  establishment  of  postal  savings  banks  and  the  guarantee 
of  deposits  in  banks. 

The  regulation  of  all  corporations  doing  an  inter-State  com- 
merce business. 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     G17 

The  creation  of  a  permanent  tariff  commission. 

The  strict  enforcement  of  law  instead  of  the  official  toleranco 
and  practical  license  of  the  social  evil  which  prevails  in  many 
of  our  cities. 

Uniform  marriage  and  divorce  laws. 

An  equitable  and  constitutional  employers'  liability  act. 

Court  review  of  Post  Office  Department  decisions. 

The  prohibition  of  child  labor  in  mines,  workshops  and  fac- 
tories. 

Legislation  basing  suffrage  only  upon  intelligence  and  ability 
to  read  and  write  the  English  language. 

The  preservation  of  the  mineral  and  forest  resources  of  the 
country  and  the  improvement  of  the  highways  and  waterways. 

Believing  in  the  righteousness  of  our  cause  and  in  the  final 
triumph  of  our  principles,  and  convinced  of  the  unwillingness 
of  the  Republican  and  Democratic  parties  to  deal  with  these 
issues,  we  invite  to  full  party  fellowship  all  citizens  who  are 
with  us  agreed. 


NATIONAL  SOCIALIST  PARTY  PLATFORM. 


ADOPTED  AT  CHICAGO;.  ILL.,  MAY  13,  1908. 

The  Socialist  party,  in  National  Convention  assembled,  again 
declares  itself  as  the  party  of  the  working  class,  and  appeals 
for  the  support  of  all  workers  of  the  United  States  and  of  all 
citizens  who  sympathize  with  the  great  and  just  cause  of  labor. 

We  are  at  this  moment  in  the  midst  of  one  of  those  industrial 
breakdowns  that  periodically  paralyze  the  life  of  the  Nation. 
The  much-boasted  era  of  our  national  prosperity  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  one  of  general  misery.  Factories,  mills,  and  mines 
are  closed.  Millions  of  men,  ready,  willing  and  able  to  provide 
the  Nation  with  all  the  necessaries  and  comforts  of  life  are 
forced  into  idleness  and  starvation. 

Within  recent  times  the  trusts  and  monopolies  have  attained 
an  enormous  and  menacing  development.  They  have  acquir  1 
the  power  to  dictate  the  terms  upon  which  we  shall  be  allowed 
to  live.  The  trusts  fix  the  prices  of  our  bread,  meat,  and  sugar, 
of  our  coal,  oil,  and  clothing,  of  our  raw  material  and  ma- 
chinery, of  all  the  necessities  of  life. 

The  present  desperate  condition  of  the  workers  has  been  mado 
the  opportunity  for  a  renewed  onslaught  on  organized  labor. 
The  highest  courts  of  the  country  have  within  the  last  year 
rendered  decision  after  decision  depriving  the  workers  of  rights 
which  they  had  won  by  generations  of  struggle. 

The  attempt  to  destroy  the  Western  Federation  of  Miners, 
although  defeated  by  the  solidarity  of  organized  labor  and  the 
Socialist  movement,  revealed  the  existence  of  a  far-reachinj 
and  unscrupulous  conspiracy  by  the  ruling  class  against  the 
organizations  of  labor. 

In  their  efforts  to  take  the  lives  of  the  leaders  of  the  miners 


618     DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

the  conspirators  violated  State  laws  and  the  Federal  Constitution 
in  a  manner  seldom  equaled  even  in  a  country  so  completely 
dominated  by  the  profit-seeking  class  as  is  the  United  States. 

The  Congress  of  the  United  States  has  shown  its  contempt  for 
the  interests  of  labor  as  plainly  and  unmistakably  as  have  the 
other  branches  of  government.  The  laws  for  which  the  labor 
organizations  have  continually  petitioned  have  failed  to  pass. 
Laws  ostensibly  enacted  for  the  benefit  of  labor  have  been  dis- 
torted against  labor. 

The  working  class  of  the  United  States  cannot  expect  any 
remedy  for  its  wrongs  from  the  present  ruling  claps  or  from 
the  dominant  parties.  So  long  as  a  small  number  of  individuals 
are  permitted  to  control  the  source  of  the  Nation's  wealth  for 
their  private  profit  in  competition  with  each  other  and  for  the 
exploitation  of  their  fellowmen,  industrial  depressions  are  bound 
to  occur  at  certain  intervals.  No  currency  reforms  or  other 
legislative  measures  proposed  by  capitalist  reformers  can  avail 
against  these  fatal  results  of  utter  anarchy  in  production. 

Individual  competition  leads  inevitably  to  combinations  and 
trusts.  No  amount  of  Government  regulation,  or  of  publicity, 
or  of  restrictive  legislation  will  arrest  the  natural  course  of 
modern  industrial  development. 

While  our  courts,  legislatures  and  executive  offices  remain  in 
the  hands  of  the  ruling  classes  and  their  agents,  the  Government 
will  be  used  in  the  interest  of  these  classes  as  against  the 
toilers. 

Political  parties  are  but  the  expression  of  economic  class  in- 
terests. The  Republican,  the  Democratic,  and  the  so-called 
"Independence"  parties  and  all  parties  other  than  the  Socialist 
party,  are  financed,  directed,  and  controlled  by  the  representa- 
tives of  different  groups  of  the  ruling  class. 

In  the  maintenance  of  class  government  both  the  Democratic 
and  Republican  parties  have  been  equally  guilty.  The  Republi- 
can party  has  had  control  of  the  National  Government  and  has 
been  directly  and  actively  responsible  for  these  wrongs.  The 
Democratic  party,  while  saved  from  direct  responsibility  by  its 
political  impotence,  has  shown  itself  equally  subservient  to  the 
aims  of  the  capitalist  class  whenever  and  wherever  it  has  been 
In  power.  The  old  chattel  slave-owning  aristocracy  of  the  South, 
which  was  the  backbone  of  the  Democratic  party,  has  been  sup- 
planted by  a  child  slave  plutocracy.  In  the  great  cities  of  our 
country  the  Democratic  party  is  allied  with  the  criminal  ele- 
ment of  the  slums  as  the  Republican  party  is  allied  with  the 
predatory  criminals  of  the  palace  in  maintaining  the  interest 
of  the  possessing  class. 

The  various  "reform"  movements  and  parties  which  have 
eprung  up  within  recent  years  are  but  the  clumsy  expression 
of  widespread  popular  discontent.  They  are  not  based  on  an 
intelligent  understanding  of  the  historical  development  of  civili- 
zation and  of  the  economic  and  political  needs  of  our  time.  They 
are  bound  to  perish  as  the  numerous  middle  class  reform  move- 
ments of  the  past  have  perished. 

As  measures  calculated  to  strengthen  the  working  class  in  its 
flght  for  the  realization  of  this  ultimate  aim,  and  to  increase 


DICTIONARY  OF  AMERICAN  POLITICS.     019 

Its  power  of  resistance  against  capitalist  oppression,  we  advo- 
cate and  pledge  ourselves  and  our  elected  officers  to  the  follow- 
ing programme: 

General  Demands.  1— The  immediate  Government  relief  for 
the  unemployed  workers  by  building  schools,  by  reforesting  of 
cutover  and  waste  lands,  by  reclamation  of  arid  tracts,  and  the 
building  of  canals,  and  by  extending  all  other  useful  public 
works.  All  persons  employed  on  such  works  shall  be  employed 
directly  by  the  Government  under  an  eight-hour  work-day  and 
at  the  prevailing  union  wages.  The  Government  shall  also  loan 
money  to  States  and  municipalities  without  interest  for  the 
purpose  of  carrying  on  public  works.  It  shall  contribute  to  the 
funds  of  labor  organizations  for  the  purpose  of  assisting  their 
unemployed  members,  and  shall  take  such  other  measures 
within  its  power  as  will  lessen  the  widespread  misery  of  the 
workers  caused  by  the  misrule  of  the  capitalist  class. 

2 — The  collective  ownership  of  railroads,  telegraphs,  tele- 
phones, steamship  lines  and  all  other  means  of  social  transpor- 
tation and  communication,  and  all  land. 

3— The  collective  ownership  of  all  industries  which  are  or- 
ganized on  a  national  scale  and  in  which  competition  has  vir- 
tually ceased  to  exist. 

4— The  extension  of  the  public  domain  to  include  mines,  quar- 
ries, oil  wells,  forest,  and  water  power. 

&— -The  scientific  reforestation  of  timber  lands,  and  the  rec- 
lamation of  swamp  lands.  The  land  so  reforested  or  reclaimed 
to  be  permanently  retained  as  a  part  of  the  public  domain. 

6 — The  absolute  freedom  of  press,  speech  and  assemblage. 

Industrial  Demands.  1 — The  improvement  of  the  industrial 
condition  of  the  workers. 

(a)-— By  shortening  the  workday  in  keeping  with  the  increased 
productiveness  of  machinery. 

(b)— By  securing  to  every  worker  a  rest  period  of  not  less 
than  a  day  and  a  half  in  each  week. 

(c)— By  securing  a  more  effective  inspection  of  workshops  and 
factories. 

(d)— By  forbidding  the  employment  of  children  under  sixteen 
years  of  age. 

(e) — By  forbidding  the  inter-State  transportation  of  the 
products  of  child  labor,  of  convict  labor,  and  of  all  uninspected 
factories. 

(f)— By  abolishing  official  charity  and  substituting  in  its  place 
compulsory  insurance  against  unemployment,  illness,  accidents, 
invalidism,  old  age,  and  death. 

Political  Demands.  8— The  extension  of  inheritance  taxes, 
graduated  in  proportion  to  the  nearness  of  kin. 

9 — A  graduated  income  tax. 

10 — Unrestricted  and  equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women,  and 
we  pledge  ourselves  to  engage  in  an  active  campaign  in  that 
direction. 

11— The  initiative  and  referendum,  proportional  representation 
and  the  right  of  recall. 

'12— The  abolition  of  the  Senate. 

13— The  abolition  of  the  power  usurped  by  the  Supreme  Court 


620     DICTIONARY  OP  AMERICAN  POLITICS. 

of  the  United  States  to  pass  upon  the  constitutionality  of  legis- 
lation enacted  by  Congress.  National  laws  to  be  repealed  or 
abrogated  only  by  act  of  Congress  or  by  a  referendum  of  the 
whole  people. 

11— That  the  Constitution  be  made  amendable  by  majority 
vote. 

15 — The  enactment  of  further  measures  for  general  education 
and  for  the  conservation  of  health.  The  Bureau  of  Education  to 
be  made  a  department.  The  creation  of  a  department  of  Public 
Health. 

16 — The  separation  of  the  present  Bureau  of  Labor  from  the 
Department  of  Commerce  and  Labor,  and  the  establishment  of  a 
Department  of  Labor. 

17 — That  all  judges  be  elected  by  the  people  for  short  terms, 
and  that  the  power  to  issue  injunctions  shall  be  curbed  by 
immediate  legislation. 

18 — The  free  administration  of  justice. 

Such  measures  of  relief  as  we  may  be  able  t,o  force  from 
capitalism  are  but  a  preparation  of  the  workers  to  seize  the 
whole  powers  of  Government,  in  order  that  they  may  thereby 
lay  hold  of  the  whole  system  of  industry  and  thus  come  to  their 
rightful  inheritance. 


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